IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Ml'     ^^ 


1.0 


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Hiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER, NY.  MSSO 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  MIcroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


D 


D 
D 
D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


a 


Couverture  endommag6e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  peliicuide 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intdrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout^es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte. 
mais.  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6td  filmdes. 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^iiientaires; 


Various  pagingt. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
nu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  ddtaiis 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquis  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 

D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 


□   Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pellicul6es 


Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  ddcoior^es,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 


I      I   Pages  detached/ 


Pages  ddtach^es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  inigale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materif 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaire 


rrri   Showthrough/ 

I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~~1   Includes  supplementary  material/ 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata.  une  pelure. 
etc..  ont  6t6  fiimdes  d  nouveau  de  fagon  A 
oSitenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  '  xiiow/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indii  u6  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


12X 


16X 


/ 


20X 


26X 


30X 


] 


24X 


28X 


32X 


laire 
8  details 
ques  du 
It  modifier 
ilger  une 
e  filmage 


1/ 
udes 


lire 


by  errata 
led  to 

Bnt 

jne  pelure. 

apoiTi  d 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 

The  Images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  In  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  f.,d  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  Included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  In  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1 

2 

3 

L'exemplaire  f ilm*  f ut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
g4n6rosit6  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  AtA  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet6  de  rexemplaire  filmA.  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  orlginaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimie  sont  film6s  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'lllustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
orlginaux  sont  fllmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iilustratlon  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►  signif le  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifle  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  'ableaux.  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fllmAs  A  des  taux  da  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  11  est  fllmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  drolte, 
et  de  haut  en  has,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

■  hintn  J'niii/,   ,V- 1 i, ,^- 1 ,jth  • 


TFIE 


BOOH  OP  THE  INDIANS 


OF 

NORTH    AMERICA: 

COMPRISIXfi 

DETAILS  IN  TIIK  LIVES  OF  AIIOl'T  FIVR   HI'NDREI> 
CHIEFS    AND    OTHERS, 

THE    MOST   DISTINGriSHKD    AMONC!  >flKM. 

A  I.  S  (), 

A  HISTORY  Of  THEHl  WARS;    TIlKin  MaN^VRRS  aVO  CtSTOMS  ;    SHKHXIIKS  Of 

ORATORS,   4c.,    FROM     I'llKfU    Kllisr    DKIMi    KNOWS    To 

EUROPEANS  TU  TllK  PRF-SKNT  TIMK. 

KXHIBITING    ALSO    AN    ANALYSIS    OF    THE    MOST    niSTlNCUISH  H'    AITIIORS 
WHO    HAVE    WRITTEN    UPON    THE    GREAT    QUESTION    OF    THV 

FIRST  PEOPIJNG  OF  AMF^RK  A. 


They  waste  ns,  aye,  like  Aprit  snow. 
In  the  warm  noon  wo  sliriiik  uway  ; 

And  fast  they  follow  an  we  go 
Towards  the  setting  day, 

Till  they  shall  fill  Ihi,-  land,  and  we 

Are  driven  into  the  western  sea Bfvant. 


BY    SAMUEL    G.    DRAKK. 

Member  of  thi'  New-llampshm'  llbturiral  .Sik:«1% 


Boston: 

PUBLISHED    BT    JOSIAH    DRAKE, 

AT    THE    ANTIQUARIAN    BOOKSTORE,   Oti    (OKNMILL. 

1033. 


11 


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we  proi 
history, 

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upon  its 
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treated 
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found  ti 

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Jf  0 


PREFACE. 


Accuracy,  and  minuteness  of  detail,  where  the  subject  seemed 
to  require  it,  have  been  our  land-mark  throughout  this  laborious 
performance.  We  say  laborious ;  but  were  all  readers  antiquarians, 
even  so  much  need  not  have  been  said.  Although  we  have  been 
very  minute,  in  numerous  instances,  in  our  lives  of  chiefs,  yet  there 
are  many  others  in  which  we  gladly  would  have  been  more  so,  if 
materials  could,  at  the  time  of  writing,  have  been  had.  However; 
we  do  not  presume  that  we  arrogate  to  ourselves  too  much,  when 
we  promise  to  give  the  reader  a  much  greater  amount  of  Indian 
history,  than  he  can  elsewhere  find  in  any  tieparate  work. 

The  merits  or  demerits  of  Indian  Bioguaimiy  rest  solely 
upon  its  author,  w*^ose  various  cares  and  avocations,  could  they  be 
known  to  the  critical  reader,  would  cause  him  to  be  sparing  of  his 
criticisms.  We  call  this  the  second  edition,  although  we  have 
treated  the  subject  under  a  new  arrangement,  and  varied  the  title- 
page  a  little.  The  method  of  books  and  chapters  was  adopted, 
mainly  for  the  benefit  of  combining  history  with  biography  ;  and  it 
was  thought  it  would  be  quite  as  convenient  for  reference.  Besides 
containing  all  of  the  first  edition,  which  was  important,  this  will  be 
found  to  contain,  in  addition,  twice  as  much  new  matter. 

Many  names  of  the  same  persons  and  places  will  appear  spelt 
differently  in  various  parts  of  the  work  ;  but  this  our  plan  could  not 
obviate,  because  we  wished  to  preserve  the  orthography  of  each 
author  from  whom  we  extracted,  in  that  particular.  Except  in  quo- 
tations, we  did  intend  to  have  been  uniform  ;  but  we  are  aware  that 
we  have  not  been  entirely  so,  from  several  causes,  which  are  un- 
necessary to  be  named  here. 

It  wae  not  expected  that  a  work  of  this  kind  would  meet  with  a 
ready  sale ;  but  such  was  the  case,  and  the  very  favorable  reception 
with  which  the  first  edition  met,  was  the  cause  of  the  early  appear- 
ance of  this. 

In  general,  the  notes  give  due  credit  to  all  such  as  have  assisted 
the  author  in  any  way  in  his  work.  This  observation  is  intended 
for  the  living;  and  for  their  kindnesses  they  now  have  this  public 
acknowledgment  of  thanks.  As  to  the  works  of  deceased  authors, 
we  have  made  use  of  them  as  public  property,  taking  care  always 
to  cite  them,  except  where  the  same  facts  were  common  to  many. 

There  is  no  work  before  the  public  upon  this  subject,  unleon, 
indeed,  some  juvenile  performances  be  so  considered,  recently  pub- 
lished in  New  York.     Those  we  have  not  particularly  examined. 


Jf  0  (,((> 


LIST  OF  THE  ENGRAVINCa 

1.  Porlrail  facing  tbe  lidc-page. 

t.  Vignette  in  the  title,  which  is  an  accurate  representation  of  a  western 

wasrior,  taken  in  New  York. 
i.  Manner  in  which  Indians  lake  many  kinds  of  game B.  i.    P.  SI 

4.  Marnier  in  which  some  tribes  o*" the  Mississippi  dispose  of  their  dead...  ii.  I 

5.  Distant  view  of  Mount  Hope ii.  16 

€.  Natives  viewing  the  approach  of  an  European  ship ■.  ii.  19 

7.  Flight  of  an  Indian  family o ii.  86 

8.  A  full  length  portrait  of  Pometacom,  alias  King  Philip  of  Mount  Hope.  iii.  IS 

9.  Plan  of  lands  near  Matapoiset,  d.'awn  by  King  Philip iii.  16 

10.  Seat  of  King  Philip,  from  an  accurate  drawing iii.  36 

1 1 .  Two  chiefs  in  the  act  of  co.<cluding  peace iii.  40 

12.  A  Virginia  chief  and  his  squaw  or  wife iv.  1 

13.  Capture  of  Captain  Smith  by  the  warriors  of  Opekankanough iv.  9 

14.  Poca/ion/a<  in  the  act  of  saving  the  life  of  Captain  £mt<A iv.  10 

15.  A  Seminole  hunter  in  the  act  of  shooting  a  deer iv.  26 

16.  Porti  -.lit  of  Chluco  or  the  Long-warrior,  chief  of  the  Scminoles iv.  32 

17.  Return  of  a  hunter  to  his  family  after  a  successful  expedition v.  1 

18.  Manner  in  which  the  Indians  carry  their  game  and  other  articles v.  20 

19.  Portrait  of  Wau>na/i<on,  a  Yanktoan  chief. v.  112 

20.  Portrait  of  0«g7)aton^a,  or  Si^-f/*,  chief  of  the  Omawhaws v.  115 

21.  Portrait  of  Pe<a/es/uf/-oo,  a  Pawnee  brave v.  116 

22.  Portrait  of  ilff-'ea,  a  Pottowaitomie  chief. v.  118 

23.  Portrait  of  Black-hawk,  or  Mucatamishkakaekq,  chief  of  the  Sacs  and 

Foxes V.  122 

24.  Portrait  of  the  Prophet,  or  Wabokieshiek ,  who  accompanied  Black-hawk 

in  his  captivity t.  133 

All  of  the  above  portraits  may  be  relied  upjn  aa  good  likcnesaes,  except  that  of  Philip,  end  v« 
know  nothing  to  the  contrary  but  that  is  alao;  but  wo  rather  bnliuvo  the  tit^nrn  given  for  bia,  a 
repretentation  of  any  New  England  chief  of  ni^  times.  The  diesx,  however,  coirespomis  witk 
»U  doMripUoni  of  him  which  we  have  seen. 


^l 


BOOK    I. 


INTRODUCTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Origin  of  the  name  Indian. — ffliy  applied  to  ,  <  people  found  in  America. 
— Ancient  authors  supposed  to  have  referred  to  Jtmerica  in  their  writings 
— Theopompus-- Voyage  of  Hanno — Diidorua  Sicvlvs — Plato — Ant' 
totle — Seneca. 


The 


name 

,* 


Indian  was  erroneously  applied  Ut  ihc  original  man  of 
.iIMCr!'*-a'  by  its  first  discoverers.  Tha  hope  of  arriving  at  the  East 
Indies  by  sailing  west  caused  the  discovery  of  America.  When  the 
islands  and  continent  were  at  first  discovered,  Columbus,  and  many  after 
him,  supposed  that  they  had  arrived  at  the  eastern  shore  of  the  continent 
of  India,  and  hence  the  people  they  met  with  were  called  Indians.  The 
error  was  not  discovered  until  the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  could 
not  well  be  changed.  It  is  true  that  it  matters  but  little  to  us  by  what 
name  the  indigenes  of  a  country  are  known,  and  especially  those  of 
America,  in  as  far  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  among  us  hut  in  applica- 
tion to  the  aboriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  of  Europe  it  is 
not  so  unimportant.  Situated  between  the  two  countries,  India  and 
America,  the  same  name  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  first,  have 
pru(.'uced  considerable  inconvenience.  Therefore,  in  a  historical  point 
of  view,  l^e  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  deplored  as  that  the  name 
of  the  continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  Ameri\.ua  instead 
of  Colicmbus. 

It  has  been  the  practice  of  almost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about 
the  indigenes  of  a  country,  to  give  some  wild  theories  of  others,  con- 
cerning their  origin,  and  to  close  his  account  with  his  own;  which 
generally  has  been  more  visionary,  if  possible,  than  those  of  his  predeces- 
sors. Long,  laborious,  and,  we  may  add,  useless  disquisitions  have  been 
daily  laid  before  the  world,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus 
to  the  present  lime,  to  endeavor  to  explain  by  what  means  the  inhabitants 
got  from  the  old  to  the  new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with 
many  of  our  predecessors,  we  will  begin  as  far  back  as  they  have  done, 
and  so  shall  comnrierce  with  Theopompus  and  others,  from  whose  writ- 
ings it  is  alleged  that  ihe  ancients  had  knowledge  of  America,  and  hence 
peopled  it. 

Theopompus,  a  learned  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  a  book  entitled  Thaumasia,  gives  a  sort  of  dialogue 
between  Mi(*'is  the  Phrygian  and  Silenus.     The  book  itself  is  lost,  but 

*  So  natnet^  from  Vfspucius  Ameri-us,  a  Florentine,  who  made  a  discover-  of  some 
part  of  the  coast  of  Soith  America  in  1499,  two  ^ears  aAer  Cabot  had  explored  th« 
coast  of  North  America ;  but  Americus  had  th'i  fortune  to  confer  his  name  upon  both. 


HANNOS  VOYA'JES— DIODORUS  SICUI.US. 


IROOK    I 


Cnxr.  I 


Sirabo  reffirs  to  it,  and  .VHianus  Iioh  given  iih  the  siibstancn  of  the  ilialuguc, 
tvliich  followH.  Atl<T  iniicli  coiivcnuitioii,  SUtnus  m\'u\  to  Midas,  ihnt 
Kiiropn,  AHin  und  Africa  were  hut  iHluiiiiti  HiirroiiiuhMl  on  ull  sides  hy  the 
son;  l>iit  thut  thore  WHh  a  continent  nituutud  beyond  tht-He,  wiiicii  wns  of 
iinnif^nse  (lirnenHions,  even  without  limit!*;  nnd  that  it  wan  8o  luxuriant, 
ns  to  produce  uninmlH  of  prodigious  magnitude,  and  nifn  grtiW  to  double 
tlif!  height  of  theniHelvoH,  and  tliut  thvy  lived  to  a  far  greater  age  ;*  tJiat 
thry  had  many  ^reat  (;iti(;s;  and  their  iiHuges  and  Iaw8  were  ditl'erent 
from  ourH  ;  tiuit  in  one  eity  then;  was  more  than  a  million  of  inhahitantH ; 
that  gold  and  silver  were  there  in  vast  quantitien.f  This  is  but  an  abstract 
from  .?J/inntM'.f  extract,  but  contaiiiH  all  of  it  that  can  be  said  to  n^fer  to  a 
country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa.t  >Elian  or  iEIianus  lived  about 
A.  1).  200— 2yo. 

Jimmo  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  pros- 
perity, but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40,  and 
others  140,  yeara  Inifore  the  foiaiding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about 
HOO  years  l»t'f«>re  our  era.§  He  was  an  otHeer  of  great  enterprise,  having 
S4iilf«<l  around  and  explored  the  coast  of  Africaj  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules,  now  called  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  «'i0 
days.  Hence  it  Is  inferred  by  many,  that  he  must  have  visited  Anmrira, 
or  souje  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a  book,  which  he  entitled  Periplus, 
giving  an  account  of  his  voyages,  which  was  translated  and  published 
about  I5.'i*i,  in  Grcek.|| 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reasons,  believe  that  an  island  or 
continent  existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  hut  which  dis- 
nppoare<l  afterwards. 

l}io(inrua  Sicidus  says  that  some  "Phoenicians  were  cast  upon  a  most 
fertile  island  opposite  to  Africa."  Of  this,  he  says,  they  kept  the  most 
studied  secrecy,  which  was  doubtless  occasioned  by  their  jealousy  of 
the  advantage  the  discovery  might  be  to  the  neighboring  nations,  and 
which  they  wished  to  secure  wholly  to  themselves.  Diodonts  SictUus 
lived  about  100  years  before  Chriat.  Islands  lying  west  of  Europe  and 
Africa  are  certainly  mentioned  by  Homer  and  Horace.  They  were  called 
Atlaniides,  and  were  supposed  to  lie  about  10000  furlongs  from  Africa. 

*  ttuffon  and  Raynal  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  Ihcy  did  not  beheve  it  to  have 
\->otn  America  ;  "nr  they  taught  that  all  animals  degenerated  here.  Many  of  the  first  ad- 
venturers to  the  roasts  of  unknown  coiinlrics  reported  them  inhabited  by  giants,  ^wift 
wrote  (hilliver's  Travels  to  bring  such  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  well  he  succeeded 
is  evident  from  a  comparison  of  books  of  voyages  and  travels  before  and  aAer  his  time. 
Duburtas  has  this  passage  : — 

"  Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyages 
(iVIore  led  by  gain's  hope  than  their  compasses). 
On  th'  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room ; 
And  in  the  South  Sea  they  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-topped  and  huge-armed  treen  ; 
And  other  some,  whose  monstrous  backs  did  bea. 
Two  mighty  wheels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  were 
Much  like  tne  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales." 

Dimnt  WceJcs,  p.  117,  ed.  4lo,  1613. 
t  /Rlian,  Variar.  Historiar.  lib.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

i  Since  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  a  copy  of  a  translation  of 
JEWan'a  work,  "  in  Englishe(aswell  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Grceke  texte,as  of  the 
Latine),  by  Abraham  Fleming."     London,  1576,  4to.    It  difiers  not  materially  from  the 
above,  which  is  given  from  a  French  version  of  it. 
ft  Eneyflopseclia  Perthensis. 

|]  The  best  account  of  Harmo  and  his  voyages,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  is  to  be 
found  in  Mariana' t  Hist,  of  Spain,  vol.  i.  93, 109,  119, 122,  133,  and  150,  ed.  Paris, 
1725, 5  vols.  4to. 


Here  ej 
with  Di 
the  isiai 
which 
of  it,  is 
Its  soil 
leys. 


m^ 


Chap.  1.] 


PLATO.— ARISTOTLE. 


Here  existed  the  poetti'  fabled  KlyHian  fieldR.  Rut  to  be  more  particular 
with  Diodorua,  wu  will  let  him  Hpeaic  lor  himself.  "  After  having  iiHMied 
the  ialunda  which  lie  tieyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we  will  H|N;ak  or  thoMe 
which  lie  nuich  farther  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa,  and  to  the  west 
of  it,  i.s  an  iinniciim)  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days'  sail  from  Lybia. 
Its  soil  is  very  fertile,  and  its  suHiice  variegated  with  mountains  and  val- 
leys. Its  coasts  are  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  and  its  fields 
are  well  cultivated ;  delicious  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  and 
trees."  He  fmally  sets  it  down  as  the  fmest  country  known,  where  the 
inhabitants  have  spacious  dwellings,  and  <!very  thing  in  the  greatest  |)ienly. 
To  say  the  least  of  this  account  o\'  JHodorus,  it  corres|)on(ls  very  well  with 
that  given  of  the  Mexicans  when  first  known  to  the  Spaniards,  hut  per- 
ha|)H  it  will  compare  as  well  with  the  (/anaries. 

Plato'a  account  has  more  weight,  i)erha|>s,  than  any  of  the  ancients. 
He  lived  alraut  400  years  betbre  the  Christian  era.  A  |mrt  of  his  account 
is  us  follows:  "  In  those  tirst  times  [time  of  its  lieing  first  known],  the 
Atlantic  was  a  most  broad  island,  and  there  were  extant  most  |>owerful 
kings  in  it,  who,  with  joint  forces,  appointed  to  occupy  Asia  and  Kiirope : 
And  so  a  most  grievous  war  wtw  carried  on ;  in  which  the  Athenians, 
with  the  cununon  consent  of  the  Ureeks,  opfmsed  themselves,  and  they 
became  the  conquerors.  Hut  that  Atlantic  island,  by  a  flood  and  earth- 
quake, was  indeed  suddenly  destroyed,  and  so  that  warlike  people  were 
swallowed  up."  He  adds,  in  another  place,  *'An  island  in  the  mouth 
of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits,  called  the  Pillars  of  Hercules, 
did  exist ;  and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger  than  Lybia  and  Asia ; 
from  which  there  was  an  easy  imssage  over  to  other  islands,  and  from 
those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situated  out  of  that  region."* 
"  jVevtune  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son.  Atlas,  its  name  was  df»- 
riveu,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  To  the  youngest  fell  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  called  Gadir,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  country 
signifies  fertile  or  abounding  in  sheep.  The  descendants  of  Neptune 
reigned  here,  from  father  to  son,  for  a  great  number  of  generations  in  the 
order  of  pritnogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  also  po»- 
sessed  several  other  islands ;  and,  passing  into  Europe  and  Africa,  sub- 
dued all  Lybia  as  far  as  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length 
the  island  sunk  under  water;  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards  the  sea 
thereabouts  was  full  of  rocks  and  sliuives."}  This  account,  although 
mixed  with  fable,  cannot,  we  think,  be  entirely  rejected  ;  and  that  the 
ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries  westward  of  Europe  appears  oa 
plain  and  as  well  authenticated  as  any  passage  of  history  of  that  {leriod. 

Aristotle,  or  the  author  of  a  book  which  is  generally  attributed  to  lum,t 
sjicnks  of  an  island  beyond  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar ;  but  the  passage  savom 
Mometliing  of  hearsay,  and  is  as  follows:  "Some  say  that,  beyond  the 
Pillars  01  Hercules,  the  Cartiiaginians  have  found  a  very  fertile  island, 
but  without  inhabitants,  full  of  forests,  navigable  rivers  and  fruit  in  abun- 
dance. It  is  several  days'  voyage  from  the  main  land.  Some  Carthagin- 
ians, charmed  by  the  fertility  of  the  country,  thought  to  marry  and 
settle  there;  but  some  say  that  the  government  of  Carthage  forbid  tl.-^ 
settlement  U[)on  pain  of  death,  from  the  fear  that  it  would  incre&se  in 
power  so  as  to  deprive  the  mother  country  of  her  posses.>*ions  there."  If 
Aristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a  prediction,  that  euch  u  thing  would  take 


*  America  known  to  llie  Aiu-ients,  10,  8vo,  Boston,  1773. 

t  Encyclopupdia  Pcrtliensis,  Art.  Atlantis. 

i  De  niiral>il.  auscuilat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  Voltaire  says  of  this  book,  "On  en  fesail 
honnsur  anx  Carthaginois,  et  on  citail  un  livre  d'Aristole  qu'il  n'a  pas  compost."  Esaai 
sw  les  Matnrs  et  I'esprit  des  nations,  chap.  cxiv.  p.  703.  vol.  iv,  of  bis  works,  £dilk 
Paris,  1817,  ia  8vo. 


% 


SENECA— AT.  GREGORY —IIERRERA. 


[Rooi  I. 


place  in  n^frard  to  noriio  future  nation,  no  one,  periiapn,  would  have  called 
nim  a  I'uIhu  prophet,  fur  tlio  Auicricun  revolution  would  have  l>evn  its 
fulHInient.     TIiIh  pliiloooplier  lived  alMiut  .'iH4  years  Iteforu  Chrvit. 

■%n«ca  lived  nlwHit  the  coMunencemrnt  of  the  vulgar  era.     lie  wrote 
trogvdieH,  and  in  one  of  them  occuni  tliiu  pasdage : — 


-"  Vonirnt  anniii 


Hipriila  jirriit,  quilxiH  occaiiuf 
Viiicula  rcriini  Inxot,  r(  itif^cni 
i'alcat  lellii!),  'ry|ilii.s()uo  novot 
I>f<li!f{at  nrl>P5i :  nee  itit  lorrii 
Ultiniu  Thulc/' 

Mfden,  Act  3.  v. 


375. 


Thin  18  nearer  prophecy,  and  may  he  rendered  in  Knglish  thus:  "The 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  loosen  the  chuinH  of  nature,  and  we 
Nhall  i>ehold  a  vawt  country.  A  new  TypliiH  shull  diticover  new  worlds : 
Thule  shall  no  longer  l)e  considered  the  last  country  of  the  known 
world." 

Not  only  these  possa^eri  from  the  ancient  authors  have  l)een  cited  and 
re-cited  hy  moderns,  hut  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show 
that,  in  some  way  or  other,  America  anist  have  hecn  peopled  from  soniu 
of  the  eastern  continentH.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor 
of  having  liecn  its  first  discoverer,  v.iu\  hence  the  father  or  mother  of  the 
Indians.  But  since  the  ntcent  discoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the 
suhject  say  but  little  ahout  ge'ting  over  inhabitants  from  Europe,  Asia,  or 
Africa  through  the  difficult  way  of  the  Atlantic  seas  and  islands,  as  it  iit 
much  easier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  channels  of  the  north  in  canooti, 
or  upon  the  ice.  Grotuu,  C.  Mather,  Hubbard,  and  after  them  Robertaon^ 
are  glad  to  meet  with  so  easy  a  method  of  solving  a  question  which  the/ 
conttider  as  having  puzzled  their  predecessors  so  much. 


CHAPTER  II. 

0/ modem  Theorists  upon  the  peopling  ofJlmtrica, — Slf.  Gregory. — Herrera. 
— T.  Morton. — fViUtatnson. — nooa. — Josselm . — Thorow^ood. — Adair.— 
R.  fVilliams. — C.  Mather — Hubbard. — Robertson. — Smith. — Voltaire. — 
Mitchel. — M*Ctdloh. — Lord  Kaim. — Swinton. — Cabrera. 

St.  Gregory,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St. 
Clement,  said  that  beyond  the  ocean  there  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  new  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ;  and  that  what  Se7icca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had 
kept  it  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  t\  em  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ; 
and  that,  in  the  secrecy  and  incomprehensibility  of  his  providence,  he 
has  been  pleased  to  give  it  to  the  Castilian  nation.  That  Seneca's  predic- 
tion (if  so  it  may  be  considered)  was  a  false  one,  because  he  said  that  a 
new  world  woidd  be  discovered  in  the  north,  and  that  it  was  found  in 
the  west.t     Herrera  wrote  about  15f)8,  \  before  which  time  little  knowl- 

*  "  S.  Gregoire  sur  I'epislre  do  S.  Clement,  (lit  que  passe  I'ocean,  il  y  a  vn  autre  mond." 
{Herrera,  I  Decade,  2.)    This  is  the  whole  passage. 

t  Ibid,  3. 

\  He  died  27  Mar.  1625,  at  the  age  of  about  66  years.  His  name  was  TordesUlas 
Antonio  de  Herrera— ona  of  the  best  Spanish  historians.  His  history  of  the  voyagcu 
to,  and  settlement  of  America  is  very  minute  and  very  valuable.  The  original  in  Span- 
ish is  very  rare.  Acosta's  Irauslatiou  (bto  French)  3  v.  4to,  1660,  is  ako  icarco  aatl 
valuable.    It  is  this  w«  cits. 


Chap.  II.] 


MORTON— WILLIAMSON. 


edgo  wiw  oluninfd  of  North  America.  ThiH  may  account  for  his  im- 
|)eurhiiieiit  of  Seneca'a  prophiury. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  caiin!  tt)  New  Kngland  in  1(BJ2,  piihliMhcd  in  1<S)7 
an  account  of  its  iiutiiriil  hintory,  with  much  other  curious  matter.  In 
apcaking  upon  the  peopling  of  America,  he  thinkn  it  altogether  out  of 
the  quentioii  to  arppoM;  that  it  wuh  peopled  hy  the  Tartara  from  the  north, 
because  "a  people,  once  Mettled,  muHt  In;  removed  hy  compidHion,  or  cImu 
tempted  thereunto  in  ho|M;M  of  i>etter  fortuncH,  upon  commendations  of 
the  place  imto  which  they  nhould  Im;  drawn  to  remove.  And  if  it  may 
be  thought  that  these  people  came  over  the  fro/en  sea,  then  would  it  l>e 
hy  compulsion.  If  so,  then  hy  whom,  or  when?  Or  what  part  of  this 
main  continent  may  he  thought  to  horder  upon  the  coimtry  of  the  Tar- 
tars ?  It  is  yet  unknown  ;  an«l  it  14  not  like  that  a  peo|)le  well  enough  at 
case,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  undertake  to  travel  over  a  sea  of  ice, 
considering  how  many  ditficidties  they  sliall  cncount(;r  with.  As,  1st, 
whether  there  he  any  land  at  the  (*n(i  of  their  unknown  way,  no  land 
lieing  in  view ;  then  want  of  food  to  sustain  life  in  the  mean  time  u|Mm 
that  sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  fuel,  to  keep  them  at  night 
from  freezing  to  death  ?  which  will  not  he  had  hi  such  a  place.  Hut  it 
may  perhaps  li<;  granted,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  unght  originally 
come  of  t'le  scattered  Trojans  ;  for  after  that  BriUua,  who  was  the  fourth 
from  Eneaa,  left  I^atium  upon  the  conflict  held  with  the  Latinti  (where, 
although  he  gave  them  a  great  overthrow,  to  the  slaughter  of  their  grand 
captain  and  many  others  of  the  lierotw  of  Latium,  yet  ho  held  it  more 
safely  to  depart  unto  some  other  place  and  people,  than,  hy  staying,  to  run 
the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or  doubtftd  concpu^t ;  which,  as  history 
makcth  mention,  he  performed.)  This  people  was  dis]iersed,  there  is  no 
question,  hut  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  hy  reason  of  their  conversa- 
tion with  the  Grecians  and  Latins,  had  a  mixed  languagt;,  that  |)articipatcd 
of  both."*  This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton,  but  he  says  mtich  moro 
upon  the  subject;  as  that  thi)  similarity  of  the  languages  of  the  Indians 
to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.  F'rom  the  examples  he  gives, 
we  presume  he  knew  as  little  about  the  Indian  languages  as  Dr.  Mather, 
Adair,  and  Boiidinot,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  the 
Hebrew.  Though  Morton  thinks  it  very  improbable  that  the  Tartars 
came  over  by  the  north  from  Asia,  because  they  could  not  see  land 
beyond  the  ice,  yet  he  ftnds  no  difficulty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide 
Atlantic,  although  lie  allows  them  no  compass.  That  the  Indians  have  a 
Latin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because  he  fancied  he  heard  among  their 
words  Pasco-pan,  and  hence  thinks,  without  doubt,  tlieir  ancestors  were 
acquainted  with  the  god  Pan.^ 

Dr.  WilliamsonX  says,  "  It  can  hardly  be  miestioncd  that  the  Indians 
of  South  America  are  descended  from  a  class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the 
southern  parts  of  Asia."  That  ihey  could  not  have  come  from  the  north, 
because  the  South  American  Indians  are  uidike  those  of  the  north. 
This  seems  to  clash  with  the  more  rational  views  of  Father  Vtnegas.^ 
He  writes  as  follows:  "Of  all  the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered, 
the  Californians  lie  nearest  to  Asia.  We  are  ac<|uainted  with  the  mode 
of  writing  in  all  the  eastern  nations.  We  can  distinguish  between  the 
characters  of  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese,  the  Chinese  Tartars,  the  Mogul 
Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  far  as  the  Bay  of  Kamschathka ; 
and  learned  dissertations  on  them,  by  Mr.  Boyer,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
acts  of  the  hnperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Petersburg.     What  discovery 


New  Canaan,  book  i.  pages  17  and  18.  f  Ibid.  18, 

In  his  Hist.  N.  Carolina,  1.  216. 

\  HLit.  California,  i.  60.    His  work  was  publishsd  at  Madrid  in  1758. 
I* 


6  WOOD.-^OSSELYN— BARLOW.— THOROWGOOD.       [Book  I 

would  it  be  to  niof  i  with  any  of  these  characters,  or  others  lilte  them, 
among  the  Aincri(;nn  Indians  nearest  to  Asia !  But  as  to  tlie  Californians, 
if  ever  they  were  possessed  of  any  invention  to  perpetuate  tlieir  memoirs, 
they  have  entirely  lost  it;  and  all  that  is  now  found  among  them,  amounts 
to  no  more  than  some  obscure  oral  traditions,  probably  more  and  more 
adulterated  by  a  long  succession  of  time.  They  have  not  so  much  88 
retained  any  knowledge  of  the  i)articular  country  from  which  they  emi- 
grated." This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the 
Indians  of  Caliibrnia. 

Mr.  fVilliam  Hood,*  who  left  New  England  in  1633,t  after  a  short  stay, 
says,  "  Of  their  language,  which  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  in- 
clining to  any  of  the  refined  tongues:  Some  have  thought  they  might  be 
of  the  dispersed  Jews,  l)ecause  some  of  their  words  be  near  unto  the 
Hebrew;  but  by  the  same  rule,  they  may  conclude  them  to  be  some  of 
the  gleanings  of  all  nations,  because  they  have  vvords  which  sound  after 
the  Greek,  Latin,  Fre:ich,  and  other  touj^iies."! 

Mr.  John  Jossehjn,  who  resided  sc.ne  time  in  N.  England,  from  the  year 
16iJ8,  says,  "  The  Mohawks  are  about  500;  tlieir  speech  a  dialect  of  the 
Tartai-s  (as  also  is  liie  Turkish  tongue)."^  In  another  vvork,||  he  says, 
"  N.  England  is  by  some  affirmed  to  be  an  island,  bounded  on  the  north 
with  the  River  of  Canada  (so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane\  on  the  south 
with  the  River  Monhegan  or  Hudson's  River,  so  called,  because  he  was  the 
first  that  discovered  it.  Home  will  have  America  to  be  an  island,  which 
out  of  question  must  needs  b°,  if  there  be  a  north-east  passage  found  out 
into  the  South  Sea.  It  contains  1152400000  acres.  The  discovery  of  the 
north-west  passage  (which  lits  within  the  River  of  Canada)  was  under- 
taken with  the  help  of  some  Protestant  Frenchmen,  which  left  Canada, 
and  retired  to  Boston  about  the  year  1G69.  The  north-east  people  of 
America,  that  is,  N.  England,  &c.,  are  judged  to  be  Tartars,  called 
Samoades,  being  alike  in  complexion,  shape,  habit  and  manners."  We 
have  given  here  a  larger  extract  than  the  innnediate  subject  required, 
because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  his  curiosity,  as  well  as  we  ours, 
in  seeing  how  people  undei*stood  things  in  that  day.  Barlow,  looking 
but  a  small  distance  beyond  those  times,  with  great  elegance  says, — 

"  In  those  blank  periods,  where  no  man  can  trace 
1'he  gleams  of  thought  that  first  illumed  his  rare. 
His  errors,  twined  with  scieiire,  took  their  birth, 
I  And  forged  their  fetters  for  this  child  of  earth. 

And  when,  as  oft,  he  dared  expand  his  view, 
And  work  witii  nature  on  the  line  she  drew, 
Some  monster,  gendered  in  liis  fears,  unmanned 
His  opening  soul,  and  marred  the  works  he  planned. 
Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  state. 
Redoubles  all  ilie  woes  that  round  him  wait, 
Blocks  nature's  path,  and  sends  hiui  wandering  wide, 
Without  a  guardian,  and  without  a  guide." 

Colnmbiad,  ix.  137,  &e. 

Rev.  Thomas  TTioroicg-oorf  published  a  small  quarto,  in  1652,11  to  prove  that 
the  Indians  were  the  Jews,  who  had  been  "  lost  in  the  world  for  the  space 

*  The  author  of  a  work  entitled  Nei-t  England's  Prospect,  published  in  London,  1634, 
in  4to.     It  is  a  very  rare,  and,  in  some  respects,  a  curious  and  valuable  work. 
Prospect,  61. 
Ibid.  112.  ed.  17G4. 
t  His  account  of  two  voyages  to  N.  England,  printed  London,  1573,  page  124. 
j  N.  Eng.  Rarities,  4,  6,  printed  London,  1672. 

if  Its  title  commences,  ^^  Digitus  Dei:  New  Discoveries,  with  sure  Arguments  t» 
prove,"  die. 


Chap.  IL] 

of  near  2 
a  good  de 
rational. 

Rev.  i? 
work,*  oi 
origin  of 
N-Eng. 
verba." 
had  imag 
affirm  the 
2,  becaus( 
in  their 
S.  West, 
heavens 
have  fotm 

Dr.  Cot 
hesitate  t 
weighty  a 
with  who 
serious  in 
him  really 
doucd  did 

He  says 
ble  things 
near  the 
beginning 
Resurredi 
third  was 
view  of  th 


ages, 


whe 


been  also, 
reader  mt 
probably 
therein  aii 
of  the  sil 
empire.l 
ica,  he  shi 
ture  and 
before,  the 
hoped  he 
having  foi 
culcate  hi 
_at  first  giv 

*  Pages  i 
t  Getann 
tThis,  w 
giarism.  1 
the  Irish,  " 
among  then 
their  glory, 
ably,  true  I 
would  edit 
Boggards  f 
(on  and  hei 
which  mak 
poured  out 
nis  writing 
He  was  the 
^  Mapia 


Chap.  II] 


WILLIAMS.— MATHER.— WARD 


of  near  200  years."  But  whoever  has  read  ^dair  or  Boudinot,  lias,  beside 
a  good  deal  that  is  irrational,  read  'I  that  in  Thorowgood  can  be  termed 
rational. 

Rev.  Roger  Williams  was,  at  0!ie  time,  as  appears  from  Thoraipgood't 
work,*  of  the  same  opinion.  Being  written  to  for  liia  opinion  of  the 
origin  of  the  natives,  "  he  kindly  answers  to  those  letters  from  Salem  in 
N/Eng.  20th  of  the  10th  month,  more  than  10  yeers  since,  in  hrec 
verba."  That  they  did  not  come  into  America  from  the  N.  East,  as  some 
had  imagined,  he  thought  evident  for  these  reasons :  1.  their  ancestors 
affirm  they  came  from  the  S.  West,  and  return  thence  when  they  die : 
2,  because  they  "  separate  their  women  in  a  little  wigwam  by  themselves 
in  their  feminine  seasons:"  and  3.  "beside  their  god  Knttand  to  the 
S.  West,  they  hold  that  JVanatvHnawit\  (a  god  over  head)  made  the 
heavens  and  the  earth ;  and  some  tast  of  affinity  with  the  Hebrew  I 
have  foimd." 

Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  an  author  of  such  singular  qualities,  that  we  almost 
hesitate  to  name  him,  lest  we  be  thought  without  seriousness  in  so 
weighty  a  matter.  But  we  will  assure  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author 
with  whom  we  would  in  no  wise  part ;  and  if  sometimes  we  appear  not 
serious  in  our  introduction  of  him,  what  is  of  more  importance,  we  believe 
him  really  to  be  so.  And  we  are  persuaded  that  we  should  not  be  par- 
doned did  we  not  allow  him  to  speak  upon  the  matter  before  tis. 

He  says,  "  It  should  not  pass  without  remai'k,  that  three  most  memora- 
ble things  which  have  borne  a  very  great  aspect  upon  human  affairs,  did, 
near  the  same  time,  namely,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  fifteenth,  and  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth,  century,  arise  unto  the  world  :  the  first  was  the 
Resurrection  of  Literature ;  the  second  was  the  opening  of  America;  the 
third  was  the  ReformMion  of  Religion.''^  Thus  far  we  have  an  instructive 
view  of  the  subject,  calculated  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  dark 
ages,  when  literature  was  neglected  and  forgotten,  discoveries  might  have 
been  also,  and  hence  the  knowledge  of  America  lost  for  a  time.  The 
reader  must  now  summon  his  gravity.  •'  But,"  this  author  continues, "  as 
probably  the  Devil,  seducing  the  first  inhabitants  of  America  into  it, 
therein  aimed  at  the  having  of  them  and  their  posterity  out  of  the  sound 
of  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  gospel,  then  to  be  heard  through  the  Roman 
ompire.|  If  the  Devil  had  any  expectation,  that,  by  the  i)eopling  of  Amer- 
ica, he  should  utterly  deprive  any  Europeans  of  the  two  benefits,  litera- 
ture and  religion,  which  dawned  upon  the  miserable  world,  (one  just 
before,  the  other  just  after,)  the  fii-st  famed  navigation  hither,  'tis  to  be 
hoped  he  will  be  disappointed  of  that  expectation.  §  The  learned  doctor, 
having  forgotten  what  he  had  written  in  his  fii-st  book,  or  wishing  to  in- 
culcate his  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeats  a  jnussage  which  he  had 
_at  first  given,  in  a  distant  part  of  his  work  ;||  but,  there  being  ccnsidcrable 

*  Pag-es  5  and  6. 

t  Getannitoieit  is  sod  in  Delaware.— Wecieiue/rfer. 

X  This,  we  appronend,  is  not  entirely  original  with  our  author,  but  borders  upon  pla- 
giarism. Warii.  the  celebrated  author  of  the  "  Simple  Cobler  of  Aggmeain,''  savs  of 
tne  Irish,  "  These  Irish  (anciently  cRiled  aitthropophaffi,  man-eaters)  have  a  Irac^ition 
amon^  lhem,tliat  when  the  Devil  showed  our  Saviour  all  the  kinj^dums  of  the  earth,  and 
their  glory,  that  he  would  not  show  him  Ireland,  but  reserved  it  (or  himself.  It  is,  prob- 
ably, true  J  for  he  hath  kept  it  ever  since  for  his  own  peculiar;  the  old  fox  foresaw  it 
would  eclipse  the  glory  of  all  the  rest :  he  thought  it  wisdom  to  keep  the  land  for  a 
Boggards  for  his  unclean  spirits  employed  in  this  hemisphere,  and  the  people  to  do  hit 
son  and  heir  (the  Pope)  that  service  lor  which  Lewis  the  XI  kept  his  Barbor  Oliver, 
which  makes  them  so  bloodthirsty."— Simp/e  Cobler,  86,  87.  Why  so  much  gall  is 
poured  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  cannot  satisfactorily  account.  Tde  circumstance  of 
his  writing  in  the  time  of  Cromwell  will  explain  a  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  enigma. 
He  was  the  first  minister  of  Ipswich,  Mass.  but  was  born  and  died  in  England. 

$  Magnolia  Christ.  Amer.  d.  i.  ||  Ibid.  b.  lii. 


ADAIR.— BOUDINOT.— HUBBARD 


[Book  I. 


Chap.  II.] 


addition,  we  recite  it :  "  The  natives  of  the  country  now  possessed  by  the 
Newenglanders,  had  been  forlorn  and  wretched  heathen  ever  since  their 
first  herding  liere ;  and  though  we  know  not  when  or  how  these  Indinns  first 
became  inhabitants  of  this  mighty  continent,  yet  we  may  guess  tliat  prob- 
ably the  Devil  decoyed  those  miserable  salvages  hither,  in  hopes  that  the 
gospel  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  would  never  come  here  to  destroy  or 
disturb  his  absolute  empire  over  them.  But  our  Eliot  was  in  such  ill 
terms  with  the  Devil,  as  to  alarm  him  with  sounding  the  silver  trumpets 
of  heaven  in  his  territories,  and  make  some  noble  and  zealous  attempts 
towards  outing  him  of  ancient  possessions  here.  There  were,  I  think,  20 
several  nations  (if  I  may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that  spot  of  ground 
which  fell  under  the  influence  of  our  Three  United  Colonies ;  and  our 
FUiot  was  willing  to  rescue  as  mony  of  them  as  he  could  from  that  old 
usurping  landlord  of  Ameiica,  who  is,  by  the  wrath  of  God,  the  prince  of 
this  world."  In  several  places  he  is  decided  in  the  opinion  that  Indians 
are  Scythians,  and  is  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  pas- 
sage of  Julius  CtBsar:  ^^Difficilius  Invenire  quam  interficere,"  which  he 
thus  renders,  "  It  is  harder  to  find  them  than  to  foil  them."  At  least,  this 
is  a  happy  application  of  the  passage.  CfBsar  was  spoaking  of  the 
Scythians,  and  our  historian  applies  the  passage  in  speaking  of  the  sudden 
attacks  of  the  Indians,  and  their  agility  in  hiding  themselves  from  pursuit.* 
Dr.  Mather  wrote  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  his  famous 
book,  Magnolia  Christi  Americana,  was  published  in  1702, 

Adair,  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians, 
previous  to  1775,  published  a  huge  quarto  upon  their  origin,  history,  &c. 
He  tortures  every  custom  and  usage  into  a  like  one  of  the  Jews,  and 
almost  every  word  in  their  language  into  a  Hebrew  one  of  the  same 
meaning. 

Dr..  Boudinot,  in  his  book  called  "  The  3tar  in  the  West,"  has  followed 
up  ihe  theory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  "  long 
lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel"  are  clearly  identified  in  the  American  Indians. 
Such  theories  have  gained  many  supporters.  It  is  of  much  higher 
antiquity  than  Adair,  and  was  treated  as  such  visionary  speculations 
should  be  by  authors  as  far  back  as  ihe  historian  Hubbard. 

Hubbard,  who  wrote  about  1680,  has  this,  among  other  passages :  "  If 
any  observation  be  made  of  their  manners  and  dispositions,  it's  easier  to 
say  from  what  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  whom  they  did,  derive  their 
original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture,  who  fancy  them  to  be  descended 
from  the  ten  tribes  of  the  Israelites,  carried  captive  by  Salamaneser  and 
Esarhaddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  there  being  no 
footsteps  to  be  observed  of  their  ju'opinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any 
other  of  the  tribes  of  the  earth,  either  as  to  their  language  or  manners."! 
This  author  is  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times;  and,  generally,  he 
writes  with  as  much  discernment  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  and  those  of  another,  and  each 
unknown  to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  in  common,  it 
has  been  urged  by  some,  and  not  a  few,  that  they  must  have  had  a  com- 
mon origin ;  but  this,  in  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow. 
Who  will  pretend  that  diflferent  people,  when  placed  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances, will  not  have  similar  wants,  and  hence  similar  actions.' 
that  like  wants  will  not  prompt  like  exertions?  and  like  causes  produce 
not  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning  we  think  sufficient  to  show, 
that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  customs  in  common  with  the 
Scythians,  the  Tartars,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Wolsh,  and  indeed  every  other 
nation,  still,  the  former,  fck  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary,  have 


as  good  ri 
the  latter. 

Dr.  Rob 
of  no  col 
certainty, 
Adam.    I 
admit  any 
Now,  in  o 
suming  a 
world  maj 
men.    Th 
as  we  havi 
it  xvas  not 
of  the  ann 
inquiry  Wi 
upon  it — r 
to  us  is  pi 
were  place 
operation 
plain  to  ev 
theory  of 
followed  t 

When  it 
subject,  th 
to  hold  up 
[Adam,)  oi 
us  when  w 
that  the  n^ 
latitude  ? 
among  the: 
London  ? 
are  surroui 
affirmative 
world.     W 


See  Magnal.^,  b.  vii. 


t  Hist.  N.  England,  27. 


That  is,  I 
the  counti 
heads,  bee 
•  We  met 
is  not  chai 
of  persons 
different  f 
former  cas 
it  is  no  les 
book  of  m 
the  huma 
man.    Hit 

•  Hist.  Ai 

t  Why  tal 

the  sciences 

}  H«  died 


Chap.  II.] 


ROBERTSON.— GROTIUS.—S.  S.  SMITH. 


as  good  right  to  claim  to  themselves  priority  of  origin  as  either  or  all  of 
the  latter. 

Dr.  Robertson  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  produce  others 
of  no  color,  and  the  contrary,  before  he  said,  "  We  know  with  infallible 
certainty,  that  all  the  human  race  spring  from  the  same  source,"*  meaning 
Adam.  He  founds  this  broad  assertion  upon  the  false  notion  that,  to 
admit  any  other  would  be  an  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Scriptures. 
Now,  in  our  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  as- 
suming a  very  different  ground  ;f  namely,  that  all  habitable  parts  of  the 
world  may  have  been  peopled  at  the  same  time,  and  by  different  races  of 
men.  That  it  is  so  peopled,  we  know  :  that  it  was  so  peopled  as  far  back 
as  we  have  any  account,  we  see  no  reason  to  disbelieve.  Hence,  when 
it  was  not  so  is  as  futile  to  inquire,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive 
of  the  annihilation  of  space.  When  a  new  country  was  discovered,  much 
inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain  from  whence  came  the  inhabitants  found 
upon  it — not  even  asking  whence  came  the  other  animals.  The  answer 
to  us  is  plain.  Man,  the  other  animals,  trees  and  plants  of  every  kind, 
were  placed  there  by  the  supreme  directing  hand,  which  carries  on  every 
operation  of  nature  by  fixed  and  undeviating  laws.  This,  it  must  be 
plain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  reconcilable  to  tiie  Bible  history  ns  the 
theory  of  Robertson,  wliich  is  that  of  Grotitis,l  and  all  those  who  have 
followed  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the 
subject,  that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race, 
to  hold  up  the  idea  still  that  all  must  have  sprung  from  the  same  source, 
(Mam,)  only  reminds  us  of  our  grandmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at 
us  when  we  tell  them  that  the  earth  is  a  globe.  Who,  we  ask,  will  argue 
that  the  negro  changes  his  color  by  living  among  us,  or  by  changing  his 
latitude  ?  Who  have  ever  become  negroes  by  living  in  their  country  or 
among  them  ?  Has  the  Indian  ever  changed  his  complexion  by  living  in 
London  ?  Do  those  change  which  adopt  our  manners  and  customs,  and 
are  surrounded  by  us.'  Until  these  questions  can  be  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  we  discard  altogether  that  unitarian  system  of  peopling  the 
world.     We  would  indeed  prefer  Ovid's  method : — 


"  Ponere  duritiem  ccepere,  suumque  rigorem  ; 
Mollirique  mora,  mollitaque  ducere  formatn. 
Mox  ubi  creverunt,  naturaque  mitior  illis 
Contigfit,"  &c.  &.C. 

Metamor.  lib.  i.  fab.  xi. 


That  is,  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  performed  the  office  by  traveling  over 
the  country  and  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  they  cast  them  over  their 
heads,  became  young  people  as  they  struck  the  earth. 
•  We  mean  not  to  be  understood  that  the  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people 
is  not  changed  by  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident ;  but  that  the  childi  en 
of  |)ersons  would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whose  residence  is  in  a  climate 
different  from  that  in  which  they  were  born,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the 
former  case.  As  astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner, 
it  is  no  less  true,  that  Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith  has  put  forth  an  octavo 
book  of  more  than  400  pages  to  prove  the  unity,  as  he  expresses  it,  "  of 
the  human  race,"  that  is,  that  .all  were  originally  descended  from  one 
man.    His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenor :  "  The  American  and  Euroi)eun 

*  Hist.  America,  book  iv. 

t  Why  talk  of  a  theory's  clashing  with  holy  wnt,  and  say  nothing  of  the  certainty  of 
the  sciences  ol  geography,  astronomy,  geology,  &c.  ? 
t  H«  died  iu  161&,  wt.  62. 


10 


BUFFUN.— RAYNAL. 


(Boos  I. 


nilor  reside  equally  at  the  pole,  and  under  the  equator."  Then,  in  a 
triumphunt  air,  he  demands — "  Why  then  should  we,  without  necessity, 
assume  the  hypothesis  that  originally  there  existed  different  species 
of  the  human  kind  ?"•  What  kind  of  argument  is  contained  here  we 
leave  the  reader  to  make  out ;  and  again,  when  he  would  prove  that  all 
the  human  family  are  of  the  same  trihe,  he  says  that  negro  slaves  at  the 
south,  wiio  live  in  white  families,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in 
features  to  the  whites  with  whom  they  Uvelf  Astonishing!  and  we 
wonder  who,  if  any,  knew  this  beside  the  author.  Again,  and  we  have 
done  with  our  extraordinary  philosopher.  He  is  positive  that  deformed 
or  disfigured  persons  will,  in  process  of  time,  pnxluce  offspring  marked 
in  the  sume  way.  That  is,  if  a  man  practise  flattening  his  nose,  his 
offspring  will  have  a  flutter  nose  than  he  would  have  had,  had  his  pro- 
genitor not  flattened  his ;  and  so,  if  this  offspring  repeat  the  process,  hia 
offspring  will  have  a  less  prominent  nose ;  and  so  on,  until  the  nose  be 
driven  entirely  into  or  off  the  face !  In  this,  cortaiidy,  our  author  has 
taken  quite  a  roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a  uos  \  We 
wish  he  could  tell  us  how  many  ages  or  generations  it  would  take  to 
make  this  formidable  conquest.  Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  it  would  be  a  nmch  less  tedious  business  to  cut  off  a  ineml)er 
at  once,  and  thus  uccotnplish  the  business  in  a  short  i)eriod  ;  for  to  wait 
several  generations  for  u  iiishion  seems  more  novel  than  the  fashion  itself^ 
and,  to  say  the  least,  is  us  incompatible  with  human  nature  as  the  fashion 
itself.  A  man  must  be  monstrously  blind  to  his  prejudices,  to  mauitain 
a  doctrine  like  this.  As  we'l  inifjht  he  argue  that  colts  would  be  tail- 
less because  it  has  long  lieen  the  practice  to  shorten  the  tails  of  horses, 
of  both  sexes ;  but  wc  have  never  heard  that  colts'  tails  are  in  the  least 
afiected  by  this  practice  which  has  been  performed  on  the  hoi-se  so  long.{ 
Certainly,  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  discover  som tithing  of  it! 
Nor  have  we  ever  heard  that  a  female  child  has  ever  been  born  with  its 
ears  bored,  although  its  ancestors  have  endured  the  painful  operation  for 
many  generations ; — and  here  we  shall  close  our  examination  of  Mr. 
Smith's  400  pages.§ 

Another  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  the 
animals  of  America,  seems  here  to  present  itself.  We  have  reference  to 
the  well  known  assertions  of  Buffon  and  RmjiiaU^  two  philosophers 
who  were  an  honor  to  the  times  of  Franklin,  which  are,  tliat  man  and 
other  animals  in  America  degenerate.^  This  has  been  met  in  such  a 
masterly  manner  by  Mr.  Jefferson,**  that  to  repeat  any  thing  here  would 
be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  often  copied  into  works  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of  the  best 
English  Encyclopa?dias.ff 

*  Smith  on  Complexion,  N.  Bnuiswirk,  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.  t  Il)itl.  170,  171. 

X  The  author  pleads  not  guilty  to  the  clmrj^e  of  plag'iarisni ;  for  it  was  not  until  soma 
months  after  the  text  was  \vrittei'.,  that  he  knew  that  even  this  idea  had  occurred  to  any 
one.  He  has  since  read  an  extract  very  similar,  in  Dr.  Lawrence's  valuable  Lectures  on 
Zoology,  &c. 

^  On  reflection,  we  have  thought  our  remarks  rather  pointed,  as  Mr.  Smith  is  not  a 
livmg  author ;  but  what  called  them  forth  nuist  be  their  apology. 

II  After  speaking  of  the  cflect  of  the  climate  of  the  old  world  in  producing  man  and 
other  animals  in  perfection,  he  adds,  "  Combicn,  au  contraire,  la  nature  paroit  avoir 
negligt  nouveau  mond  !  .  Les  homines  v  sont  moins  forts,  moins  courageux  ;  sans  barba 
cl  sans  p-jil,"  &c.  Ifistoire  Philos.  its  deux  Indes,  viii.  210.  Ed.  Geneva,  1781,  12 
vols.  8vo. 

IT  Voltaire  does  not  say  quite  as  much,  but  says  this  :  "  La  nature  enfin  avait  donnA 
eux  Americanes  beaucoup  moins  d'industrie  qii'aux  hommes  de  I'ancien  monde.  Toule* 
ces  causes  ensemble  ont  pu  nuire  beaucoup  k  la  population."  [CEuvres,  iv.  19.]  Thb 
m,  however,  only  •'!  reference  to  the  Indians. 

**  la  hiv  Notsi  ou  Virginia,  Quer.  viL  ft  Perlhensls,  i.  637.  (Art.  Amer.  $  M.) 


Chap.  II.] 


S.  SMITH.— VOLTAIRE.— LAFITAU. 


n 


Smith*  does  not  doal  fairly  with  a  jiassape  of  Voltaire,  relating  to  tho 
peopling  of  America;  jis  he  takes  only  a  jiart  of  a  sentence  to  comment 
upon.  Perhaps  he  thought  it  as  much  as  he  was  capahle  of  managing.f 
The  complete  sentence  to  which  we  rrfer  we  translate  as  follows: 
"  There  are  found  men  and  animals  all  over  the  hahitable  earth :  who 
has  put  them  upon  it  ?  We  have  already  said,  it  is  he  who  has  made 
the  grass  grow  in  the  fields;  and  we  should  be  no  more  surprised  to  find 
in  America  men,  than  we  should  to  find  flies." t  We  can  discover  no 
contradiction  between  this  passage  and  another  in  a  distant  |>art  of  tho 
same  work  ;  and  wliicli  seems  more  like  the  passage  Mr.  Smith  has  cited: 
"Some  do  not  wish  to  believe  that  tho  cater|)illarK  and  the  snails  of  ono 
part  of  the  world  sliotdd  be  originally  from  another  part:  wlierefore  bo 
astonished,  then,  that  thero  jshould  be  in  America  some  kinds  of  animals, 
and  some  races  of  men  like  our  own  ?"§ 

Voltaire  has  written  upon  the  subject  in  a  manner  that  will  always  be 
attracting,  however  much  or  little  credence  may  l)e  allowed  to  what  ho 
has  written.  We  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  article  wherein  he 
engages  more  j)rofossedly  upon  the  (picstion  than  in  other  parts  of  hii) 
works,  in  which  ho  has  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  chapter 
is  as  follows :||  "Since  many  fail  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner 
in  which  America  has  been  peopled,  it  is  Irft  only  for  us  to  say,  that  he 
who  created  flies  in  those  regions,  creatt^d  man  there  also.  However 
pleasant  it  may  be  to  dispute,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supreme  Being, 
who  lives  in  all  nature,1I  has  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animals 
without  feathei-s,  the  color  of  whose  skin  is  a  mixture  of  wliite  and  car- 
nation, with  long  beards  approaching  to  red ;  about  the  line,  in  Africa 
and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards ;  and  in  the  same  latitude,  other 
negroes  with  beards,  some  of  them  having  wool  and  some  hair  on  their 
heads;  and  among  them  other  animals  quite  white,  having  neither  hair 
nor  wool,  but  a  kind  of  white  silk.  It  does  not  very  clearly  appear  what 
should  have  prevented  God  from  placing  on  another  continent  animals 
of  the  same  species,  of  a  copjier  color,  in  the  same  latit'vie  in  which, 
in  Africa  and  Asia,  they  are  found  black ;  or  even  from  making  thetn 
without  beards  in  the  very  same  latitude  in  which  others  possess  them. 
To  what  lengths  are  we  carried  by  the  rage  for  systems  joined  with  tho 
tyranny  of  prejudice  !  We  see  these  animals ;  it  is  agreed  that  God  has 
had  the  power  to  place  them  where  they  are ;  yet  it  is  not  agreed  that 
he  has  so  ])laced  them.  The  same  persons  who  rea«lily  admit  that  the 
beavers  of  Canada  are  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  tlmt  the  men  must  have 
come  there  in  boats,  and  that  Mexico  must  have  been  peopled  by  somo 
of  the  descendants  of  Magog.  As  well  might  it  be  said,  that,  if  there  bo 
men  in  the  moon,  they  must  have  been  taken  there  by  Astolpho  on  big 
hippogrifF,  when  ho  went  to  fetch  Roland's  senses,  which  were  corked 
up  in  a  bottle.  If  America  had  been  discovered  in  his  tune,  and  thcro 
had  then  been  men  in  Europe  systematic  enough  to  have  advanced,  with 
the  Jesuit  Lajitau,**  that  the  Caribbees  descended  from  the  inhabitants 
of  Caria,  and  the  Hurons  from  the  Jews,  he  would  have  done  well  te 
have  brought  back  the  bottle  containing  the  wits  of  these  reasoners. 


*  Samuel  Sinilli,  who  published  a  history  of  New  Jersey,  in  17G5,  printed  at  Bur- 
lington. 

f  See  Hist.  N.  J.  8. 

t  Essai  sur  Ics  Moeurs  et  I'Esprit  dcs  Nations.     ((Euvrcs,  iv.  18.) 

\  Ibid.  708. 

I  CEuvros,  t.  vii.  197,  198. 
Will  the  reader  of  this  call  Voltaire  an  atheist  ? 

**  He  wrote  a  iiistory  of  the  savages  of  America,  and  maintained  that  tlie  Caribbee 
language  was  radically  Hebrew. 


19. 


INDIAN  TRADITION— MITCHEL.—REES. 


[Doox  I. 


Chap.  II] 


which  he  w(ju1(1  doubtless  have  found  in  the  moon,  along  with  th.^se  of 
Ane;elica^s  lover.  The  first  tiling  done  when  an  inhabited  island  is  dir- 
covered  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  or  in  the  South  Sea,  is  to  inquire,  Whence 
came  these  people  ?  but  as  for  the  trees  and  the  tortoises,  they  ai'e,  without 
any  hesitation,  pronounced  to  be  indigenous ;  as  if  it  were  more  diftirr.lt 
for  nature  to  make  men  'in  to  make  tortoises.  One  thing,  however, 
which  seems  to  countenance  this  system,  is,  that  there  is  scarcely  an 
island  in  the  eastern  or  western  ocean,  which  does  not  contain  jirgglers, 
quacks,  knaves  and  fools.  This,  it  is  probable,  gave  rise  to  the  opinion, 
that  these  animals  are  of  the  same  race  with  ourselves." 

Some  account  of  what  the  Indians  themselves  have  said  upon  tiie 
subject  of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  looked  for  in  this  place. 
Their  notions  in  this  respect  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  than  the  fabled 
stories  of  the  gods  in  ancient  mythology.  Indeed,  their  accounts  of  prim- 
itive inhabitants  do  not  agree  beyond  their  own  neighborhood,  and  often 
disagree  with  themselves  at  diflTerent  times.  Some  say  their  ancestors 
came  from  the  north,  others  frorji  the  north-west,  others  ii-oni  the  east,  and 
others  from  the  west ;  some  from  the  regions  of  the  air,  and  some  from 
under  the  earth.  Hence  that  to  raise  any  theory  upon  any  thing  coming 
from  them  upon  the  subject,  would  show  only  that  the  theorist  himself 
was  ns  ignorant  as  his  informants.  We  might  as  well  ask  the  forest  trees 
how  hey  came  planted  upon  the  soil  in  which  they  grow.  Not  that  t!ie 
Indians  are  unintelligent  in  other  aftiiirs,  any  further  than  the  necessary 
consequence  growing  out  ol"  their  s'tuation  implies ;  nor  are  tliey  less  so 
than  many  who  have  written  upon  thv^ir  history. 

"  Since,  then,  the  wisest  arc  as  di.ll  as  we, 
In  one  grave  maxim  let  us  all  apjree — 
Nature  ne'er  meant  Iter  secrets  siiould  be  found, 
And  man's  a  riddle,  which  man  can't  expound  !" 

Paine's  Ruling  Passion. 

The  different  notions  of  the  Indians  will  be  best  gathered  from  their 
lives  in  their  proper  places  in  the  following  work. 

Dr.  S.  L.  Mitchel,  of  New  York,  a  man  who  writes  learnedly,  if  not 
wisely,  on  almost  every  subject,  has,  in  his  oj)inion,  like  hundreds  before 
him,  set  the  great  question.  How  tvas  Aimrica  peopled'?  at  rest.  He  has  no 
doubt  but  the  Indians,  in  the  first  place,  are  of  the  same  color  originally 
as  the  north-eastern  nations  of  Asia,  and  hence  s|>rung  from  them.  What 
time  he  settles  them  in  the  country  he  does  not  tell  us,  but  gets  them  into 
Greenland  about  the  year  8  or  900.  Thinks  he  saw  the  Scandinavians  as 
far  as  the  shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  but  what  time  this  was  he  does  not 
say.  He  must  of  course  make  these  people  the  builders  of  the  mounds 
scattered  all  over  the  western  country.  After  all,  we  apprehend  the  doctor 
would  have  short  time  for  his  emigrants  to  do  all  that  nature  and  art 
have  done  touching  these  mattes.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  evident  that 
many  ages  passed  away  from  the  time  these  tumuli  were  began  until  they 
were  finished :  2d,  a  multitude  of  ages  must  have  passed  since  the  use 
for  which  they  were  reared  ha3  been  known  ;  for  trees  of  the  age  of  900 
years  grow  from  the  ruins  of  others  v.'iich  must  have  had  as  great  age: 
and,  3d,  no  Indian  nation  or  tribe  has  the  least  tradition  concerning  them.* 
This  c'lld  not  have  happened  had  the  ancestors  of  the  present  In- 
ilians  been  the  erectors  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  things.f 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  Rees^s  Encyclopredia,t  although 

*  Or  none  u^t  surh  iis  are  at  varianre  with  all  hiatory  and  rationality, 
t  Archaeolo^^ia  Americana,  i  325,  326,  341,  &c. 
^  Art.  Aai'.i,rica. 


saymg  no 
so  happy,  t 
pretend  thn 
by  crossing 
upon  the  i'n 
besides  tha 
tendency  t( 
one  half  oi 
thousands 
this  opinior 
animals,  sin 
world  whit 
tajactu. 
the   westeri 
difticulties 
shall  observ 
ca,  and  at 
from  having 
ago." 

Before  w 
of  philosop 
readers,  we 
so  great  mo 
no  one  shot 
and  even  hii 
ostom,   som< 
of  the  eartl 
science  shal 
question,  tin 
have  the  sar 
there  is  som 
conjectures, 
quired  consi 
Mr.  Si/mmea 

When  we 
Antiquarian 

M'CULLOH, 

that  some  m 
especially  w 
plain  the  ori 
tion  is  invol 
long  kept  til 
has  been  do 
the  reader  t 
"  Before  ' 
of  America 
the  circums 
ticular  depe 
not  able  to  ( 
be  evident  t 
ful  whether 
one  locality 
he  created  1 
them  living, 


tl 


Chap.  II] 


REES.— M'CULLOH. 


t3 


saying  no  more  than  has  boon  already  said  in  our  synopsis.,  is,  nevertheless, 
so  happy,  that  we  HJiould  .iot  tbel  clear  to  omit  t:— "Asto  those  who 
pretend  that  tiie  hiiinan  race  lias  only  of  late  Ibund  its  way  into  America, 
ny  crossing  the  s«>a  at  Karnschatka,  or  the  Straits  of  Tschutski,  either 
upon  the  tuMs  of  ice  r<-  in  canoes,  they  do  not  consider  that  this  opinion, 
besides  that  it  is  extremely  dittiriilt  of'  comprohensi.^n,  has  not  the  least 
tendency  to  .'.iminish  the  prodigy  ;  for  it  would  lie  surprising  indeed  that 
one  half  of  our  planet  should  have  remained  without  inhabitants  during 
thousands  of  years,  while  the  other  half  was  peopled.  What  renders 
this  opinion  less  probable  is,  that  America  is  supposed  in  it  to  have  had 
animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  those  species  of  animals  from  the  old 
world  which  do  not  exist  in  it,  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the  glama,  and  the 
tajactu.  Neither  can  we  admit  of  the  recent  organi'zation  of  matter  for 
the  western  hcMoisphere ;  because,  indejiendently  of  the  accumulated 
difticulties  in  this  hypothesis,  and  wliich  can  by  no  means  be  solved,  wo 
shall  observe,  that  the  fossil  bones  discovered  in  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  small  dejMhs,  prove  that  certain  species  of  animals,  so  far 
from  having  been  recently  organized,  have  been  annihilated  a  long  while 
ago." 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  were  in  error,  it  was  in  the  company 
of  philosophers,  such  as  we  have  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our 
readers,  we  felt  a  hesitancy  in  avowing  our  opinions  upon  a  matter  of 
so  great  moment.  But,  after  all,  as  it  is  only  matter  of  honest  opinion, 
no  one  should  be  intolerant,  although  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself 
and  even  his  friends  merry  at  our  expense.  When,  in  the  days  of  Chrys- 
ostom,  some  ventured  to  assert  their  opinions  of  the  rotundity 
of  the  earth,  that  learned  father  "did  laugh  at  them."*  And,  when 
science  shall  have  progressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  possible,)  to  settle  this 
question,  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  Chrysostoms  of  these  days  will  not 
have  the  same  excuse  for  their  infidelity.  But  as  it  is  a  day  of  prodigies, 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  the  most  seemingly  absurd 
conjectures.  We  therefore  feel  veiy  safe,  and  more  especially  as  it  re- 
quired considerable  hai'diliood  to  laugh  even  at  the  theory  of  the  late 
Mr.  Sifmmea. 

When  we  lately  took  up  a  book  entitled  "  Researches,  Philosophical  and 
Aniiquanan,  concerning  the  Aboriginal  History  of  America,  by  J.  H. 
M'CuLLOH,  Jr.  M.  D."t  we  did  think,  from  the  imposing  appearance  of  it, 
that  some  new  matters  on  the  subject  had  been  discovered :  and  more 
especially  when  we  read  in  the  preface,  that  "  his  firet  object  was  to  ex- 
plain the  origin  of  the  men  and  animals  of  America,  so  far  as  that  ques- 
tion is  involved  with  the  apparent  physical  imi)ediments  that  have  so 
long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity."  Now,  with  what  success  this 
has  been  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall  speak  for  himself,  and 
the  reader  then  may  judge  for  himself. 

"  Before  we  attempt  to  ex[)lain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  animals 
of  America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain,  if  possible, 
the  circumstances  of  their  original  creation ;  for  upon  this  essential  par- 
ticular depends  the  great  interest  of  our  present  investigation.  [We  are 
not  able  to  discover  that  he  has  said  any  thing  further  upon  it.]  It  niust 
be  evident  that  we  can  arrive  at  no  satisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubt- 
ful whether  the  Creator  of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  but  in 
one  locality,  from  whence  they  were  dispersed  over  the  earth ;  or  whether 
he  created  them  in  each  of  those  various  situations  where  we  now  find 
them  living.    So  far  as  this  inquiry  respects  mankind,  there  can  be  no 


*  See  Acosta's  Hist.  E.  and  W.  Indies,  p.  1.  ed.  London,  1604. 
t  Published  at  Baltimore,  1829,  in  8vo. 
2 


14 


M'CULLOII. 


[Book  I. 


Chap.  II 


reasonable  ground  to  doubt  the  one  origin  of  tlio  species.  This  foci 
may  be  proved  b.ith  physically  and  morally.  [If  the  reader  can  discover 
any  thing  tiiat  amounts  to  proof  in  wliut  follows,  he  will  have  made  a 
discovery  that  wo  could  not.]  That  man,  notwithstanding  all  the  diver- 
sities of  their  appearance,  are  but  of  one  siwcies,  is  a  truili  now  univer- 
sally admitted  by  every  physiolojiical  naturalist.  [That  is,  notwithstanding 
a  negro  be  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a  ICuropean  white,  still,  they  are  all 
men.  And  then  follows  a  quotation  from  Dr.  Lawrence*  to  corroborate 
the  fact  that  men  are  all  of  one  species.]  It  is  true,  this  ])hysiologist  does 
not  admit  that  the  human  sfiecies  had  their  origin  but  from  one  pair;  for 
he  observes,  the  same  species  might  have  been  created  at  the  same  time 
in  very  diflerent  parts  of  the  earth.  But  when  we  have  analyzed  the 
moral  history  of  mankind,  to  which  Mr.  Lawrence  seems  to  have  paid 
little  attention,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  him  to 
show  us  where  we  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly  marked  analogies 
in  abstract  mattei-s  exiir^ting  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated 
from  each  other,  that  we  cannot  doubt  there  has  been  a  time,  when  the 
whole  human  family  have  intimately  participated  in  one  common  system 
of  things,  whether  it  be  of  truth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice. 
(Thio  does  not  at  all  agree  with  what  he  says  afterwards,  '  We  have 
been  unable  to  discern  any  traces  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilization 
ill  America  prior  to  the  discovery  of  Columbus.'  And  again:  'In  com- 
paring the  barbarian  nations  of  America  with  those  of  the  eastern  con- 
tinent, we  perceive  no  pointtJ  of  resemblance  between  them,  in  their 
moral  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  apparently  founded  in 
the  necessities  of  human  life.'  If,  then,  there  is  no  affinity,  other  tlian 
what  would  accidentally  happen  from  similar  circumstances,  wherefore 
this  prating  about  ^ strongbj-marked  analogies,^  &c.  just  ccjded.]  As 
respects  the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  best  proofs  of  the 
origin  of  man  and  their  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  much 
more  refractory.  We  find  them  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth, 
and  suited  by  their  physical  conformity  to  a  great  variety  of  climcies  and 
peculiar  localities.  Every  one  will  admit  the  impossibility  of  ascertain- 
ing the  history  of  their  original  creation  from  the  mere  natural  hiEto»-v  of 
the  animals  themselves."  Now,  as  "  refractory  "  as  this  subject  is,  we  did 
not  expect  to  see  it  fathered  off  upon  a  miracle,  because  this  was  the 
easy  and  convenient  manner  in  which  the  superstitious  of  every  age  ac- 
counted for  every  thing  which  they  at  once  could  not  comprelicnd. 
And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  annoimced,  that  a  discovery  in 
any  science  is  to  be  shown,  that  the  undertaker  is  going  to  tell  us  it  is 
accomplished  by  a  miracle^  and  that,  therefore,  "  he  knows  not  why  he 
should  be  called  upon  to  answer  objections,"  &c. 

As  it  would  be  tedious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  incompatible  with  our 
plan,  to  quote  larger  from  Mr.  J\rCulloK's  book,  we  shall  finish  with  "lim 
after  a  few  remarks. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  the  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
object  to  its  introduction  in  the  question  undertaken  by  Mr.  M'Culloh ; 
for  every  child  knows  that  affair  to  have  been  miiaculous ;  aiid  if  any 
part  of  the  question  depended  upon  the  truth  or  falsity  of  a  miracle,  why 
plague  the  world  with  a  book  of  some  500  pages,  merely  to  proir  ulgatfj 
such  a  belief,  when  a  sentence  would  be  all  that  is  required  ?  No  one, 
that  admits  an  overruling  power,  or  the  existence  of  God,  will  doubt  of 
his  ability  to  create  a  myriad  of  men,  animals,  and  all  matter,  by  a 
breath ;  or  that  an  ark  ten  feet  square  could  contain,  comfortably,  ten 

*  The  celebrated  author  of  Lectures  on  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History 
tffMan, 


I 


thousunc 
tain  w'lr 
expressi 
changes 
could  in 
it  was  al 
of  Mr.  jJ 

We  d( 
of  matin 
whole  8| 
admit   o 
whether 
the  ea.st 
tain  that, 
certain  sj 
been  sctll 
thither,  s( 
just  obsei 

Lord  h 
thing  upo 
tha,';  A  me 
that  regi( 
t!ie  Opp(t^ 
by  recent 
gr<»at  eert; 
confirtnali 
entirely  d 
short  vocii 

En 

Go. 
Fat 
Mo 
Sor 
Dai 
Brc 
Sisi 
Hu 
Wc 
Gir 
Yoi 
Chi 
Ar 
Th( 
Per 
Th( 
The 
Th( 
Th( 
Th( 

*  Sec  his  ' 
Edinbiirgli,  i 
t  Vol.  ii.  7 
X  The  AIe( 
America  intc 
are  in  the  Fr 
ag-c  iiilo  thos 


Thap.  II. J 


M'CULLOH.— KAIM. 


i: 


cry  in 
it  is 
fc^liy  he 


we  do 
\lloh ; 
if  any 
!,  why 
ulgate 
one, 
Ibt  of 
by  a 
[y:  ten 

\listory 


\ 


thoiisaiul  iiion,  (iH  well  as  one  of  the  dimensions  given  in  scripture  to  con- 
tain w'lr'  that  dill.  ThercCorc,  il'  one  in  these  days  should  make  a  book 
expressly  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  ditferenl  lengths  of  days,  or  the 
changes  of  the  seasons,  and  find,  aft(!r  he  had  written  a  vast  deal,  that  ho 
could  in  no  wise  unravel  the  mystery,  and,  to  close  his  account,  declares 
it  was  all  a  miracle,  such  an  author  would  be  precisely  hi  the  predicament 
of  Mr.  JVreu//oA. 

We  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  can  be  pursued  with  the  certainty 
of  matheuiatical  calculations ;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  the 
whole  species  of  man  spring  from  one  pair,  so  long  will  the  subject 
admit  of  controversy :  therelore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  difference 
whether  the  inhabitants  are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south, 
the  east  or  the  west,  as  it  regards  the  main  question.  For  it  is  very  cer- 
tain that,  if  there  were  i '  t  on  :j  pair  origuially,  and  these  placed  upon  a 
certain  spot,  all  other  places  where  people  are  now  found  must  have 
been  settled  by  people  from  the  primitive  spot,  who  found  their  May 
thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimportant  how,  as  we  have 
just  observed. 

Lord  Kaim,  a  writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
thing upon  ibis  subject.*  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain 
tha.f  America  was  |)eo[)led  from  Komskatka,  whether  the  inhabitants  of 
that  region  8p(!ak  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  oti 
tl-.e  opposite  j^horcs.  That  they  do  not,  he  observes,  is  fully  eonfim;ed 
by  recent  accounts  from  thence;  and  "whence  we  may  conclude,  with 
great  certainty,  that  the  latter  are  not  a  colony  of  the  former."t  We  have 
confirmation  ujjon  confirmation,  that  these  nations  speak  languages 
entirely  difSu'cnt ;  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a 
short  vocal)'! lary  of  wordti  in  both,  with  the  English  against  them. 


English. 


Kamskadale. 


AUouttan.X 


God Nionsiichtchitch Aghogoch. 

Father Iskh Athan. 

Mother Nas-kh Anaan. 

Son Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 


Sister. 


.Kos-Khou An<;iin. 


Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 

Woman Skoua-aou A'i-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young  boy Pahatch Auckthok. 

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 

A  man Ouskaams Toyoch. 

The  people Kouaskou. 

Persons Ouskaamsit. 

The  head T-Khousa Kamgha. 

The  face Koua-agh Soghimaginn. 

The  nose Ka'nkang Aughosinn. 

The  nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The  eye Nanit Thack. 

*  ^cc  \i\s  "  Sketches  of  the  Histortj  of  Man,"  a  work  which  he  publislied  in  1771,  ai 
Edinburgh,  in  2  vols.  4to. 

tVoi.  ii.  71. 

j  The  Aleouteans  inhabit  the  chain  of  islands  which  stretch  from  the  N.  W.  point  of 
America  into  the  neiffiiborhood  of  Kaniskatka.  It  must  be  remembered  that  these  uaints 
are  in  the  French  orthoffrapby,  beinff  taken  from  a  French  trauilalion  of  Jiilliiigs's  voy- 
age into  those  reijious,  from  1783  to  i71i4. 


5  ' 


16 


8VVINTON.— CABRERA. 


[Book  I. 


AfttT  observing  t!ip*  '.hero  arc  severnl  rognit  arguments  to  evince 
tlint  tiie  Americans  aiv  '  dcHct'nded  from  any  people  in  the  north  of 
Asia,  or  in  the  nortli  of  ipe,"  Lord  Kaim  coiitiniies, — "  I  venture  still 

further;  which  is,  to  conje>  ure,  that  America  has  not  iM^en  peopled  from 
any  part  of  the  old  wcrhl."  Hut  although  this  lust  conjecture  is  in  unison 
with  those  of  many  others,  yet  his  lordHhip  is  greatly  out  in  some  of  the 
proofs  which  he  adduces  in  its  wipj)ort.  As  wo  have  no  ground  on 
which  to  controvert  this  opinion,  we  may  be  excused  from  examining  its 
proofs ;  hut  this  we  will  olwerve,  that  Lord  Katm  is  in  the  same  error 
about  the  beardlessness  of  the  Americans  as  some  other  learned  Euro- 


learned   Dr.  Simnton,*  in  a  dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of 


peaiis. 

The 
America,!  after  stating  the  different  opinions  of  various  authors  who 
have  advocated  in  favor  of  the  "dispersed  people,"  the  Phoenicians, 
and  other  eastern  nations,  observes,  "  that,  therefore,  the  Americans  in 
general  were  descended  from  some  people  who  inhabited  a  country  not 
so  far  distant  from  them  as  Egypt  and  Phaniicia,  our  readers  will,  as  we 
apprehend,  readily  admit.  Now,  no  country  can  be  pitched  upon  so 
proper  and  convenient  for  this  purpose  as  the  north-eastern  part  of  Asia, 
particularly  Great  Tartary,  Sioeria,  and  more  especially  the  peninsula 
of  Kamtschatka.  That  probably  was  the  tract  through  which  many 
Tartarian  colonies  passed  into  America,  and  peopled  the  most  consider- 
able part  of  the  new  world." 

This,  it  is  not  to  bo  denied,  is  the  most  rational  way  of  getting  inhabit- 
ants into  America,  if  it  must  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the 
"old  world."  But  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  for  the  existence  of 
equatorial  animals  in  America,  when  all  authors  agree  that  they  never 
could  have  passed  that  way,  as  they  could  not  have  survived  the  cold- 
ness of  the  climate,  at  any  season  of  the  year.  Moreover,  the  vocabulary 
we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any  thing,  proves  that  either  the  inhabitants 
of  North  America  did  not  come  in  from  the  noith-west,  or  that,  if  they 
did,  some  unknown  cause  must  have,  for  ages,  suspended  nil  commimica- 
tion  between  the  emigrants  and  their  ancestors  upon  the  neighboring 
shores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  appeared  in  London  a  work  which  attracted  some  atten- 
tion, as  most  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  "De- 
scription of  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Palenque,  in  the 
kingdom  of  Guatemala,  in  Spanish  America :  translated  from  the  original 
manuscript  report  of  Capt.  Don  Antonio  Del  Rio :  followed  by  a  critical 
investigation  and  research  into  the  History  of  the  Americans,  by  Dr.  Paul 
Felix  Cabrera,  of  the  city  of  New  Guatemala." 

Capt.  Del  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  178G,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  find,  which  he  accord- 
ingly did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  after^vards  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Dr.  Cabrera,  his  work  was  composed,  and  is  that  part  of  the 
work  which  concerns  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning 
the  peopling  of  America.  We  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  his 
system  differs  very  little  from  some  which  we  have  already  sketched. 
He  is  very  confident  that  he  has  settled  the  question  how  South  America 
received  its  inhabitants,  namely,  from  the  Phoenicians,  'vho  sailed  across 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that  the  ruined  city  described  by  Capt.  Del  Rio 
was  built  by  the  first  adventurers. 

Dr.  Cabrera  calls  any  system,  which,  in  his  view,  does  not  harmonize 

*  Dr.  John  Su-iiiton,  the  eminent  author  of  many  parts  of  the  Ancient  Universal  His- 
tory.    He  died  in  1777,  aged  71. 

t  Universal  History,  xx.  K>2,  1(53. — See  Malone's  edition  of  BosweU's  Life  Dr.  John- 
ton,  V.  271.  ed.  in  5  v.  12nio,  Loudon,  1821. 


It 


CiMr.  HI 

with  the 
rathrr  tli 
works  in 
talents  I) 
natural  c 
former, 
necessity 
matters  ii 
And  sliDi 
business 
grope  in 
condemn 
first  siirli 
supersfiii 
but,  a.s  I,f 

"  If  it 
Hpecies, 
family, 
only  bo  S( 
volved  in 
nothing  t< 

"The 
now  siibsi 
in  14!>H;  i 
iiiiig  of  th 
sion  of  by 
Towards  t 
Cohnnbus, 
^iidiiin  isli 
planted  an 
ment  of  ( 
stance,  apj 
ants,  wher 
characters 

The  em 
works  foui 
by  Pennar 
which  ere« 


Accordin 
living  in 


\l 


Manners  c 


John,  was  o 
brandy  to  1 
tongues — •' 

*  Pajre  30. 

t  I^ci'iiirt's 

^  A  Ml' mo 

10.  avo.  Alb: 


Ci(\r.  Ill] 


LAWRENCE.— CLINTON. 


17 


with  thf*  Scri|)turos,nn  iiinovntion  upontlm  "  lioly  Catholic  religion ;"  and 
rnthrr  thiiii  resort  to  any  hucIi,  ho  says,  "  It  is  hrttor  to  Ixilifivc  his  [God's) 
works  inirnriilouN,  than  endeavor  to  inukc  an  ostcntutious  display  of  our 
tnlcnts  l)y  thn  running  invention  of  new  systems,  \v.  attrihuting  them  to 
natural  causes."*  The  same  reasoning  will  ap|)ly  in  this  ciuo  as  in  a 
former.  If  wo  are  to  attribute  every  thing  to  miracles,  vvhoreforo  the 
necessity  of  investigation  ?  Thcao  authors  arc  fond  of  investigating 
matters  in  their  way,  but  arc  displeased  if  others  take  the  same  liberty. 
And  shoulil  we  follow  an  autlior  in  his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whole 
business  short  by  declaring  all  ttt  be  a  miracle,  when  he  can  no  longer 
grope  in  t\w  labyrinth  of  bis  own  forming,  our  reader  would  be  just  in 
condemning  !".u';h  waste  of  time.  When  every  thing  which  we  cannot  at 
first  sight  understand  or  comprehend  nuist  not  Im  inquired  into,  from 
superstitious  doubt.s,  then  and  then;  will  be  fixed  tlie  bounds  of  all  science ; 
but,  as  Lord  fiyron  said  upon  another  occasion,  not  till  then. 

"  If  it  be  allowed  (says  Dr.  Lawrence)!  that  all  men  are  of  the  same 
species,  it  does  not  tbllow  that  they  are  all  descended  from  the  same 
flimily.  We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  point:  it  could  indeed 
only  be  settled  by  a  knowledge  of  facts,  which  have  long  ago  been  in- 
volved in  the  impenetrable  darkness  of  antiquity."  That  climate  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  complexion,  he  offers  the  following  in  proof: 

"The  estal)li.«<hments  of  the  Europeans  in  Asia  and  America  have 
now  subsisted  about  three  centuries.  Vasquez  De  Gama  landed  at  Calicut 
in  14!>H;  and  the  Portuguese  cmi)ire  in  India  was  founded  in  the  begin- 
ning of  tlie  following  century.  Brazil  was  discovered  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  by  the  same  nation  in  the  very  first  year  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  15th,  and  the  beginning  of  the  Kith  century, 
Columbus,  Cnrtez,  and  Pizarro,  subjugated  for  the  Spaniards  the  West 
Indian  islands,  with  the  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  S'r  H^'alter  Raleek 
]>laMted  an  English  colony  in  V^irginia  in  1584 ;  and  ti  French  settle- 
ment of  Canada  has  rather  a  later  date.  The  colonist  have,  in  no  in- 
stance, approached  to  the  natives  of  these  countries:  and  their  descend- 
ants, where  the  blood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time,  the  same 
characters  as  native  Europeans."^ 

The  eminent  antiquary,  De  JVitt  Clinton,^  supposed  that  the  ancient 
works  found  in  this  country  were  similar  to  those  supimsed  to  be  Roman 
hy  Pennant  in  Wales.  lie  adds,  "The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  nations 
which  erected  our  fortifications,  were  in  all  |)robability  of  Scythian  origin. 
According  to  Pliny,the  name  of  Scythian  was  common  to  all  the  nations 
living  in  the  northof  Asia  and  Europe."^ 

CHAPTER  III. 


Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Indians,  as  iUustraled  by  Anecdotes,  JVar- 

ratives,  Sfc. 

ff'it. — An  Ottawpv  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  While- 
john,  was  a  great  drunkard.  Count  Frontenac  asked  him  what  he  thought 
brandy  to  be  made  of;  he  replied  that  it  must  be  made  of  hearts  and 
tongues — "  For,"  said  he,  "  when  I  have  drunken  plentifully  of  it,  my  heart 

•  Piiffc  30. 

t  Lectures  on  Zooloffy,  (fcc.  4-12.  ed.  «vo.  Salem,  1828.  t  Ibid.  4M.  465. 

^  A  Memoir  on  the  Antiquities  of  the  Western  Farts  of  the  State  of  N.  York,  pages  9, 
10.  8vo.  Albany,  1818. 
2* 


II 


HONOR— RKCKLESSNESS— JUSTICE,  &c. 


[Book  1. 


Chap.  Ill  ) 


ifl  a  tho.iHaiid  strong,  uiul  1  cuii  tiilk,  too,  witli  u.'^toiiisliing  freedom  and 
rujiidity."* 

Honor. — A  cliirf  of  the  I''iv(!  Nations,  who  fought  »)n  llieHido  of  the  Eng- 
linh  in  the  Freneli  warn,  ehaiiced  to  meet  in  liattle  hid  own  fatiier,  who  was 
figliting  on  thi>  sich;  of  the  I'rench.  JiiHt  om  he  waK  uhont  to  deal  a  deadly 
blow  ii|>on  hitt  head,  he  diseovereil  who  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  "  Von 
have  on«'e  given  me  lif(%  and  now  I  give  it  to  you.  Let  mo  meet  you  no 
more ;  (i)r  1  have  paid  the  di.'hl  1  owed  yon."t 

RerkltssnesH. — In  Connectient  River, ahont  "^00  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a  narrow  of  5  yards  only,  formed  hy  two  shelving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Through  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  all  the  waters 
which  in  the  time  of  the  floods  hury  the  northern  country."  [Tiiis  is  now 
called  Titnier^a  Falls,  from  the  great  tight  ln)  had  there  with  the  Indians  in 
I'hilip's  war.]  It  is  a  frightful  passage  of  about  400  yards  in  length.  No 
boat,  or,  as  my  author  expresses  it, "  no  living  creature,  was  ever  known  to 
pass  through  this  narrow,  except  an  Indian  woman."  This  woman  had 
undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and  altliongh  she  had  the  god 
Bacchus  by  her  side;,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite  of  their  united  efl'orts, 
and  the  canoe  was  hurried  down  the  frightful  gulf.  While  this  Indian 
woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  us  she  had  every  reason 
to  ex|)C(!t,  she  seized  upon  lier  bottlii  of  rum,  aiul  did  not  take  it  irom  lier 
mouth  until  the  last  dr(»|)  was  qiiatled.  She  was  marviillously  preserved, 
and  was  actually  picked  up  several  miles  below,  lluating  in  the  canoe, 
still  quite  drunk.  VVlien  it  was  known  what  she  had  done,  and  being 
osked  how  she  dared  t(»  drink  so  nmch  mm  with  the  jtrospect  of  certain 
death  before  her,  she  answered  that  slie  knew  it  was  too  much  for  one 
time,  but  she  was  unwilling  that  any  of  it  should  be  lost.| 

Justice, — A  missionary  residing  among  a  certain  tribe  of  Indians,  was  one 
day,  afler  he  had  b(!<ui  preaching  to  them,  invited  by  their  chief  to  visit  his 
wigwam.  After  having  been  kindly  entertained,  and  being  about  to 
d(?part,  the  chief  took  him  by  the  hand  and  said,  "I  have  very  bad  stjuaw. 
.She  had  two  little  children.  One  she  loved  well,  the  other  she  hated. 
In  a  cold  night,  when  I  was  gone  hunting  in  the  woods,  she  shut  it  out 
of  the  wigwam,  and  it  froze  to  death.  What  must  be  done  with  her.^" 
The  missionary  rejjlied,  "  She  must  be  hanged."  "Ah!"  said  the  chief, 
"go,  then,  and  hang  your  God,  whom  you  make  just  like  her." 

Revenge. — "An  Indian,  in  Chatauque  county,  New  York,  a  stout  man, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  DcvU^s-ramrod,  lately  had  a  rencounter  with  a 
white  man,  in  which  he  came  off  second  best.  Mortified  at  the  result,  he 
twice  jumped  into  a  neighboring  creek  to  drown  himself,  but  was  dragged 
out  by  the  people  present,     lie  made  a  third  attempt,  and  succeeded."^ 

Magnanimity. — A  Ininter,  in  his  wanderings  for  game,  fell  among  the 
back  settlements  of  Virginia,  and  by  reason  of  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  was  induced  to  seek  rcfUgc  at  the  house  of  a  planter,  whom  he 
met  at  his  door.  Admission  was  refused  liim.  lieiiig  both  hungry  and 
thirsty,  he  asked  for  a  morsel  of  bread  and  a  cuj)  of  water,  l)Ut  was 
answered  in  every  case,  "  No !  you  shall  have  nothing  here !  Get  you 
gone, you  Indian  dog!"  It  Jiajjpened,  in  process  of  time,  that  this  same 
planter  lost  hitnself  in  the  woods,  and,  nihn-  a  fatiguing  day's  travel,  he 
came  to  an  Indian's  cabin,  into  which  he  was  welcoiried.  On  inquiring 
the  way,  and  the  distance  to  the  white  settlements,  being  told  by  tiie  In- 
dian that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly  ofVered  lodging 
and  victuals,  he  gladly  refreshed  and  reposed  himself  in  the  Indian's  cal)in. 
In  the  morning,  he  conducted  him  through  the  wilderness,  agreeably  to 


his  promis 
of  the  win 
him  fidl  in 
struck  at 
ly  treated, 
(piited,  he 
when  the 
faituing  (!) 
dian  dog!' 
adds,  "  It  i 
the  nami 

Der.eptio 
a.  lady  of  . 
islands,"  g, 
should  not 
along  with 
deliver  the 
the  journe; 
and  not  be 
communict 
\i\a  design 
ho  did  not; 
upon  it,  an( 
several  of  t 
ing  the  rem 
rest  of  the  c 
the  letter  sa 
the  letter 
in  his  falsctj 

Shrewdne, 
tending  som 
half  nuked, 
The  govern 
some  clothes, 
him  why  he 
liead,  said, " 
as  you  shou 
employ  him 
he  would  g( 
offer,  and  w 
ing  about  : 
asked  him  > 
answered,  " 
a  shilling  fo 
governor,  se 
give  him  an 

This  dom 
to  a  grog-sh 
and  told  hir 
one  to  be  i 
been  the  cai 
second  time 
was  now  co 
time,  gave  1 


*  Universal  Museum  for  17fi3. 
X  Pcters's  Hist.  Couueclicut. 


t  IM<!. 

^  Mlus'd  Regr.  xx.  3C8. 


# 


Chap.  Ill] 


DKCKFTION— 8I1UEVVDNKSS. 


19 


"  You 


cliii'f, 


Hi    III- 

ixljring 
(•al)in. 
ibly  to 


hifl  prniniHt!  tlio  nif^lit  Ixtfom,  until  tlioy  rntnn  in  nif;tit  of  thn  habitations 
oftlu!  wliitt'H.  An  lit!  was  about  to  takt;  Iiih  loavo  ot'tli<;  planter,  ho  looked 
hint  fdil  in  tlio  fact*,  and  aHki'd  him  it'  ho  diil  not  know  him.  Horror- 
Htriick  at  lindiiig  hiumolf  thus  in  tho  power  of  a  man  lio  hud  ho  inhuman- 
ly  treated,  and  diimh  with  Hhatne  un  thinking  of  tho  manner  it  was  rc- 
(piited,  ho  l)<<^an  at  len^tli  to  make  exruHeH,  and  beg  a  thouHand  pardons, 
when  the  Indian  interrupted  him, and  Miid,  "When  you  see  poor  Indiatia 
faimin/;  tiir  a  eup  of  cold  wat<!r,  ilon't  Hay  again,  '(jet  you  gone,  yr<u  In- 
dian dou!'"  He  thou  dinnuHHed  him  to  reuirn  to  hin  friendn.  IMy  author 
adds,  "  It  in  not  ditlicult  to  Huy,  which  of  thuHu  two  hud  the  bc8t  claim  to 
the  name  of  Chrintian."* 

Deception. — The  captain  of  a  vessel,  having  a  dcHiretomuko  u  present  to 
a  lady  of  Homo  lino  orung<!S  which  ho  hud  juwt  brought  froirj  "the  sugar 
islands,"  gave  thiiui  to  an  Indian  in  his  employ  to  curry  to  her.  Lest  he 
should  not  perform  the  olHco  punctually,  he  wrote  u  letter  to  her,  to  bt;  tukcn 
uluug  with  the  present,  that  hIio  might  detect  the  bearer,  if  In;  should  fail  to 
deliver  the  whole  of  what  he  was  intrusted  with.  The  Indian,  during 
the  journey,  reflected  how  he  should  refresh  himself  with  the  oranges, 
und  not  be  found  out.  Not  having  any  upprehetision  «jf  the  munner  of 
c;ouununication  by  writing,  he  concluded  that  it  wus  only  necessary  to  keep 
hid  design  secret  from  the  letter  itself,  supimsing  that  would  tell  of  him  if 
hu  did  not ;  he  therefore  laid  it  upon  the  ground,  und  rolled  u  large  stone 
upon  it,  and  retired  to  sorno  distance,  where  ho  regaled  himself  with 
several  of  tho  oranges,  und  then  proceeded  on  his  journey.  On  deliver- 
ing the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the  lady,  she  asked  him  where  the 
rest  of  the  oranges  were  ;  he  said  he  hud  delivered  all ;  she  told  him  that 
the  letter  said  there  were  severul  more  sent ;  to  which  he  nnswered  that 
the  letter  lied,  und  she  must  not  believe  it.  But  he  wus  soon  confronted 
in  his  falsehood,  and,  begging  forgiveness  of  the  oflence,  was  pardoned.f 

Shrewdness. — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudley  of  Mussuchusetts  wus  superin- 
tending some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Indian,  who, 
half  nuked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a  pastime,  to  see  his  men  work. 
The  governor  took  occasion  one  duy  to  ask  him  why  he  did  not  work  atideet 
some  clothes,  wherewith  to  cover  himself.  '^^^^  Indian  unswered  by  askmg 
him  why  he  did  not  work.  The  governor,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his 
heud,  said,  "  I  work  head  work,  and  so  have  no  need  to  work  with  my  hands 
as  you  should."  The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would 
employ  him.  The  governor  told  him  he  wanted,  a  calf  killed,  and  that,  if 
he  would  go  and  do  it,  he  would  give  him  a  shilling.  He  accepted  the 
offer,  and  went  immediately  and  killed  the  calf,  and  then  went  saunter- 
ing about  as  before.  The  governor,  on  observing  what  he  had  done, 
asked  him  why  he  did  not  dress  the  calf  before  he  left  it.  The  Indian 
answered,  "  JVb,  no,  Coponoh ;  that  was  not  in  the  bargain :  I  was  to  have 
a  shilling  for  killing  him.  t^m  he  no  dead,  Coponoh'!?  [governor.]"  The 
governor,  seeing  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  hnn  to  dress  it,  and  he  would 
give  him  another  shilling. 

This  done,  and  in  possession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indiaii  goes  directly 
to  a  grog-shop  for  rum.  After  a  short  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor, 
and  told  him  he  had  given  him  a  bad  shilhng  piece,  and  presented  a  brass 
one  to  be  exchanged.  The  governor,  thinkmg  possibly  it  might  have 
been  the  case,  gave  him  another.  It  was  not  long  before  he  returned  a 
second  time  with  another  brass  shilling  to  be  exchanged  ;  the  governor 
was  now  convinced  of  his  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  make  words  at  the 
time,  gave  him  another ;  and  thus  the  fellow  got  four  shillings  for  one. 

*  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  40. 

t  Uring's  Voyage  to  N.  England  in  1709,  8vo.  London,  1726. 


« 


90 


EQUALITY.— MATRniONY.— TOLERATION. 


[Rook  I. 


The  governor  dcteriniiu'd  to  have  the  rogue  corrertetl  for  his  abuse, 
and,  meeting  with  hiui  soon  afUr,  told  iiiiii  lie  must  take  a  letter  to  Bos- 
ton for  him  [aiul  gave  him  a  half  a  crown  ibr  the  service.*]  The  letter 
was  directed  to  the  keeper  of  hridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer 
80  many  lashes;  hut,  mistrusting  that  all  was  not  exactly  agreeable,  and 
meeting  a  seiTant  of  the  governor  on  tin;  road,  ordered  him,  in  the  name 
of  liis  master,  to  carry  th(!  litter  immediately,  as  he  was  in  haste  to  return. 
The  consetiuence  was,  this  servant  got  egregiously  whipped.  When  the 
governor  learned  what  had  tiiken  place,  lie  lelt  no  httle  chagi'in  at  being 
thus  twice  outwitted  by  the  Indian. 

He  did  not  see  the  fellow  for  some  time  after  this,  hut  at  length,  falling 
in  with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him 
so  many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  he  answer- 
ed, pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  "  Head  ivork,  Coponoh,  head  work .'" 
The  governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  offence.f 

Equedity. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  wen^ 
free,  an.swered,  "  Why  not,  since  I  myself  am  free,  although  their  king?"| 

Matrimony. — "An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  sj)entmuch  tim(! 
among  the  white  peojile,  both  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  year  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a  much  easier 
way  of  getting  a  wife  than  tlte  whites,  but  also  a  more  certain  way  of  getting 
a  good  one.  '  For,'  said  he  in  broken  English,  '  white  man  court — court 
— may  be  one  whole  year ! — may  be  two  years  before  he  mjirry !  Well — 
may  be  th(!n  he  get  very  good  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross ! 
Well,  now  suppose  cross !  scold  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning ! 
scold  all  day ! — scold  until  sleep  ! — all  one — he  must  keep  him  ! — White 
people  have  law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must 
keep  him  always!  Well,  how  does  Indian  do  ?  Indian,  when  he  see  in- 
dustrious squaw,  he  like,  he  go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore  fingers  close 
aside  each  other,  make  two  like  one — then  look  squaw  in  the  face — see 
him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say  yes! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger 
he  be  cross !  No,  no — squaw  know  too  Well  what  Indian  do  if  he  cross ! 
throw  him  away  and  take  another!— Squaw  love  to  eat  meat — no  Inis- 
band  no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to  please  husband,  he  do  every 
thing  to  jileasc  squaw — live  hapjiy.'"^ 

Toleration. — In  the  year  1791,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  Ameri- 
can to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many 
flocked  around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to 
behold  "the  savages."  Being  asked  their  opinion  of  religion,  or  of  what 
religion  they  were,  one  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  priests  in  their  coun- 
try, or  established  religion,  for  they  thought,  that,  upon  a  subject  where 
there  was  no  possibility  of  people's  agreeing  in  opinion,  and  as  it  was  alto- 
gether matter  of  mere  oj)inion, "  it  was  best  that  every  one  should  paddle  iiis' 
canoe  his  own  way."  •Here  is  a  volume  of  instruction  in  a  short  answer 
of  a  savage!  , 

A  recruiting  officer,  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  United  States'  govern- 
ment in  the  time  o*"the  Western  Indian  wars,  (about  1790,)  wrote  thus  to 
a  friend:  "Where  I  am,  the  recruiting  business  goes  on  heavily ;  none 
but  the  refuse  of  creation  to  be  picked  up;  gallows-looking  fellows,  (like 
Sir  John  FalstatPs  regiment,)  who  only  enlist  with  a  design  to  desert ; 
and,  when  collected,  will,  I  fear,  be  pronounced 

So  worn,  so  wasted,  so  despised  a  crew; 
As  even  Indians  niig'lit  with  pity  view." 


*  A  sentence  added  in  a  version  of  tins  anecdote  in  Caret/ s  Musfuvi,  v'l.  204. 
t  Urinef.  nt  supra.  120.  \  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  482. 

^  Ueckcweldcr's  Hist.  Ind.  Nations. 


S^" 


Chap.  III. 


Justice 
posed  up 
wheat, 
prospect, 
others, 
ground  v 
in  the  spi 
even  spr 
deceiver 
forgotten 
a  large  ai 
out  the  " 
The  Indi 
shrewdly 
wfis  enoii 
we  appro 
Huntin 
extreme!; 
catching  i 
The  Si 
NovemlM 
about  the 
wanderec 
they  say, 
dered, w( 
bow,  ant 
had  been 
Bradford 
he  went  i 
up  by  the 
u  rope  o 
and  iiavii 
make,  an 


Chap.  Ill] 


JUSTICE.— HUNTING. 


21 


> 


Justice. — A  wliito  tradi^r  sold  a  quantity  of  powder  to  an  Indian,  and  im- 
posed upon  him  by  making  liim  believe  it  was  a  grain  which  grew  like 
wheat,  by  sowing  it  upon  the  ground,  lie  was  greatly  elated  by  the 
prospect,  not  only  of  raising  his  own  powder,  but  of  being  able  to  supply 
others,  and  thereby  becoming  immensely  rich.  Having  prepared  his 
ground  with  groat  care,  he  sowed  his  powder  with  the  utmost  exactness 
in  the  spring.  Month  after  month  passed  away,  but  his  powder  did  not 
even  sprout,  and  winter  came  before  he  was  satisfied  that  he  iiad  been 
deceived.  He  said  nothing ;  but  some  time  after,  when  the  trader  had 
forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  succeeded  in  getting  credit  of  him  to 
a  large  amount.  The  time  set  f'>r  payment  having  expired,  he  sought 
out  the  Indian  at  his  residence,  and  demanded  payment^r  his  goods. 
The  Indian  heard  his  demand  with  great  complaisance  ;  then,  looking  him 
shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  "Me  pay  you  wlwn  my  powder  grow.^^  This 
was  enough.  The  guilty  white  man  quickly  retraced  his  steps,  satisfied, 
we  apprehend,  to  balance  his  account  with  the  chagrin  he  had  received. 

Hunting. — The  Indians  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  served  them 
extremely  well.  We  will  give  here  an  anecdote  of  one  of  their  snares 
catching  a  pilgrim,  and  then  explain,  by  an  engraving,  their  fence  traps. 

The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the  fathers, 
November,  1G20,  to  the  shores  of  Plimouth,  several  of  them  ranged 
about  the  woods  near  by  to  learn  what  the  country  contained.  Having 
wandered  farther  than  they  were  apprised,  in  their  endeavor  to  return, 
they  say,  "  We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wan- 
dered, we  came  to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sj)rit  was  bowed  down  over  a 
bow,  and  some  acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it 
had  been  to  catch  some  deer.  So,  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  William 
Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when  he  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as 
he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up,  and  hf  was  immediately  caught 
up  by  the  legs.  It  was  (they  continue)  a  very  p-etty  device,  made  with 
u  rope  of  their  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind  of  roots  ])robablv,] 
and  having  a  noose  as  artificially  made  as  any  roper  in  England  can 
make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be ;  which  we  brought  away  with  us."* 


*Muurt's  llclution. 


22 


PREACHING  AGAINST  PRACTICE. 


[Book  1. 


Greatness  of  Mind,  a  N'arraiive. — Silbuee  was  a  Cherokee  chief,  and 
was  introduced  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  illustrate  the  observation  in  his  Notes 
OFi  Virginia,  that  the  Indian  "  is  affectionate  to  his  children,  careful  of 
them,  and  indulgent  in  the  extreme  ;  that  his  affections  comprehend  his 
other  connections,  weakening,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to  circle,  as  they 
recede  from  the  centre ;  that  his  friendships  are  strong  and  faithful  to  the 
uttermost  extremity."  "  A  remarkable  instance  of  this  appeared  in  the 
case  of  the  late  Col.  Byrd,*  who  was  sent  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
transact  some  business  with  then?.  It  happened  that  dome  of  our  disor-f 
derly  people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore 
proposed  in  the  council  of  the  Cherokces,  that  CoL  Byrd  should  be  put  to 
death,  in  revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  countrymen.  Among  them  was  a 
chief  called  Subuee,  who,  on  some  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  ac- 
quaintance and  friendship  with  Col.  Byrd.  He  came  to  him  every  night 
in  his  tent,  and  told  him  not  to  be  afraid,  they  should  not  kill  him.  After 
many  dajs'  deliberation,  however,  the  determination  was  contrary  to 
SUbuee^s  expectation,  that  Byrd  should  be  put  to  death,  and  some  warriors 
were  despatched  as  executioners.  Silbuee  attended  them ;  and  when  they 
entered  the  tent,  he  threw  himself  between  them  and  Byrd,  and  said  to 
the  warriors, '  This  man  is  my  friend:  before  you  get  at  him,  you  must  kill 
me  /'  On  which  they  returned,  and  the  council  respected  the  principle  so 
much,  as  to  recede  from  their  determination." 

A  more  impolitic  and  barbarous  measure,  perhaps,  never  entered  the 
heart  of  man,  than  that  of  offering  a  reward  for  human  scalps.  This 
was  done  by  Virginia.  It  is  true  the  government  of  Virgi  lia  was  not 
alone  in  this  criminal  business,  but  that  betters  not  her  case.  The 
door  of  enormity  being  thus  opened,  it  was  easy  to  have  foreseen,  that 
many  men  upon  the  frontiers,  "of  bad  lives  and  worse  principles," 
says  an  intelligent  writer,f  stood  ready  to  step  in.  As  the  event  proved, 
many  friendly  Indians  were  murdered,  and  the  government  defrauded. 
It  was  at  the  news  of  a  murder  of  this  description  that  Col.  Byrd  was 
seized. 

Preachins;  against  Practice. — John  Simon  was  a  Sogkonate,  who,  about 
the  year  1700,  was  a  settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  was  a  man  of  strong 
mind,  generally  temperate,  but  sometimes  reiniss  in  the  latter  particular. 
The  following  anecdote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice. 
Simon,  on  account  of  his  deportment,  was  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
when  difficulties  occurred  involving  any  of  his  people,  he  sat  with  the  Eng- 
lish justice  to  aid  in  making  up  judgment.  It  happened  that  Simoii's  squaw, 
with  some  otlicrs,  had  committed  some  offence.  Justice  Almy  and  Simon, 
in  making  up  their  minds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  offence  differ- 
ently ;  Almy  thought  each  should  receive  ei^ht  or  ten  stripes,  but  Simon 
said,  "JVo,four  or  five  are  enough — Poor  Indians  are  ignorant,  and  it  is  not 
Christian- 1  ike  io  punish  so  hardly,  those  tvho  are  ignorant,  as  those  who 
have  hnowledgi-.^''  Simon's  judgment  prevailed.  When  Mr.  Mmy  asked 
John  how  many  his  wife  should  receive,  he  said,  "Double,  oecause 
she  had  knoivledge  to  have  done  better ;"  but  Col.  Almy,  out  of  ref^ard  to 
John\s  feelings,  wholly  remitted  his  wife's  punishment.  Johr  ooked 
very  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  presence  of  the  coun  JUt,  on 
the  first  fit  opportunity,  remonstrated  very  severely  against  his  judgment ; 
and  said  to  him,  "To  tvhat  purpose  do  ive  preach  a  religion  (^justice,  if 
we  do  unrightec  isness  in  jjidgment." 

"  I'erliaps  the  same  nifiiitioned  by  Oldmixon,  (i.  283.)  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  pow- 
wows; one  of  whom  he  says,  "very  lately  conjured  a  sliower  of  rain  for  Col.  Byrd'i 
plantation  in  a  time  of  drouth,  for  two  bottles  of  rum,"  and  of  which  Mr.  Oldmixon 
Kays,  "  liatl  we  not  found  this  in  an  author  who  was  on  the  spot,  we  should  have  rejected 
it  as  a  fuble."  t  Dr.  Burnaby. 


BIOGRA 


An  account 
Donarona- 
— .tlssacun 
Epanow— 

The  firf=t 
their  accoiu 
whatever  so 
of  America 
taken  away 
them  the  vul 
forcibly  carr 
sioi),  and  igi 
land  of  strat 
hence  such  i 
were  prepai 
chanced  to  ( 
] 


BOOK    II. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW  ENGLAND  INDIANS. 


"  'Tis  good  to  muso  on  nntiona  pasood  away, 
Forever  from  tlio  land  wo  cull  our  own." 


CHAPTER  I 

.'7)1  account  of  svch  as  have  hecn  carried  away  by  the  early  voyagera. — 
Donacona — Ao;nna — Tasipninlum,  or  Squanto — Dchamda — S/alttcarrocs 
— Jlssacumet — Manida — Perhmo — Monopct — Pekcnimne — SalMwislon — 
Epanow — Manawd —  Wan  ape — Coneconam, 

The  first  voyagers  to  fi  roiintry  wrro  anxious  to  ronfirin  tlic  triitli  of 
their  accoiintp,  and  tlioroibro  took  from  llicir  n»'\vly-<lis(  crcd  lands 
wliatcver  sooniod  host  suited  to  t!io  ol)ioct.s  in  viow.  The  iniiabitants 
of  America  carried  otf  hy  ICnrope.-ins  were  not,  perhnj)S,  in  any  instance, 
talicn  away  merely  (or  this  o1)jeet,  lint  tliat  tliey  nii<;ht,  in  time,  learn  from 
them  the  value  of  tlio  country  from  wlienee  they  came.  Uesides  those 
forcibly  carried  away,  there  were  many  who  went  throiifrh  overpersua- 
sion,  and  i;jrnorancc  i)otli  of  the  distance  and  usage  they  should  meet  in  a 
land  of  strangers ;  which  was  not  always  as  it  should  have  been,  and 
hence  such  as  were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  their  own  country, 
were  prepared  to  bo  revenged  on  any  strangers  of  the  same  color,  that 
chanced  to  come  among  them. 


nONACONA.— AGOXA.— TASQUANTUM. 


[Book    II. 


There  were  three  natives  presented  to  Hi-nry  VFI.  by  Sehasliav  Cahot, 
in  1502,  which  he  htid  taken  from  Ncwibiiiu'land.  VVliat  were  tlieir 
names,  or  wliat  became  of  them,  we  are  not  informed;  but  from  the 
Dotiee  of  historians,  we  learn  that,  when  found,  "they  were  clothed  with 
the  skins  of  beasts,  and  hved  on  raw  flesh  ;  but  aft(!r  two  years,  [residence 
in  England,]  were  seen  in  tlie  king's  court  clotiied  like  Englishmen,  and 
could  not  be  discerned  from  Enaflishmen."*  These  were  the  first  Indiai;s 
ever  seen  in  England.f  They  were  brought  to  the?  English  court  "  in 
their  country  habit,"  and  "spoke  a  language  never  luiard  before  out  of 
their  own  country."}: 

The  French  discovered  the  River  St.  Lawrence  in  1508,  and  the  captain 
of  the  ship  who  made  the  liiscH) very,  carried  severed  natives  to  Paris, 
which  were  the  first  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or 
even  how  many  they  were  in  iniuibor,  is  not  set  down  in  the  accounts  of 
this  voyage.     The  name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  ^ubcrt.^ 

John  Verazzini,  in  the  service  of  France,  in  1524,  sailed  along  the 
American  coast,  and  landed  in  several  |)laces.  At  one  place,  which  we 
judge  to  be  some  part  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  "20  of  his  men  land- 
ed, and  went  about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  iidiabitants 
fled  before  them,  but  they  caught  an  old  woman  who  had  hid  herself  i(. 
the  high  grass,  with  a  young  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old 
woman  carried  a  child  on  her  back,  and  had,  besides,  two  little  boys  with 
her.  The  young  v/oman,  too,  carried  three  children  of  her  own  sex. 
Seeing  themselves  discovered,  they  began  to  shriek,  and  the  old  one  gave 
them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the  men  were  flcid  to  the  woods. 
They  offered  her  somctliing  to  eat,  which  she  accepted,  but  the  maiden 
refused  it.  This  girl,  who  was  tall  and  well  shaped,  they  were  desirous 
of  taking  along  with  them,  but  as  she  made  a  violent  outcry,  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  taking  a  boy  away  with  them."|j  The  name  of 
New  France  was  given  to  North  America  in  this  voyage.  In  another 
voyage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed  and  eaten  by  the  Indians. 

Vonacona,  a  chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535, 
by  the  voyager  James  Cartier,  who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treated 
by  him  and  his  people ;  to  repay  which,  Cartier,  "  partly  by  stratagem  and 
partly  by  force,"  carried  him  to  i'ran.'c,  when;  he  soon  after  died.*!  Not- 
withstanding, Cartier  \vas  in  th(!  country  five  years  after,  where  he  found 
Jigona,  the  successor  of  Bonacona,  and  exchanged  pres(;nts  with  him, 
probably  reconciling  him  by  some  plausible  jxccount  of  the  a})sence  of 
Donacona, 

Tasquantum,  or  Tisquantnm,  was  one  of  the  five  natives  carried  fi-nm  the 
coast  of  New  England,  in  1('()5,  l)y  Ca))t.  George  fVaipnouth,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  discover  a  nordi-west  passage.  This  Indian  was  known 
afterwards  to  the  settlers  of  l*limoulli,  by  whom  he  was  generally  called 

•  Rapiii's  Hist.  Enfflo7)d,  i.  G8.5.  od.  io\. 

t  This  is  upon  the  autliority  of  Ilfr/ci'hj.  Inslcad  of  Enisland.  however,  lie  savs  Eu- 
rope ;  but,  by  sayiiij^  the  s/.r,  whirl)  Cohnnhiin  had  boforo  taken  from  St.  Salvador, 
made  tiicir  escape,  lie  siiows  iiis  superficial  knowledge  of  those  afl'airs.  Hear  Her- 
rera  :— 

"  En  stiitte  de  cela,  \jj\ftt  is,  aflfr  Colnmlws  hnd  replied  to  the  kivir's  letter  about  a 
second  roijaffe,]  il  \^Colnmhiis\  pitrlit  pour  alh'r  a  Ilnrrcloiie  auer  sept  Iiidieris,  parce  que 
les  autrcs  esloient  iiwiis  en  ehemin.  11  fit  porter  <iii.eqiie  hiif  des  perroipiets  verds,  el  de 
rouffes,  et  d'autres  clinses  iliirtirs  d'udininiliori  qui  ii'aiioient  iawitis  este  veufs  en  Es- 
paa;ne  "  Hist,  des  Indes  Occidoiu.  i.  102.  Kd.  KiiiO,  3  tomes,  'tto.  See  also  Harris, 
Voijas,-es,  ii.  1,5.  cd.  IIGI,  2  v.  Ii)l.  ;   Robertson,  America,  i.  !H.  ed.  1778,  ito. 

X  Herkely's  Naval  Hist.  lint.  iCB.  ed.  17.0(i,  fol.  iuid  Harris,  Voija<res,  ii.  191. 

^  Forstc'r,  432.  U  Ibid.  4iM.,  455.  TT  Ibid.  Wi—M± 


Chap.  I.] 

\Squanto 
were  Man 

Sir  Fer 
[in  seekin 
.\inerica,  i 
"And  it  s( 
land,  "  can 
Threef  of 
"  1  seized 
several  liin 
Cfod,  of  pi 

Paying 
them  aboil 
it  was  of 
their  home. 
times  in  rr 
example  o 
of  great  ci 
longer  1  c 
parts  whei 
found  whi] 
abounded 
nation  me 
kept  them 
rivei"s  ran  \ 
power  thej 

Thus  ha 
ready  "as 
America,  a 
also  sent  t^ 
Alanida.  C 
altered  his 
able  to  pre 
ui'U'v  taken 
and  goods 
thrown,  an 
afterwards 
in  ldO(J. 

It  appeal 
vessel  to  tl 
news  of  hi 
Gorges  says 
to  despatch 


*  Although 
that  he  was,  1 
time  in  Engia 

t  It  seems, 
subsequent  p; 
Life. 

t  Challons, 

\  The  sanu 
Sec  Prince's 
284,  says,  "  1 
death,  which  i 
his  reader  by 
years.  Tiie 
pardon  so  in  a 
temptible,  anc 


Chap.  1.) 


TASQUANTUM. 


^Squanto  or  ^Squantuirif  by  nhbruviation.    The  names  of  tlie  other  four 
wt're  Manilla,  SktUwarroes,  Dehamda*  uiul  Assacumd. 

Sir  Ftrdinando  Gorges  says,  It'aymoutli,  "  falling  short  of  his  course, 
[in  seeking  the  N.  W.  pussuge,]  huppened  into  a  river  on  the  coast  of 
Anieriea,  called  Ftmmaquid,  troni  whence  he  brought  live  of  the  natives." 
"And  it  so  pleased  our  great  God,  that"  Waymouth,  on  his  return  to  Eng- 
land, "  came  into  the  l.arbor  of  Plymouth,  where  I  then  comniunded." 
Threef  of  whose  natives,  namely,  Manida,  Skeltioarroea  and  Tasquantum, 
"  I  seized  upon.  They  were  all  of  one  nation,  but  of  several  parte,  and 
several  lamilies.  This  accident  must  be  acknowledged  the  means,  under 
God,  of  putting  on  loot  and  giving  life  to  all  our  plantations." 

I'aying  great  attention  to  these  natives,  he  soon  understood  enough  by 
them  about  tlie  country  from  whence  they  came  to  establish  a  belief  that 
it  was  of  great  value ;  not  perhaps  making  due  allowance  for  its  being 
their  Aomc.  And  Sir  Ftrdinando  adds,  "Alter  I  liad  those  people  some- 
times in  my  cusJtody,  I  observed  in  them  an  inclination  to  ibllovv  the 
example  of  the  betuu*  sort ;  and  in  all  their  carriages,  manifest  shows 
of  great  civility,  far  from  the  rudeness  of  our  connnon  people.  And  the 
longer  1  convei-sed  with  them,  the  better  hope  they  gave  me  of  those 
parts  where  they  did  inhabit,  as  jiroper  lor  our  uses;  e8pecii:"y  when  I 
ibund  what  goodly  rivei-s,  stately  islands,  and  safe  harbors,  those  part«< 
abounded  with,  being  the  special  marks  I  leveled  at  as  the  only  want  our 
nation  met  with  in  all  their  navigations  along  that  coast.  And  liaving 
kept  them  full  three  years,  I  made  them  able  to  set  me  down  what  great 
rivei-s  ran  up  into  the  land,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them,  what 
power  they  were  ot)  how  allied,  what  enemies  they  had,"  &:c. 

Thus  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  the  country,  Sir  Ferdinando  got 
ready  "a  ship  furnished  with  men  and  ail  necessaries"  for  a  voyage  to 
America,  and  sent  as  her  captain  Mr.  Ihnnf  ChuUouug,l  with  whom  he 
also  sent  two  of  his  Indians.  The  nanus  (»f  tlnse  were  Jls-tacumct  and 
Manida.  Chalons,  liaving  been  tiiks-n  Ack  in  the  beginning  of  the  voyage, 
alten.'d  his  course,  and  lost  sonic  time  in  tiiv  \\  est  Indies.  Alb  r  being 
able  to  proceed  nortliwanl,  lie  dep;  fled  lioni  Porto  iiico,  and  was  soon 
after  taken  by  a  Spanish  ileet,  and  carried  into  Spain,  "where  their  sliip 
and  goods  were  conliscate,  tlieiuselves  made  prisoners,  tin;  voyage  over- 
thrown, and  both  my  natives  lost."  One,  hovvev(;r,  Assacumd,  was 
afti'rwards  recovered,  if  not  the  other.  'I'liis  \i»yage  of  Chalons  wai* 
in  IdOt). 

It  appeal's  that  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Fopharn^  had  agi'eed  to  send  a 
vessel  to  the  aid  of  Chalons,  which  vvaj  accordingly  done  before  the 
news  of  his  being  taken  was  known  in  England.  For  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  says,  "It  pleased  the  lord  chief  justice,  according  to  his  promise, 
to  despatch  Capt.  [Martin]  Frin  from  IJristol,  with  hope  to  have  found 


*  Although  Gorges  does  not  say  Dehaiiiila  was  one  brought  at  this  time,  it  is  evident 
that  he  was,  because,  so  Car  as  wo  can  discover,  there  were  no  other  natives,  at  this 
time  in  England,  but  tliese  live. 

t  It  seems,  from  this  part  ol"  his  iiiirrative,  that  lie  liad  but  three  of  lliem,  but,  from 
subsequent  passages,  it  appears  lie  liad  iliciii  all.  See  also  America  paiiUed  to  tht 
Life. 

I  Challons,  by  some.     Gorges  has  him,  snmetiines,  Chalowns,  Chalon,  Arc. 

\  The  same  who  presided  at  the  trial  of  Sir  II'.  Ralegh  and  his  associates,  in  1603. 
See  Prince's  IVjrtliies  of  Devnn,  I'li,  (uii.  Fuller,  in  his  Worthies  of  England,  ii. 
284,  says,  "  Travelers  owed  their  safely  to  this  judge's  severity  many  years  after  his 
death,  which  happened  Anno  Domini  16**,"  thinking,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlightened 
his  reader  by  definitely  stating  that  Sir  John  Pupham  died  some  time  within  a  Tiundred 
years.  The  severity  referred  to  has  reference  to  his  importuning  King  James  not  to 
pardon  so  many  robbers  and  thieves,  which,  he  said,  tended  to  render  tlitt  judges  con- 
temptible, aod  "  which  made  him  more  sparing  aUcrward." 


DKII AMDA.— SKETTVVARUOES. 


[DOOK  11. 


Capt.  Challouns^e  ,"  "  but  not  liuaririg  l)y  nny  moans  what  became  of  him, 
after  he  bad  marie  a  perlbet  diseovery  of  all  those  rivere  and  harbors," 
"  brinjrs  with  him  tlie  most  exact  discovery  of  that  coast  that  ever  came  to 
my  hands  since,  and,  indeed,  ho  was  tiie  best  able  to  perform  it  of  any  1 
niet  withal  to  liiis  present,  [time,]  which,  with  his  relation  of  the  country, 
wrought  such  an  impression  in  the  lord  chief  justice,  and  us  all  that 
were  his  associates,  that  (notwitlistanding  our  first  disaster)  we  set  up  our 
resolntiiins  to  follow  it  with  effect." 

Dekanula  and  Skeltwitiroes  were  with  Prin*  in  this  voyage,  and  were, 
without  doubt,  his  most  efficient  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appears 
from  Cjlor-^rs,  that  Dcjidiiu/d  was  sent  by  the  chief  justice,  who  we  8U)»- 
post!  had  consid(;red  him  his  |)rop(!rty,f  and  Skettwairoes  by  himself.  They 
returned  ag;iin  to  Kuiriand  with  Prin. 

Tin-  iKixt  year,  l()()7,  these  two  natives  piloted  the  first  New  England 
colony  to  tiie  mouth  of  Sagadahock  River,  since  the  Kennebeck.  They 
left  England  ."JO  May.,  and  did  not  arrive  hero  until  8  August  following. 
"  As  soon  }LS  the  |)resident  had  taken  notice  of  the  place,  and  given  order 
for  landing  the  provisions,  he  despatched  away  Captain  Gilbert,  with 
Skitwarre.t  his  guide,  for  the  thorough  discovery  of  the  rivers  and  habita- 
tions of  the  natives,  by  whom  he  was  brought  to  several  of  them,  where 
he  found  civil  entertainment,  and  kind  respects,  far  from  brutish  or  sav- 
age natures,  so  as  they  suddenly  became  familiiir  friends,  especiaUy  by 
the  n»eans  of  Dehainda  and  Skitwarrers"  " So  as  the  president  was 
earnestly  intreated  by  Sassenow,  Aberemet,  and  others,  the  principal  Saga- 
mores, (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  the  Bashabas,  who  it  seems 
was  their  king."  They  were  prevented,  however,  by  adverse  weather, 
from  that  journey,  and  thus  tlie  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally 
iu'oken,  "much  to  the  grief  of  those  Sagamores  that  were  to  attend  him. 
The  Biishebas,  notwithstanding,  hearing  of  his  misfoi  tune,  sent  his  own 
son  to  visit  him,  and  to  b(!at  a  trade  with  him  for  furs." 

Sev«!ral  siid  and  melancholy  accidents  conspired  to  put  an  end  to  this 
first  colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  their  store- 
house, c.ojitaining  most  t)f  their  supplies,  by  fire,  in  the  winter  following, 
and  anofh<;r  was  tlie  death  of  Lord  Pophain.  It  consisted  of  100  men, 
and  its  hegimung  was  auspicious;  but  these  calamities,  together  with  the 
death  ot"  their  president,  broke  down  their  resolutions.  So  many  dis- 
(H)urag<'menls,  notwithstanding  a  siiip  with  supplies  had  arrived,  deter- 
mined them  to  abandon  the  country,  which  they  did  in  the  spring.]: 
What  became  ol'  Dehainda  and  Sketlwarroes  there  is  no  mention,  but  they 
probably  remained  in  the  country  with  their  friends,  unless  the  passage 
which  we  shall  h(M-(!afler  extract,  be  construed  to  mean  differently .§ 

To  rettn-n  to  Tis<iuantum.  Tliere  is  some  disagreement  in  the  naiTa- 
tives  i)f  the  cotemporary  writers  in  respect  lo  this  chief)  which  shows, 
either  that  some  of  them  are  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  same 
name — one  carried  away  by  ff'aijtnoutli,  and  the  other  by  Hunt,  From  a 
critical  examination  of  the  accounts,  it  is  believed  there  was  but  one,  and 

*  (ilor^Ks,  one  of  tlic  iiiuiu  spriiii^s  of  these  Iraiisaclioiis,  who  wrote  tlie  account  we 
give,  makes  no  mention  of  any  other  captain  accompanying'  him  ;  vet  Dr.  Uolmes'.i  au- 
tiiorities,  Annals,  i.  125,  led  him  to  record  Thomas  litmam  as  the  performer  of  this 
voyau^e.  And  a  writer  of  1622  says,  llanam,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  flamitn,  went  conmiaiidi'r, 
and  T'rirme  master.  See  2  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  3.  This  ajjrees  with  the  account 
of  Gnrires  the  young'cr. 

t  He  had  probably  been  {)fiven  to  him  by  Sir  Ferdinando. 

i  They  had  "  seated  themselves  in  a  peninsula,  which  is  at  the  mouth  of  this  river, 
[Sagadahock,]  where  they  built  a  fortress  lo  defend  themselves  from  their  enemies, 
which  they  named  St.  George."  Americu  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq. 
p.  19. 

$  Sec  life  MassasoU. 


Ch\p.  I.] 

that  he  wi 
wliost!  ace 
nando  sho 
Hay  mouth 
few  of  the  I 
voyage, 
from  the 
|M;i-8on,  or 
tJiere  was 
inadverten 
Patuxet, 
Srjuaiitum, 
|)lague  of 
where,  at  tl 
history  is  s 
It  vvas  in 
He  sup|)os( 
oiiely  Cape 
detained  th 
keniinne,  bu 
with  his  c 
and  so  fillec 
the  English 

This  exp 
got  under  tJ 
time  to  hav( 
their  boat,  > 
formed  in  tl 

From  Mo 
called  then 
ton,  that  aftei 
of  Bofieinia 
island  they  ] 
yard.]  Her 
Ealuages,  th 

Epenow,  c 
character  as 
Gorges  is  ev 
in  as  far  as 
Harlotv's  vo^ 
with  Captair 

As  it  is  pe 
writers  as  5i 
don  him  wei 
teresting  Ep 

«  While  I 
my  languish 
with  him  a  r 
ward  of  Cap 
strong  and  v 

*  It  is  plain, 
these  Indians  oi 
t  Sir  Ferd.  ( 
\  Capt.  Smill 

I  Ibid. 

II  Perhaps  no 
meuus  hiiu. 

1 


Chap.  I]      PECHMO.— .MONOFET.— rKKEMMNE.— KI'ENOW. 


woro. 


•§ 
iiaiTa- 

sllOWM, 

le  sumo 

'roni  a 

|ne,  and 

poiiiil  vvt; 

iHt'.s'.f  au- 

of  lliis 

limaiuliT, 

accouul 


^is  river, 

Bneinies. 
Ves,  Esq. 


that  he  was  carried  away  by  Wamnouth,  as  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  relatofl, 
whost!  account  we  have  given  above.*  It  is  impossible  tliat  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando sliould  liave  been  mistaken  in  the  names  of  those  he  received  from 
ff'aymoiUk.  Tiie  nan)os  of  those  carried  off  l)y  Hunt  are  not  given,  or  but 
few  of  them,  nor  were  they  kichiapped  until  nine  years  after  WmfmoutlCa 
voyag«?.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  that  Squanium,  having  returned  home 
from  the  service  of  Gorfres,  went  again  to  England  with  some  other 
|M;i-Hon,  or  perhaps  ev  >n  with  Hunt.  But  we  are  inclined  to  think  that 
there  was  but  one  of  the  name,  and  his  being  carried  away  an  error  of 
inadvertence. 

Putuxet,  afterward  called  Plimouth,  was  the  place  of  residence  of 
S(iua}Uum,  who,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great 
plague  of  whicji  we  shall  particiilai'ly  speak  in  the  life  of  Massasoit ; 
wiiere,  at  the  same  time,  we  shall  lake  up  again  the  life  of  Squantum,  whose 
hiatoiy  is  so  intimately  connected  with  it. 

It  was  in  1(511  that  Captain  Edtvard  Harlow]  was  sent  "to  discover  an 
He  supposed  about  Cape  Cod,"  who  "falling  with  Monagigan,  they  found 
tmely  Cape  Cod  no  He  but  the  maine ;  there  [at  Monhigon  Island]  they 
detained  three  Saluages  aboord  them,  called  Pecluno,  Monopet  and  Pe- 
keniinne,  but  Pechmo  leapt  ouerboard,  and  got  away  ;  and  not  long  after, 
with  his  consorts,  cut  their  Boat  from  their  steme,  got  her  on  shore, 
and  so  filled  her  with  sand,  and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowes, 
the  English  lost  her."| 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  a.s  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.  To  have 
got  under  the  stern  of  a  ship,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  have  succeeded  in  his  design  of  cutting  away  and  carrying  off 
their  boat,  was  an  act  as  bold  and  daring,  to  say  the  least,  as  that  per- 
formed in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  by  our  countrj^man  Decatur. 

From  Monhigon  Harlow,  proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  Mohono.  From  this  place  "  they  tooke  Sakawes- 
ton,  that  after  he  had  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a  soldier  to  the  wars 
of  Boheinia."§  vVhether  he  ever  returned,  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  they  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capote,  [Martha's  Vine- 
yard.] Here  "  they  tooke  Coneconam  and  Epcnow,"  and  "  so,  with  fiue 
Sftluages,  they  returned  for  England." 

Epenow,  or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanoio,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as  Pechmo — artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  is  evidently  erroneous  in  part  of  his  statement  about  this  native, 
in  as  far  as  it  relates  to  his  having  been  brought  away  by  Hunt.  For 
Harlow's  voyage  was  in  1611.  and  Epanow  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Cod 
with  Captain  Hohson,  in  1(514,  some  months  before  Hunt  loft. 

As  it  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  the  writer  to  hear  such  old  venerable 
writers  as  Smith,  Gorges,  &c.  speak,  the  reader  perhaps  would  not  par- 
don him  were  he  to  withhold  what  the  intimate  acquaintance  of  the  in- 
teresting Epanow  says  of  him.     Hear,  then,  Sir  Ferdinando: — 

"  While  I  was  laboring  by  what  means  I  might  best  continue  life  in 
my  languishing  hopes,  there  comes  one  Henry  Harley\\  unto  me,  bringing 
with  him  a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a  place  seated  to  the  south- 
ward of  Cape  Cod,  whose  name  was  Epenewe,  a  person  of  goodly  stature, 
strong  and  well  proportioned.    This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [by 

»  It  is  plain,  from  Prince,  Chron.  134,  that  his  authors  had  confounded  the  names  of 
these  Indians  one  with  another, 
t  Sir  Ferd.  Gorges  is  probably  wrong  iu  calling  him  Henry  Harley. 
j  Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Em. 

I  Ibid. 

II  Perhaps  not  the  Capt.  Harlow  before  mentioned,  though  Prince  thinks  Gorget 
means  hiiu. 


0 


HUNTS  VOVAGE. 


[Book  II. 


force,]  with  some  29*  others  by  a  ship  of  Lniidoti  that  ciidenvored  to  sell 
them  for  slaves  in  8|miiie,  lii't  l)eiiig  understood  thattlioy  were  Americans, 
and  being  found  to  be  unapt  for  their  uses,  they  would  not  meddle  with 
them,  this  being  one  of  them  they  refused,  wherein  they  cxpn;st  more 
worth  than  those  that  brought  them  to  the  inarket,  who  could  not  hut 
known  that  our  nation  was  at  that  time  in  travid  for  setlirtg  of  Christian 
colonies  upon  tiiat  continent,  it  being  an  act  much  tending  to  our  preju- 
dice, when  we  came  into  that  part  of  the  countries, -as  it  shall  further 
appear.  IIow  Capt  Harley  came  to  be  j)oss(!ssed  of  this  savage,  I  know 
not,  but  1  understood  by  others  how  he  luid  been  shown  in  London  for  a 
wonder.  It  is  true  (as  1  have  said)  he  was  u  goodly  ma'.i,  of  a  brave 
aspect,  stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  had  learned  so  much  Knglisii 
as  to  bid  those  that  wondered  at  him,  Wklcome,  welcomk;  this  being 
the  last  and  best  use  they  could  make  of  him,  that  was  now  grown  out  of 
the  people's  wonder.  The  captain,  falling  further  into  his  familiarity, 
found  him  to  be  of  acquaintan(;e  and  friendship  with  those  subject  to  the 
Bashaba,  whom  the  captain  well  knew,  beitig  himself  one  of  the  phuita- 
tion,  sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  justice,  [Popham,]  and  by  that  means 
understood  much  of  his  language,  found  out  the  place  of  liis  birth,"  &c. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Epanow,  the  ac(!ount  of  Capt. 
Thomas  HunVs  voyage  should  be  related  ;  because  it  is  said  that  it  was 
chiefly  owing  to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  were 
become  so  hostile  to  the  voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (as  we 
have  already  said)  Hunt  did  not  commit  his  depredations  until  after 
Epanow  had  escaped  put  of  the  hands  of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith 
was  in  company  with  Hunt,  and  we  will  hear  h'un  relate  the  whole 
transaction.  After  stating  that  they  arrived  at  Monhigon  in  April,  1614  ;t 
spent  a  long  time  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without  success  ;  and  as  "  for 
gold,  it  was  rather  the  master's  device  to  get  a  voyage,  that  projected  it ;" 
that  for  trifles  they  got  "near  11000  beaver  skins,  100  martin,  and  as 
many  otters,  the  most  of  them  witl»in  the  distance  of  yO  leagues,"  and 
bis  own  departure  for  Europe,  Capt.  Smith  pro(;eeds : — 

"The  other  ship  staid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  which 
was  sold  at  Malaga  at  4  rials  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  quin- 
tals and  a  half. — But  one  Thomas  Hunt,  the  master  of  this  ship,  (when  I 
was  gone,)  thinking  to  prevent  that  intent  I  had  to  make  there  a  planta- 
tion, thereby  to  keep  this  abounding  country  still  in  obscurity,  that  only 
he  and  some  few  merchants  more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  l«?netit  of  the 
trade,  and  profit  of  this  country,  betrayed  four-and-twenty  of  those  poor 
salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and  most  dishonestly  and  inhmnaidy,  for  their 
kind  usage  of  me  and  all  our  men,  carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga ;  and 
there,  for  a  little  private  gain,  sold  these  silly  salvages  for  rials  of  eight ; 
but  this  vile  act  kept  liim  ever  after  from  any  more  employment  to  those 
parts." 

F.  Gorges  the  younger  is  rather  confused  in  his  account  of  HunVs 
voyage,  as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimated  that  it  was  on 
account  of  HunVs  selling  the  Indians  he  took  as  slaves,  the  news  of 
which  having  got  into  England  before  Epanow  was  sent  out,  caused  this 
Indian  to  make  his  escape,  and  consequently  the  overthrow  of  the  voy- 
age ;  whereas  the  latter.  Sir  Ferdinando,  does  not  attribute  it  to  that. 
We  will  now  hear  him  again  upon  this  interesting  subject : — 

*  If  in  this  he  refers  {o  those  taken  by  Hunt,  as  I  suppose,  he  sets  tiie  number  higher 
than  others.  His  grandson,  F.  Gorges,'ia  America  Parnted,  &c.,  says  24  was  the  num- 
ber seized  by  Hunt. 

\  Smith  had  an  Indian  named  Tantum  with  him  in  lliis  voyage,  whom  he  set  oa  shore 
at  Cape  Cod. 


Chap.  I.J 


*  The  rcaso 

"At  the 
Aasacumet, 
enq)loyiriei 
stood  one  t 
was  no  m 
peo[)le,  so 
whom  1  e 
between  tht 

TJiere 
triv(;d  a  pla 
what  the 
dance  to  Ix 
them,  or 
being  undo 
Sir  Ferdina 
somcly  dup 
was  the  vali 
Gorsxes  proc 

"they  [( 
Jiuie,  in  All 
•'Very  kind,  i 
t.ative  of  tl 
inrormation 
pleast^d   Go( 
from  place 
could  desire 
good  his  uii 
pal  inhabitai 
thers,  othere 
muned  togel 


their  canoos 
bring  som(^l 
contracted  ^ 
peribrming  > 
told  me  he 
were  found 
sure  to  have 
cause  I  gav 
vent  his  escn 
have  three  j 
clothing  hiu 
should  requi 
tlie  time  apj 
their  bows  n 

'  Doul)ticss  t 
( HUt.  N.  Enjr 

t  How  he  ca 
of  whom  no  mc 
be  a  common  tl 
made,  especial! 

}  Tlie  secret 
whatever  they ; 
and  his  adhcrei 

^  We  need  i 
ploU. 


Chap.  1] 


KPANOW. 


) 

vhoii  I 
uiita- 
only 
f  the 
poor 
their 
;  and 

eight ; 
those 


■  higher 
le  nuin- 

n  shura 


*  The  reasons  of  my  undeiinking  the  employment  for  the  island  of  Capawick. 

"At  tlie  time  tliis  new  savage  [Epanoiv]  came  unto  me,  I  had  recovered 
A&sncumel,  one  of  the  natives  I  went  with  Ca|)t.  Chalounies  in  liis  nnhappy 
employment,  witli  wliom  1  lodged  Epennw,  who  at  the  first  hardly  under- 
stood one  the  otiier'a  spcsech,  till  atlcr  a  while;  I  perceived  the  diflV-rcnce 
was  no  more  tiian  that  as  ours  is  hetween  the  northern  and  southern 
people,  so  that  I  was  a  little  eased  in  the  use  I  made  of  my  old  servant, 
whom  I  engaged  to  give  account  of  what  he  learned  by  conference 
Itetween  themselveSj  and  lie  as  faithfully  performed  it." 

TJujre  seems  hut  little  doubt  tliat  Epnnow  and  Jlssacvniet  had  con- 
trived a  plan  of  escape  before  they  lefl  hngland,  and  also,  l)y  fuiding  out 
wiiat  the  English  most  valued,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  in  abun- 
dance to  bo  had  at  a  certain  place  in  their  own  coimtry,  prevailed  upon 
them,  or  by  this  pretended  discovery  were  the  means  of  the  voyage 
being  undertaken,  of  which  we  are  now  to  speak.  Still,  as  will  be  st'en, 
Sir  Ferdinando  does  not  speak  as  though  he  liad  been  (piile  so  hand- 
somely du|)cil  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods.  Gold,  it  has  been  said, 
was  the  valuable  .  omniodity  to  whicli  Epanoio  was  to  pilot  the  English. 
Gorges  proceeds : — 

"They  [Ca|)t.  Ifobson  and  those  who  accompanied  him]  set  sail  in 
June,  in  Anno  1014,  being  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in 
••very  kind,  carrying  with  them  Epcnow,  Jlssacomet  and  fVanape,*  another 
».  itive  t»f  those  parts  sent  me  out  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,t  for  my  better 
inrurmation  in  the  parts  of  the  country  of  his  knowledge :  when  as  it 
pleasiui  God  that  they  were  arrived  upon  the  coast,  they  were  piloted 
from  place  to  place,  by  the  natives  tlM>mselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts 
could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor  where  Epenow  was  to  make 
gooil  his  undertaking,  [to  point  out  the  gold  mine,  no  doubt,]  the  princi- 
])al  inhabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard;  some  of  them  being  his  bro- 
thei-s,  others  his  near  cousins,  [or  njlatives,]  who,  aller  they  had  com- 
tnuned  together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  ca[)tain,  departed  in 
their  canoos,  promising  the  next  morning  to  come  aboard  again,  and 
bring  somcf  trade  with  them,  iiut  Epenoio  privately  (as  it  appeared)  had 
contracted  with  his  friends,  how  he  might  make  his  esf^ape  without 
performing  what  he  Inid  undertaken,  being  in  truth  no  more  than  he  had 
told  mo  he  was  to  do  though  with  loss  of  his  life.  For  otherwise,  if  it 
were  found  that  he  had  discovered  the  secrets  of  his  country,:^  he  was 
sure  to  have  his  brains  knockt  out  as  soon  as  he  came  ashore  ;§  for  thai- 
«'ause  I  gave  the  captain  strict  charge  to  end(!avor  by  all  means  to  pre- 
vent his  escaping  from  them.  And  for  the  more  surety,  I  gave  order  to 
have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  at  hand  with  him ; 
clothing  him  with  long  garments,  filly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if  occasion 
Hhould  require.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  his  friends  being  all  come  at 
tlie  time  appointed  with  20  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  certain  distance  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  calls  to  them  to  come  aboard ;  but  they  not 

*  Doul)llcss  llie  same  culled  by  others  Manawit,  wlio,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Hubbard^ 
{lli.it.  N.  Eng.  39.)  died  before  Eyanow  escaped,  "soon  after  the  ship's  arrival." 

t  How  he  came  there,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  determine,  unless  natives  v.ore  carried  ofT, 
of  whom  no  mention  is  made.  This  was  unquestionably  the  case,  for  when  it  came  to 
be  a  common  thing'  for  vessels  to  bring  home  Indians,  no  mention,  of  course,  would  bo 


made,  especially  if  they  went  voluntarily,  as,  no  doubt,  many  did. 
{  The  .secrets   of  the  sandy  island  Capoge,  or  the  neighboring 
whatever  they  are  now,  existed  only  in  faith  of  such  sanguine  minds  as  Sir  Ferdinando 


loring  shores  of  Cape  Cod, 


aiid  his  adherents. 

^  We  need  no  better  display  of  llie  craft  of  Epanow,  or  proof  of  his  cunning  in  deep 
[>loU. 


a 


EPA  NOW. 


(Book  II. 


moving,  ho  speaks  to  Epetiow  to  coiiio  unto  liirn,  vvh<!ro  ho  was  in  tho 
foro(;a8tle  of  thu  sliip,  ho  hciii^  thun  in  the  waste  of  the  Hhip,  between  the 
two  genth;inen  that  liud  him  in  ^uani ;  sttirts  suddenly  from  them,  and 
coming  to  the  captain,  calls  to  his  ti'iends  in  English  to  come  ul)oard,  in 
the  interim  Hli|)s  himself  overhoanl :  And  although  he  were  taken  hold 
of  by  one  of  tiio  company,  yet,  Iming  a  strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not 
1)6  stayed,  and  was  no  sooner  in  the  wulcr,  but  the  natives,  [his  fric^nds  in 
the  boats,]  sent  such  a  sliovv(!r  of  arrows,  and  came  withal  dcs|)erately  so 
near  the  ship,  that  they  curried  iiim  away  in  despight  of  all  the  mus(|uet- 
toers  aboard,  who  were,  for  the  number,  us  good  as  our  nation  did  aflbrd. 
And  thus  were  my  hopes  of  that  particular  [voyage]  made  void,  and 
frustrate." 

From  the  whole  of  this  narration  it  is  evident  that  Ennnow  was  forci- 
bly retuin(!d,  if  not  forcibly  carried  olf,  by  the  English.  And  some 
relate*  that  he  attacked  Oa|)t.  Denner  and  his  men,  supposing  they  had 
come  to  seize  and  curry  him  back  to  England.  It  is  fuore  probable,  wc 
think,  that  he  meant  to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according 
to  real  Indian  custom,  resolved  that  the  lii*st  whites  should  atone  for  it, 
cither  with  their  life  or  liberty.  Gorges  does  not  tell  us  what  his  brave 
"  nmsquetteers "  did  when  Epanow  escaped,  but  from  other  soiu'ces  we 
learn  that  they  fired  upon  his  liberators,  killing  and  wounding  some,  but 
how  many,  they  could  only  conjecture.  But  there  is  no  room  for  con- 
j<,'cture  about  the  damage  sustaineil  on  the  part  of  the  ship's  crew,  for  it 
is  distinctly  stated  that  when  they  received  the  ''  shower  of  arrows,"  Capt. 
Hobson  and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.f  And  Smilh\  says,  "  So 
well  he  had  contrived  his  busiiierfsc,  as  many  reported  he  intended  to  huve 
surprised  the  ship ;  but  seeing  it  could  not  be  elfectcd  to  his  liking,  before 
them  all  he  leaped  oner  boonl." 

We  next  meet  with  Epunoiv  in  1!!1D.  Cnpt.  Thomas  Dormer,  or  Der- 
mer,  in  the  employ  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  met  with  him  at  Cajioge,  the  place 
where,  five  years  before,  he  made  his  esca[)e  from  Ca|)t.  Hobson.  Gorges 
writes,  "This  savage, speaking  some  English,  laugheil  at  his  owne  escape, 
and  reported  the  story  of  it.  ?iir.  Dormer  told  him  he  came  from  me, 
and  was  one  of  my  servants,  and  that  I  was  much  grieved  he  had  been 
so  ill  used  as  to  be  forced  to  steal  away.  This  savage  was  so  ci.iniug, 
that,  after  he  had  questioned  hinj  about  me,  and  all  he  knew  b'  longed 
unto  me,  conceived  he  was  come  on  purpose  to  betray  him ;  and  [so] 
conspired  with  some  of  his  lellows  to  take  the  captain ;  thereupon  they 
laid  hands  upon  him.  But  he  being  u  brave,  stout  gentleman,  drew  his 
sword  and  freed  himself,  but  not  without  14  wounds.  This  disjister 
forced  him  to  make  all  possible  h.iste  »o  Virginia,  to  be  cured  of  his 
wounds.  At  the  second  return  [he  having  just  come  from  there]  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  fall  sick  and  die,  of  the  infirmity  many  of  our  nation 
are  subject  unto  at  their  first  coming  into  those  parts." 

The  ship's  crew  being  at  the  same  time  on  shore,  a  fight  ensued,  in 
which  some  of  Epanow's  company  were  slain.  "  This  is  the  last  time," 
saya  a  writer  in  the  Historical  Collections,  "that  the  soil  of  Martha's 
Vineyard  was  stained  with  human  blood ;  for  from  that  day  to  the  pres- 
ent [l807]  no  Indian  has  been  killed  by  a  white  man,  nor  white  man  by 
an  Indian." 

In  relation  to  the  fight  which  Dermer  and  his  men  had  with  the  Indians 
at  the  Vineyard,  Morton§  relates  that  the  English  went  on  shore  to  trade 
with  them,  when  they  were  assaulted  and  all  the  men  slain  but  one  that 
kept  the  boat.     "But  the  [captain]  himself  got  on  board  very  sore 

*  Bolknap,  Amer.  Biog.  i.  3G2.  f  Smitli's  New  En?, 

t  Ibid.  ^  N.  Eng.  3Icmorial,  08,  5J. 


riivr.  I[.| 

wounded,  Ml 
hud  not  his 
Sijanulu  wua 
.MnsmiHoit, 

NVe  may  I 
several  matti 


Of  the  unlive 
iMAssAsor 

TIMVAMKT 
IS'aMF.I'ASII 

"Welcome 
biy  associate! 
without  the 
accents  our 
native.  We 
Namskeket, 
whoop. 

The  first  ti 
1(!20.  "The 
who  were  sa' 
whistled  the 
thorn,  when  t 
and  the  Engl 
says  the  Indii 
together,  in  a 
their  conjural 
dismal  swam 
coming  into  I 

It  was  on  1 
Plimouth,  an 
the  houses,  st 
fering  him  to 
was  naked,  " , 
long."  The 
liorsnicin's  coa 
gave  them  w 
learned  some 
at  Monhiggon 
and  masters,  t 
so  far  as  he  c( 
tioned  him  o 
withal.  He  si 
of  the  sagamo 

*  Rdatian  or  , 
Mourt's  Relatim. 
was  assisted  by 
but  that  the  su^j 
principal  author, 
important  docuini 
Col. 


riiAr.  II.J 


SAMOSKT— A  f'ONJURATir.N. 


9 


\voiiii(I»'(l,  iiiul  tlify  IukI  cut  oir  his  liciid  \\y  w  the  cdddy  of  tho  Imnf, 
liiul  not  liis  iiiiiii  irsninl  him  with  ii  KWonl,  tuiil  so  ihcv  got  liitii  away." 
S(i(innlu  WU8  with  Capt.  Demur  at  this  tiiiio,  as  will  bo  Hft'ii  in  the  life  of 
,\ln.iS(tsoit. 

We  may  iinvo  occasion,  in  nnothor  chapter,  to  extend  our  notices  upon 
Hcveral  mutters  related  in  this. 


ape, 

me, 

leeii 

iniug, 

nfjed 

[so] 

they 

w  liis 

sjister 

jf  his 

had 

lation 


CIIAPTIMUI. 

Of  the.  unlives  knotni  to  the  first  svttkrs  of  I'limovlh. — Smno.'ift — Siiumito — 
Mass  A  so  IT — bidmniixh — jitpinet — ('(Uinermuim — < '  a  u. mutant  —  Wit- 
TiMV'AMKT —  I'kksi'ot —  HoitoMOK  —  Tokai\i'th(tmon, —  Oljhatimwal  — 
Namki'asiiamkt — Squaw-Sachcia  of  iMassaehusetts — ff'ch-uwd. 

"NVcjIcome  Kn<rlislinicii !  Welcome  Kii^'lislimen !  are  words  so  in?ppara- 
hly  associated  with  tlic  name  of  Samosei,  tiiat  we  can  never  hear  tlie  oik; 
without  the  pleasing  n^collection  of  tiie  other.  Tiiese  were  the  first 
accents  our  pilgrim  fathei-s  heard  on  the  American  strand,  from  any 
nativt!.  We  mean  intelligible  accents,  for  when  they  were  attacked  at 
Namskeket,  on  their  lirst  arrival,  they  heard  only  the  frightful  war- 
whoop. 

The  first  time  Indians  w^cre  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  was  upon  15th  Nov. 
1(!"20.  "  They  espied  5  or  (5  peo|)le,  with  a  clog,  coming  towards  them, 
who  were  savages  ;  Avho,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  woods,  and 
whistled  the  dog  aficr  them."*  And  though  the  English  ran  towards 
them,  when  the  Indians  jjcrceived  it  "they  ran  away  might  and  main," 
and  the  Pinglish  "  could  not  come  near  them."  Soon  aller  this,  Moiion 
says  the  Tndianp  "got  all  the  ])owaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  days 
together,  in  a  horid  and  devilish  nianer  did  curse  and  execrate  them  witli 
their  conjurations,  which  asseml)Iy  and  service  they  held  in  a  dark  and 
dismal  swamp.  liehold  how  Satan  labored  to  hinder  the  gosfjcl  from 
coming  into  New  England  !" 

It  was  on  Friday,  llitli  March,  1(521,  that  Samosct  suddeidy  appeared  at 
PlimoiUh,  and,  says  .1/o«r^,  "  lie  very  boldly  came  all  alone,  and  along 
the  houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous,  whe>-e  we  interce|)ted  him,  not  suf- 
fering him  to  go  in,  as  un(Ioul)tediy  he  would,  out  of  iiis  boldness."  He 
was  nuked,  "  only  a  leather  about  his  waist,  witii  a  fringe  about  a  span 
long."  The  weatluM'  was  very  cold,  and  this  author  adds,  "  We  cast  ti 
borsman's  coat  about  him."  To  reward  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samoset 
gave  them  whatever  information  they  desired.  "  He  had,  say  they, 
learned  some  broken  English  amongst  the  Englishmen  that  came  to  fish 
at  Monhiggon,  and  knew  by  name  the  most  of  the  captains,  com.nanders 
and  masters,  that  usually  come  [there.]  He  was  a  man  free  in  speech, 
so  far  as  he  could  express  bis  mind,  and  of  seemly  carriage.  We  ques- 
tioned him  of  many  things :  he  was  the  first  savage  we  could  meet 
withal.  He  said  he  was  not  of  those  parts,  but  of  Moratiggon,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof:  had  been  8  months  in  these  parts,  it 

*  Relation  or  Journal  of  a  Plaiifatinii  .ictt/ed  at  Plymouth,  in  N.  E.,  usually  cited 
Mauri's  Relation.  It  was,  no  doubt,  written  by  several  ot'  the  company,  or  the  writer 
was  assisted  by  several.  Monrt  seems  to  have  been  the  publisher.  I  liave  no  scruple 
but  that  the  suggestion  of  Judge  Davis  is  correct,  viz.  that  Richard  Gardner  was  the 
principal  author.  About  the  early  settlement  of  any  country,  there  never  was  a  more 
important  document.  It  was  printed  in  1(>^2;  and  is  now  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Col. 


10 


Tlin  PI.ACJUK.— NEW  INTIJlVinW— CAl'T    HUNT.        [ni.oK  II 


Chap.  II.]        I 


lyiiip  licnci!  [to  tln!  enstwiinl]  a  day's  suil  witli  u  firvM  wind,  •uid  H  diiyg 
l»y  land.  Il<!  discinirscd  of  tlio  wliolu  coiinli y,  and  of  rvciy  provinri!, 
and  itt'lluir  sii<,'anion-s,  and  tin  ir  niindx'r  of  luiii,  and  Htrt'n^'ili."  "Ilx 
liad  a  liow  and  two  airows,  tlir  ^)l\^'  licadid,  and  tlic  otiit-i'  nnhcadcd. 
He  was  a  tall,  ntrait  man  ;  llir  liair  ot'  Ids  In  iid  hlarU,  lon;^'  Ixdiind  only 
short  hidop" ;  nont-  on  iiis  face  at  all.  III!  a.skrd  sonu;  hccr,  It  it  vv(; 
f^avt)  liini  Htroii^  watttrand  lii.scuit,  and  liuttcr,  and  (dntsr,  uiid  piiddin^^ 
and  a  pitMu;  of  a  mallard;  all  wliicli  li*'  liked  widl."  "11*;  told  i.s  tim 
jdacu  wlicn-  we  now  luc  is  c  allrd  ratu\ot,  and  that  about  I  years  a^jo  all 
till!  inhaltilants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plaiLzne,  and  theri!  is  neither  man, 
woman,  nor  rhild  remaining,',  as  indee(l  we  have;  found  iioni! ;  .so  as  ther<! 
is  none  to  hinder  ou.'  |tosse.ssion,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  tin;  al\ernooii 
we  spent  in  eommmncation  with  him.  \\'»!  would  gladly  iu'eii  rid  of 
inm  at  ni<:lit,  hut  1:0  was  not  wiilin,';;  to  ^'o  this  iii^dit.  Then  we  thon};ht 
to  curry  him  on  ship-hoard,  wherewith  he  was  well  content,  and  went 


into  the  shallo|i: 
not  return  hack. 


but  the  winil 
We  lodged 


was  In^Mi  and   water  scant,  that  it  could 
with  him]  that  night  ut  Steplien  Hopkins' 


house,  and  watched  him 

Thus,  through  the  means  of  this  ituioccnt  Indian,  wius  a  corrcspondenco 
hat)])ily  begun,  lie  left  i'limoiuh  the  next  morning,  to  return  to  Maaaa- 
aoit,  who,  he  said,  was  u  sachem  having  imdcr  him  GO  i..i;n.  The  Eng- 
lish having  led  some  tools  exposiMl  in  the  woods,  uu  finding  that  they 
were  uiissing,  rightly  judged  the  Indians  had  taken  thcni.  Tiiey  com- 
plained of  tins  to  Samosct  m  rather  a  threatening  air.  "  We  willed  liim 
(say  they)  that  they  should  be  brought  again,  otiierwise  we  would  right 
ourselves."  When  lie  left  thorn  "  he  promised  witliin  a  night  or  two  to 
come  again,"  and  bring  some  of  MassasoWs  men  to  trade  riih  them  in 
beaver  skins.  As  good  as  his  word,  Samoset  oatne  the  next  Sunday,  "and 
brought  with  him  5  other  tall,  proper  men.  They  had  every  man  a 
deer's  skin  on  hhn ;  and  the  principal  of  thctn  Jiad  a  wild  cat's  skin,  or 
Huch  like,  on  one  arm.  Tiiey  had  most  of  them  long  hosen  up  to  their 
grouis,  close  made ;  and  aboue  their  groins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather : 
they  were  altogether  like  the  Irish  tious(  is.  They  are  of  complexion 
like  our  English  gipsies;  no  hair,  or  very  little  on  their  faces;  on  their 
heads  long  hair  to  their  shoulih'rs,  oidy  cut  before ;  some  trussed  up 
before  with  a  leather,  broadwise  hke  a  fun  ;  another  a  fox  tail  hanging 
out."  TIhj  English  hud  charged  Samosd  not  to  let  any  who  ci^me  with 
him  bring  their  arms;  th'.se,  therefore,  left  "their  l)ows  and  arrows  a 
(juarter  of  a  mile  from  om*  town.  We  gave  them  entertainment  as  we 
'bought  was  lilting  them.  They  did  eat  liberally  of  oiu-  English 
>ictuals;"  and  appeared  very  friendly;  "sang  and  danced  aft<;r  their 
manner,  like  anticks."  "  Some  of  them  hud  their  faces  jmijited  black, 
from  the  forehead  to  the  «jliin,  four  or  five  fingers  broad :  others  after 
other  fashions,  its  they  liked.  They  brought  three  or  four  skins,  hut  we 
would  not  truck  with  them  all  that  day,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more, 
and  we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  they  promised  v.'ithin  u  night  or  two, 
and  would  leave  these  behind  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they 
should ;  and  they  brought  all  our  tools  again,  which  wero  taken  in  tlm 
wood.s,  in  our  absence.  !Jo,  be(!ause  of  the  day,  [Sunday,]  we  flismissed 
them  so  soon  us  we  could.  But  Samosit,  our  first  ac(piuintunce,  either 
w;xs  sick,  or  feigned  himself  so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and  stayed 
with  us  till  Wednesday  morning.  Tiien  we  sent  him  to  them,  to  know 
the  reason  they  came  not  according  to  their  words  ;  and  we  gave  him  a 
hat,  a  pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and  a  piece  of  cloth  to  tie  about 
his  waist." 

Samoset  returned  again,  the  next  day,  bringing  with  him  Squanto,  men- 
tioned in  the  last  chapter,    lie  was  "  the  only  native  (says  Mourt's  11k- 


i,ation)  of  I'at 
21 1  captives,  tl 
and  dwi^lt  in 
Rpeak  a  little  I 
for  tradi',  but  t 
SAsovr,  was  h 

In  .Inne,  hi' 
Kt'vend  Englis 
Naiiset  in  sia 
'Voknmahnmon. 
out,  "  but  ere  t 
rain,  wih  mti 
anise  not  far  ti 
ni;;ht  at  ('unu 
th  in  that  tln^  I 
kindness,  inviti 

lijunowrli  \\i 
broiijjht  us  U) 
Jy(tnuVfj:;li"  wh 
able,  gentle,  co 
KUVfj  for  his  a 
hisclKMM-  pleiit 
bjanoviflu  by  tl 
Ills  wretched  (i 
caus'd  such 
they  t'orsook  t 
imhcalrhy  plac 
which  tluiy  ha 
Jlspinet,  Concct 
W(!re  in  Pcksui 
after. 

While  tlie  1 
that  there  wa; 
100  y(!ai"s  old, 
English,  "yet 
forth  into  great 
the  reason  of 
master  Hiinl  w 
and  he  carried 
was  carried  ui 
stances,  and  th 
lier  they  were 
English  were 
gav(!  her  a  few 

Oiu'  voyager 
two  of  his  men 
was  sent,  Ii/am 
informed  jJspi 
"came  (they  re 
one  carrying  hi 

At  this  time, 
half  of  whom 
with  their  bows 
a  formul  mam 


*  Tills  was  the  j 
which  caused  tiicu 


CiiAP.  II. J        Tin:  LOST  nOV— lYANOUfJH  OF  (MJMMAUl  ID 


11 


i.ATi<)\)  of  PaHixrt,  wlirro  w(i  now  inlinliit,  who  wus  ouv.  of  tlin  20  [(.r 
21]  ctiiitivcH,  tliiit  hy  Hani  wtn^  cnrr'M'd  awny,  iiiul  Imd  Immmi  in  Kiigiund, 
nnd  dwelt  in  ('ornliill  with  niastcr  Juhii  Slnvte,  a  niRrrhant,  and  ronhl 
R|)«;ak  a  iiiilt!  I'ln^liNli,  with  tlncc  otheix."  'I'liry  hroiij.dit  a  I'cw  arti(dr;ii 
tor  tradi',  hut  th);  luori'  iMi|Kirtant  nmvH  "  timt  their  great  Nagainore,  Mas- 
SAHovr,  wiis  iiard  hy,"  wIioho  iiitrodiiction  to  them  arrordingly  t'oNowed. 

In  .linie,  1<!21,  a  hoy,  7u/iH  /ii7/mir/ofi,  having  he(!n  lost  in  tlie  woods, 
Kevend  Kn^fhsh,  witli  .SV/uaji/o  and  Tolatinnhnmon,  inid«!rtook  a  voyajre  to 
Nunset  in  Hiarch  (or  iiini.  .S'(jim/;j/o  was  tiu!ir  interpreter;  "tin?  olher, 
ToknmahnnwUy  a  speeial  liii'nil. '  The  weather  was  liiir  when  they  Het 
out,  "hnt  ere  they  had  heen  lonir  at  sea,  tliere  aros»'  a  Ktonn  of  wiini  and 
rain,  wi  h  inneh  lightning  and  thnnder,  insoiniieh  that  a  [water]  spout 
nrose  not  far  lioni  ihein."  lIowev»;r,  they  escaped  danger,  and  arrive<l  at 
ni;;lit  al  ('innnia(|nid.  Here  iliey  met  with  some  Indians,  who  int'ormed 
th  in  that  tin;  hoy  was  at  Nauset.  These  Indians  treated  them  with  great 
kindness,  inviting  liiem  on  shore  to  eat  with  them. 

///rtaoHi^/i  waa  saeliein  of  this  place,  and  these  wero  his  men.  "They 
l)ron;,f|it  us  to  their  saehim,  (says  Mourl,)  or  governor,  whom  they  call 
Ji/nnuUf:;li"  who  then  a|»peared  about  2(1  ytiars  of  age,  "hnt  very  person- 
ul)le,  gentle,  eonrteous,  an<l  fair  conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  u  savage, 
Kuvo  for  his  attire.  His  entertainment  was  answerahh;  to  his  parts,  and 
his  cheer  plentii'iil  and  various."  Thus  is  jtortrayeil  the  amiahlc;  cliaract(;r, 
/i/a.'ioi'ff/i,  hy  those  who  knew  him.  We  can  add  hnt  iittl(!  of  him  except 
his  wretched  fiite.  The  severity  executi'd  upon  lyittiiivnimt  and  Pcksunt 
cans.'d  such  consternation  and  «lread  of  tiie  Knglish  among  many,  that 
they  Ibrsook  their  wonted  hal)i!alioiis,  (led  into  swamps,  and  lived  in 
unhealthy  plac.'s,  in  a  slate  of  starvation,  until  many  dieil  with  diseases 
which  tli(!y  had  thus  contracted.  Among  such  victims  W(!ro  /i/rt/ioj.T/j, 
Jlspiiiet,  Concconnm,  and  many  more.  Hence  the  l-nglish  supposed  they 
wc!re  in  Pcksuofs  conspiracy,  us  will  ho  more  particularly  relateil  here- 
after. 

While  the  English  wore  with  li/anonc^h  at  Ciimtnaquid,  they  relate 
that  tliere  was  an  old  woman,  whom  they  judged  to  ho  no  less  than 
100  years  old,  who  came  to  see  them,  heeauso  she  had  never  seen 
English,  "yet  (say  they)  [sin;]  could  not  hehold  us  without  hreakiii? 
forth  into  great  ])assion,  weeping  and  crying  excessively."  They  iinpiired 
the  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that  she  had  three  sons,  "who,  when 
master  Hiinl  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard  his  ship  to  trade  with  hitn, 
and  lie  carried  them  captives  into  Spain."  Squmito  being  present,  who 
was  curried  away  at  the  same  time,  was  acciuuinted  with  the  circtim- 
Gtances,  and  thus  the  English  became  knowing  to  her  distress,  and  told 
lier  they  were  sorry,  that  Himt  was  a  bad  man,  btit  that  all  the  other 
English  were  well  disposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then 
gave  her  a  few  trinkets,  which  considerably  appeased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  proceed  to  NausiU,  accom[)anied  by  fyanoiip;h  and 
two  of  his  men.  Aspinet  was  the  sachem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Squanto 
was  sent,  Ii/anough  and  his  men  having  gone  before.*  Sqiinnto  having 
informed  Jlspinet  that  his  English  fri(;ii(ls  had  come  for  the  hoy,  ho 
"came  (they  relate)  with  a  great  train,  and  brought  the  boy  with  him," 
one  carrying  him  through  the  water. 

At  tWniUiim,  Jlspinet  had  in  his  coiM|)any  "noL  less  than  at)  hundred;" 
half  of  whom  attended  the  boy  to  the  boat,  and  the  rest  "stood  aloof^" 
with  their  bows  and  arrows,  looking  on.  Jlspinet  delivered  up  the  boy  in 
a  formal  maujier,  " behnng  with  heads,  and  made  peace  with  us;  we 


*  This  was  tlie  place  where  an  atuirk  was  made  on  the  English  on  their  first  arrival, 
which  caused  tlicin  io  be  uiuch  ou  their  gxiard  at  this  time. 


12 


lYANOUGir.—ASriXLT.— DEATH  OF  SQUANTO.        [Book  II. 


bestowing  a  knifo  on  Iiiin,  niul  likewJso  on  another,  that  first  entertained 
the  boy,  and  bronj^iit  him  thither." 

Ljanou^h  did  not  acc'oni|Kiny  tlie  expedition  in  their  return  from 
Nau.set,  bnt  went  home  by  land,  and  was  ready  to  entertain  the  company 
on  their  return.  From  contniry  winds  and  a  want  of  fresh  water,  the 
voyagers  were  obliged  to  touch  again  at  Cunnnaquid.  "There  (say  they) 
we  met  again  with  Iijanoufj^h,  and  the  most  of  his  town."  "lie,  being 
still  willing  to  gratify  us,  took  a  rundlct,  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a 
great  way  for  water,  but  could  find  none  good,  yet  brought  such  as  there 
was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  meantime  the  women  joined  hand 
in  hand,  singing  and  dancing  before  the  shallof)  ;*  the  men  also  showing 
all  the  kindness  they  could,  Ii/anougli  himself  taking  a  bracelet  lioin 
about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  about  one  of  us." 

They  were  not  able  to  g(!t  out  of  the  harbor  of  Cimimaquid  from 
bafiling  winds  and  tides,  which  Iijanmigh  scH'ing,  the  next  morning  he 
ran  along  tiie  shore  after  them,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop  and 
retMrned^vith  him  to  his  town,  where  ho  entertained  them  in  a  manner 
not  inferior  to  what  he  had  done  before.  Tliiiy  now  succeeded  in  getting 
water,  and  shortly  after  returned  liomt;  in  saiety. 

While  at  Nauset,  the  English  heard  that  Massasoit  had  been  attacked 
and  carried  off"  by  th<!  Narragansets,  which  led  to  the  expedition  of 
tSlandisk  and  Alkrlon  against  Caunhitant,  as  will  be  found  related  in  his 
life. 

About  this  time,  six  sachems  of  the  neighboring  country  had  their 
fidelity  tested,  by  being  called  upon  to  sign  a  treaty  subjecting  themselves 
to  King  James,  as  will  bo  found,  also,  in  that  life.  But  to  return  again  to 
Jlspinet,  a\nl  other  sachems  of  Cape  Cod. 

liy  the  iiuprovidence  of  a  company  settled  at  Wessaguscus,  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Thomas  Ji'cslon,  in  l(i22,  they  had  been  brought  to  the 
very  brink  of  starvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimouth 
people  were  but  very  little  better  off";  and  bnt  lor  the  kindness  of  the 
Indians,  the  worst  of  consequences  might  have  ensued  to  both  these 
infant  colonies. 

As  the  winter  progressed,  the  two  colonies  entered  into  articles  of 
agreement  to  go  on  a  trading  voyage  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Cod  to 
buy  corn,  and  whatever  else  might  conduce  to  their  livelihood.  Squanto 
was  pilot  in  this  expedition,  but  he  died  before  it  was  accomplished,  and 
the  record  of  his  death  stands  thus  in  Winslow's  Relation: — 

"Bnt  here,  [at  Manamoyk,  since  Chatham,]  though  they  had  deter- 
mined to  make  a  second  essay,  [to  pass  within  the  shoals  of  Cape  Cod,J 
yet  God  had  otherwise  dis[)osed,  who  struck  Tisquantum  with  sickncss,t 
insomuch  as  ho  there  died  ;  which  crossed  their  southward  trading,  and 
the  more,  because  the  master's  sufficiency  was  nuich  doubted,  and  the 
season  very  tem[)estuous,  and  not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no 
guide  to  direct  them." 

Thus  died  the  famous  Squanto,  or  Tnsquantum,  in  December,  1G22. 
To  him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  although  he  ofi:en,  through 
extreme  folly  and  shortsightedness,  gave  tht^n,  as  well  as  himself  and 
oth(>rs,  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  as  in  the  life  of  Massasoit  and  Hobomok 
will  ap])ear. 

*  It  was  a  custom  with  most  Indian  nations  to  dance  when  straiiffcrs  caiii(!  anions^ 
them.  Baron  Lalwnlan  says  it  was  tiie  manner  of  tiie  Iroquois  to  dance  "  lors(|iio  lus 
•nranfifprs  passont  dans  Icur  |)a(s,  on  que  leurs  onncniis  envoient  des  ambassadeurs  pour 
faire  dos  projiositions  de  paix/'     Mrmoires  (If  1' Amerique,  ii.  110. 

t  Mis  disorder  was  a  (ever,  "bleeding  much  at  llie  nose,  wliicli  the  Indians  reckon  a 
fatal  syiuploni."  He  desired  the  tjovernor  would  pray  for  him,  tiiat  he  migiit  go  to  tho 
Englishmen"s  (lod,  "  bequeathing  his  things  to  sundry  of  his  Englisii  friends,  as  remem- 
brances of  his  love  ;  of  whom  we  have  a  great  loss."     Prince  out  of  Bradford. 


Chap.  II.] 

Thus,  at 
by  death,  j 
before  Squ 
sachem  of 
entertained 
It  is  the  m 
lliere  hefbn 
them  "witl 
them  in  gr< 
beans,  t/wug 
From  Ml 
nothing  thci 
much  for  a  i 
fore  they  rt 
^spinet  uset 
hogsheads  o 
they  Ijad  lik 
storm  drove 
get  their  cor 
it  fi-oni  the 
desired   to  w 
could  .send  f 
all  this  he  fui 
ceivhig  great 
Some  time 
as  usual,  gcts 
men  hajipen 
entirely  witln 
sors,  and  oth 
took  c(!rtain 
him  what  had 
stole  them," 
so  departed 
However,  tlu 
to  the  Englis 
the  exposing 
sion  as  the  ni 
Squanlo  be 
tuxet,  in<|iiiri 
expect  to  fiiK 
is  known  of  i 
of  its  ravaj^ 
Keinn!beck,o 
about  J(;j7,  a  I 
two  and  three 
a  fright  fid  act 
were  not  abl( 
eoimtry,  their 
they  looked  n 
"  miiltiiiidcs  o 
ofCJod." 


•  At  this  time 
unlike  the  i)!agiie 
•J 


Chap.  II] 


SQUANTO. 


13 


Thus,  at  the  commencement  of  the  voyage,  the  pilot  was  taken  away 
by  death,  and  the  expedition  came  near  being  abandoned.  However, 
before  Sqiianlo  died,  lie  succeeded  in  introducing  his  fi'iend.s  to  the 
sachem  of  Mananioick  and  his  people,  where  tiiey  were  received  and 
entertained  in  a  manner  that  would  do  honor  to  any  people  in  any  age. 
It  is  the  more  worthy  of  remark,  as  none  of  tlie  English  had  ever  been 
tliere  heibre,  and  were  utter  strangers  to  them.  After  they  had  refreshed 
them  "  witli  store  of  venison  and  other  victuals,  which  they  brought 
them  in  great  abundance,"  they  sold  them  "8  hogsheads  of  com  and 
beans,  though  the  people  were  but  few." 

From  Mauainoick  they  proceeded  to  Massachusetts,  but  could  do 
nothing  there,  as  Mr.  Weston's  men  had  mined  the  market  by  giving  "as 
much  lor  a  quart  of  corn,  as  we  used  to  do  for  a  beaver's  skin."*  There- 
fore they  returned  again  to  Cape  Cod,  to  Nauset,  "  where  the  Rach(!iri 
Aspinet  used  the  governor  very  kindly,  and  where  they  bought  8  or  10 
hogsheails  of  corn  and  beans :  also  at  a  place  called  Mattachiest,  where 
they  had  like  kind  entertainment  and  corn  also."  While  here,  a  violent 
storm  drove  on  shore,  and  so  damaged  their  puaiace,  that  they  could  not 
get  their  corn  on  board  the  ship ;  so  they  made  a  stack  of  it,  and  secured 
it  from  the  wcatiier,  by  covering  it  with  mats  and  sedge,  ^spinet  was 
desired  to  wutclj  and  keep  wild  animals  from  destroying  it,  until  they 
could  send  for  it.  Also,  not  to  suffer  their  boat  to  be  concerned  with  ; 
all  this  lie  faithfully  did,  and  the  governor  returned  home  by  land,  "re- 
ceiving great  kindness  from  the  Indians  by  the  way." 

Some  time  after,  Standish  went  to  bring  the  corn  left  at  Nauset,  and, 
as  usual,  gets  himself  into  difficulty  with  the  Indians.  One  of  Jlspinet's 
men  ha[»pening  to  come  to  one  of  Standuih''s  boats,  which  being  left 
entirely  without  guard,  he  took  out  a  few  trinkets,  such  as  "  beads,  scis- 
sors, and  other  trifles,"  which  when  the  English  captain  found  out,  "he 
took  certain  of  his  company  with  him,  and  went  to  the  sachem,  telling 
him  what  had  happened,  and  requiring  the  same  again,  or  the  party  that 
stole  tiiciii,"  ^'or  else  he  would  revenue  it  on  them  before  his  departure"  and 
so  departed  for  the  night,  ^^  refusing  whatsoever  kindness  they  offered.''* 
However,  the  next  morning,  Jlspinet,  attended  by  many  of  his  men,  went 
to  the  Englisli,  "  in  a  stately  manner,"  and  restored  all  the  "  trifles ;"  for 
the  exposing  of  wiiich  the  English  deserved  ten  times  as  much  reprehen- 
.sion  as  the  man  for  takhig  them. 

Squanlo  being  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  sickness  at  Pa- 
tuxet,  inijuirers  for  an  account  of  that  calamity  will  very  reasonably 
«!xpoct  to  find  it  in  a  history  of  his  life.  We  therefore  will  relate  all  that 
is  known  of  it,  not  elsewhere  to  be  noticed  in  our  progress.  The  extent 
of  its  ravages,  as  near  as  we  can  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  Bay,  to 
Kenunbt!ck,  or  perhaps  Penobscot,  and  was  supposed  to  have  conmienced 
about  J()17,  and  the  length  of  its  duration  seems  to  have  been  between 
two  and  three  years,  as  it  was  nearly  abated  in  1619.  The  Indians  gave 
a  frightful  account  of  it;  saying  that  they  died  so  fast  "that  the  living 
were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead,"  When  tiie  English  arrived  in  the 
coimtry,  thoir  bones  were  thick  upon  the  ground  in  many  ])laccs.  This 
they  looked  upon  as  a  great  provident-c,  iriasnnich  as  it  had  destroyed 
"  multitudes  of  the  barl)arous  heathen  to  make  way  for  the  chosen  people 
of  Cod." 

"SoiiK!  Ii;i(l  Pxpirf'd  in  fur'". — 'lie  liraiuls 
Slill  rusted  in  their  bony  li.imis. — 
111  plague  and  tuuiine  soiuul'' 


•  Al  this  time,  there  was  a  t;reat  sickness  among-  the  Massachusett  Indians,  "  not 
aiilikc  the  plapiie,  if  not  the  san.i-."    No  particulars  of  it  arc  recorded, 

a 


14 


SQUANTO. 


[Book  II. 


All  wars  and  disasters  in  those  days  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by 
Boine  strange  natural  appearance ;  or,  as  appeared  to  thern,  unnatural 
appearance  or  phenomenon  ;  hence  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  in  1618, 
was  considered  by  some  the  precursor  of  this  pestilence.* 

We  will  give  here,  from  a  curious  work,f  in  the  language  of  the 
author,  an  interesting  passage,  relating  to  this  melancholy  period,  of  the 
history  of  the  people  of  Massasoit ;  in  which  he  refers  lo  Squanto.  After 
relating  the  fate  of  a  French  ship's  crew  among  the  Wampanoags,  as 
extracted  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  in  continuation  of  the  account,  he 
proceeds  thus:  "But  contrary  wise,  [tho  Indians  having  said  "  they  were 
so  many  that  God  could  )iot  kill  ihoni,"  when  one  of  the  Frenchmen  re- 
buked them  for  their  "wickedness,"  telling  them  God  would  destroy 
them,]  in  short  time  after,  the  hand  of  God  fi^ll  heavily  upon  them,  with 
such  a  mortall  stroake,  that  they  died  on  heaps,  as  they  lay  in  their 
houses,  and  the  living  that  were  able  to  shift  for  thcmsi'lvcs,  would  runne 
away  and  let  them  dy,  and  let  their  carkascs  ly  above  the  ground  without 
buriall.  For  in  a  place,  where  many  inhaiiited,  there  hath  been  but  one 
left  alive,  to  tell  wliat  became  of  the  rest ;  the  living  being  (as  i.'  seems) 
not  able  to  bury  the  dead.  They  were  loft  for  crowcs,  kites,  and  vermine 
to  pray  upon.  And  the  bones  and  skulls  upon  the  sevcrall  places  of 
their  habitations,  made  such  a  spectacle  after  my  coinming  into  those 
parts,t  that  as  I  travailed  in  that  forrest  nere  the  Massachussets,  it 
seemed  to  me  a  new-found  Golgotha." 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  as  we  have  seen,  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
coast  of  New  England.  After  his  design  failed  at  Sagadahock,  he  tells  us 
that  he  sent  over  a  ship  upon  his  own  account,  which  was  to  leave  a 
company  under  one  V{nes,§  to  rem.iin  and  trade  in  the  country.  These 
were  his  own  servants,  and  he  ordered  "them  to  leave  the  ship  and  ship's 
company,  for  to  follow  their  business  in  the  usual  place,  (for  I  knew  they 
would  not  be  drawn  to  seek  by  any  means,)  by  these,  and  the  help  of 
those  natives  formerly  sent  over,  I  come  to  be  truly  informed  of  so  much 
as  gave  me  assurance  that  in  time  I  ahovdd  want  no  undertakers,  though 
as  yet  I  was  forced  to  hire  men  to  stay  there  the  winter  quarter  at  ex- 
treme rates,  and  not  without  danger,  for  that  the  war||  had  consumed  the 
Bashaba,  and  the  most  of  the  great  sagamores,  with  such  men  of  action 
as  followed  them,  and  those  that  remained  were  sore  nfflir.ted  with  the 
plague;  for  that  the  country  was  in  a  manner  loft  void  of  inhabitants. 
Notwithstanding,  Vines,  and  the  rest  with  him  that  lay  in  the  cabins  with 
those  people  that  died,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (blessed  be  God 
for  it)  not  one  of  them  ever  felt  their  heads  to  ache  while  they  stayoH 
there."  Here,  although  we  are  put  in  possession  of  several  of  the  most 
important  facts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  deficient  in  one  of  the  main 
particulars — I  mean  that  of  dates.     Therefore  we  gain  no  further  data 

*  The  year  1018  seems  to  have  been  very  fruitful  in  comets,  "  as  therein  no  less  than 
four  were  observed."  /.  Mather's  Discourse  coiiccriiing  Comets,  108.  Boston,  12int>. 
1683.  There  may  be  seen  acurious  passage  concerning  the  comet  of  1618  in  Rushivorlh't 
Hist.  Col.  of  that  year. 

t  New  EngHsh  Canaan,  23,  by  Tliomas  Morton,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1637. 

X  Mr.  Morton  first  came  over  in  1622.  He  settled  near  Weymouth.  After  great 
trouble  and  losses  from  those  of  a  different  religion,  he  was  banished  out  of  the  country, 
and  had  his  property  sequestered  but  soon  after  returned.  He  died  in  York,  Me.,  KJ-IJG. 
If  it  be  pretended  that  Morton  had  no  religion,  we  say,  "Judge  not."  He  professed  lo 
have. 

6  Mr.  Richard  Vines.  America  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq.  4to.  Loid. 
1G59. 

ij  A  great  war  among  the  Indians  at  this  time  is  mentioned  by  most  of  the  first  writem, 
but  tlie  particulars  of  it  cannot  be  known.  It  seems  to  have  been  bci.vnen  theTarratium 
■ltd  tribes  to  the  west  of  Pascataqua. 


Chap.  II.] 

as  to  the  time 
Ferdinmido  ad 
gether,  but  not 
In  Capt.  Sm 
ptissage  about 
from  Morton. 
the  man  that 
would  destroy 
collected  his  p 
were.     When 
his  God,  that  li 
could  kill  all  tl 
him  as  before. 
5  or  GOO,  leavii 
other  two  esct 
country.     Tlie 
Capt.  Smith  saj 
to  be  excused  i 
We  have  no 
dian  history. 

Massasoit,  i 
noket  or  Pawki 
town  of  Bristol 
than  war,  and  ) 
standing  they 
liberties. 

This  chief's  i 
quin,  Asuhmeqi 
Ussamequen,  W 
known  in  histoi 
in  his  Annals,  s 
vbim  Massasoit  i 
but  I  find  the  ai 
nounced  his  nai 
a  letter  in  the  n 
for  if  a  writer  i 
where  to  stop,  o 
It  has  often  b 
should  have  pos 
creased  when  \\ 
by  prowess  and 
boast  of  such  e: 
themselves  his  ( 
many  more  tlia 
was  a  temporar; 
be  able  to  hold  ' 
qualities  belong 
allow,  when  tin 
chief  gave  Capt. 
formerly,  in  the 
Jlsuhmei^uin,  Ph 
The  limits  of 

*  Some  have  de 
is  not  to  be  iieedet 
Williams  did.  He 
called  so  from  the  I 
ton,  the  definition  o 


Chap.  II] 


MASSASOIT. 


15 


I  wrilem, 
Etrralinet 


as  to  the  time  or  continuance  of  this  plague  among  the  Indiuns ;  for  Sir 
Ferdinando  adih  to  the  al)ove,  "and  this  course  I  hold  Komo  years  to- 
gether, l)ut  nothing  to  my  private  profit,"  &c. 

In  Capt.  S»nth''s  account  ol'New  England,  [)ubiished  in  l(J3i,  he  has  a 
pjissage  about  the  plague,  which  is  nutch  like  that  we  have  given  above, 
from  Morton.  Tiie  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a  fishing  vessel,  and 
the  man  tiiat  they  kept  a  prisoner,  on  telling  them  he  feared  his  God 
would  destroy  them,  their  king  made  him  stand  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  and 
collected  his  j)tople  about  it  tiiat  the  man  might  see  how  numerous  they 
were.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  whether 
his  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about,  had  so  many  men,  and  whether  they 
i'ould  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the  king  that  he  could,  they  derided 
him  as  before.  Soon  after,  the  plague  carried  otf  all  of  the  Massachusetts, 
5  or  GOO,  leaving  only  30,  of  whom  28  were  killed  by  their  neighbors,  the 
other  two  escaping  until  the  English  came,  to  whom  they  gave  their 
country.  The  English  told  the  Indians  that  the  disease  was  the  plague. 
Caf)t.  Smith  says  this  account  is  second  hand  to  him,  and  therefore  begs 
to  be  excused  if  it  be  not  true  in  all  its  particulars. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  In- 
dian history. 

Massasoit,  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  resided  at  a  place  called  Poka- 
noket  or  Pawkunnawkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  included  in  the 
town  of  Bristol,  Rhode  Island.  He  was  a  chief  renowned  more  in  peace 
than  war,  and  was,  as  long  as  he  lived,  a  friend  to  the  English,  notwith- 
standing tliey  coimnitted  repeated  usurpations  upon  his  lands  and 
liberties. 

This  chief's  name  has  been  written  with  great  variation,  as  ffoosame- 
qtiin,  Asuhvuequin,  Oomireqicen,  Osamekin,  Owsamequin,  Otisamfqnine, 
Ussamequen,  IFasamegin,  &c. ;  but  the  name  by  which  he  is  generally 
known  in  history,  is  that  with  which  we  commence  his  life.*  Mr.  Prince, 
in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  nqme,  "  the  printed  accounts  generally  spell 
•,  him  Massasoit ;  Gov.  Bradford  writes  him  Massasoyt,  and  Massasoyet ; 
but  I  find  the  ancient  people,  from  their  fathers  in  Plimouth  colony,  pro- 
nounced his  name  Ma-sas-so-it."  Still  we  find  no  inclination  to  change 
a  letter  in  the  name  of  an  old  friend,  which  has  been  so  long  established  ; 
for  if  a  writer  suffer  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  himself,  he  knows  not 
where  to  stop,  and  we  pronounce  him  no  antiquary. 

It  has  often  been  thought  stringe,  that  so  mild  a  sachem  as  Massasoit 
should  have  possessed  so  great  a  country,  and  our  wonder  has  been  in- 
creased when  we  consider,  that  Indian  possessions  ai'c  generally  obtained 
by  prowess  and  great  personal  courage.  We  know  of  none  who  could 
boast  of  such  extensive  dominions,  where  all  were  contented  to  consider 
themselves  his  friends  and  children.  Pontiac,  lAitle-turtle,  Teciimseh,  and 
many  more  that  wo  could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but  theirs 
was  a  temporary  union,  in  an  emergency  of  war.  That  Massasoit  should 
be  able  to  hold  so  many  tribes  together,  without  constant  war,  required 
qualities  belonging  only  to  few.  That  he  was  not  a  warrior  no  one  will 
allow,  when  the  testimony  of  Annawon  is  so  distinct.  For  that  great 
chief  gave  Capt.  Church  "an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had 
formerly,  in  the  wars  against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he  served 
Asuhmec^uin,  Philip's  father." 

The  limits  of  his  country  towards  the  Nipmuks,  or  inland  Indians,  are 

*  Some  have  dorivei)  ilic  nnme  of  Massachusrlts  from  this  chief,  but  tliat  conjer ture 
is  not  to  be  heeded.  If  any  man  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Ro^er 
Williams  did.  He  learned  from  the  Indians  themselves,  "that  the.  Massachusetts  we) e 
called  so  from  the  Blue  flills."  In  the  vocabulary  of  Indian  words,  by  Rev.  John  Cot- 
ton, Uie  (lefinition  of  Massachusctt  is,  "  an  hill  in  the  form  of  an  arrow's  head." 


16 


MASSASOIT. 


FBooK  II 


rather  iinoertain,  but  upon  ihe  east  and  west  we  are  sure.  It  is  evident, 
liowever,  from  the  following  extract,  that,  in  1047,  the  Nipinuks  were 
ratiier  uiicortuiii  about  their  sachem,  and  probably  belonged  at  one  time 
to  Massasoit  and  at  another  to  the  Narraganseta,  &c.,  as  circumstances 
f-ivored.  "  The  Nopnat  [Nipnet,  or  Nipmuk]  Indians  having  noe  sachem 
of  their  own  are  at  liberty ;  part  of  them,  by  their  own  choice,  doe  apper- 
tiiine  to  the  Narraganset  sachem,  and  parte  to  the  Mohogens."*  And 
«rertainly,  in  KlOO,  those  of  Quabaog  belonged  to  Massasoit,  or  fVassamegin, 
as  he  was  then  called,  as  will  be  evident  from  facts,  to  be  found  in  the 
life  of  Uncns.  He  owned  Cape  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island  between  Narraganset  and  Massachusetts  bays;  extend- 
ing inland  between  Pawtucket  and  Charles  rivers,  a  distance  not  satis- 
liictorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  before,  together  with  all  the  contiguous 
islands.  It  was  filled  with  many  tribes  or  nations,  and  all  looking  up  to 
liitn,  to  sanction  all  their  expeditions,  and  settle  all  their  difficulties. 
And  wo  may  renjark,  further,  with  regard  to  the  Nipniuks,  that  at  one 
time  they  wel'e  his  tributaries.  And  this  seems  the  more  probable,  for  in 
Philip's  war  there  was  a  constant  intercourse  between  them,  and  when 
any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  directly  into  the  country 
of  the  Nipmuks.  No  such  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  Narragansets 
and  either  of  these.  But,  on  the  contrary,  when  a  messen;^er  from  the 
Narragansets  arrived  in  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks,  with  the  heads  of 
some  of  the  English,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  was  at 
first  fired  upon,  though  afterwards,  when  two  additional  heads  were 
brought,  they  were  received. 

Massasoit  had  several  places  of  residence,  but  the  principal  was  Mount 
Hope,  or  Pokanoket.  The  English  early  gave  it  the  name  of  Mount 
Hope,  but  from  what  circumstance  we  have  not  learned.  Some  suppose 
the  words  Mount  Hope  corrupted  from  the  Indian  words  Mon-top,\  but 
with  what  reason  we  are  not  informed.  Since  we  have  thus  early 
noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  before  proceeding  with  the  life  of 
the  first  of  the  Wampanoags,  we  will  give  a  description  of  it.  It  appear* 
to  the  best  advantage  from  the  village  of  Fall  River,  in  the  town  of  Troy, 
Massachusetts,  from  which  it  is  distant  about  four  miles.  From  this  place, 
its  top  very  much  resembles  the  dome  of  the  state-house  in  Boston,  as 
seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  four  or  five  miles'  distance.  Its 
lieight  hy  admeasurement  is  said  to  be  about  200  feet.f  It  is  very  steep 
on  the  side  towards  Pocasset,  and  its  appearance  is  'ery  regular.  To  its 
natural  appearance  a  gentleman  of  Bristol  has  contributed  to  add  materi- 
ally, by  placing  upon  its  summit  a  circular  summer-house,  and  this  is  a 
principal  reason  why  it  so  much  resembles  the  Massachusetts  state-house. 
This  mount,  therefore,  since  some  time  previous  to  1824,  does  not  appear 
as  in  the  days  of  Massasoit,  and  as  it  did  to  his  early  friends  and  visitors, 
Winslow  and  Hamden.  It  was  sufficiently  picf.resque  without  such  ad- 
dition, as  an  immense  stone§  originally  forme('  its  summit,  and  completed 
its  domelike  appearance.  The  octagonal  summer-house  being  placed 
upon  this,  completes  the  cupola  or  turret.     From  this  the  view  of  Provi- 

*  Records  of  tlie  U.  Col.  in  Hazard,  ii.  92. 

t  Alden's  Collection  of  Epitaphs,  iv.  G85.  President  Stiles,  in  his  notes  to  the  second 
edition  of  Church's  Hist.  Philip's  War,  p.  7,  spells  it  Mont-haup,  but  it  is  not  so 
ill  the  text  of  either  edition.  Moreover,  we  have  not  been  able  to  discover  t'.sat  Mon-top 
i-i  derived  from  Indian  words,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  a  corruption  of  the 
two  Enijlish  words  commonly  used  in  naming  it. 

{  Yamoyden,  259. 

^  By  soiiie,  this  has  been  called  Philip's  chair^  and  some  modern  book-makers  have 
veiitured  to  say  it  resembles  that  piece  of  furniture.  We  should  be  glad  to  know  in 
what  respect ;  having  personally  examined  it,  we  can  assure  the  reader  that  no  such 
ri'siMnbhince  uppearcd  to  us. 


i 


Mount 

Mount 
appose 

3  early 
life  of 
ppearsr 
Troy, 
place, 
ton,  aa 
e.     Its 
y  Steep 
'To  its 
atcri- 
is  is  a 
l-house. 
appear 
isitors, 
ch  ad- 
[npleted 
placed 
Provi- 


t    t/,-u-f/'   x^^<y/- 


le  secovid 

lis  not  so 

Mon-top 

m  of  the 


Iters  have 

know  in 

It  no  such 


Chap.  II.] 


deuce,  W« 

vei-y  beauti 

this  eii 

Pokanokd, 

other  side  (j 

And  it  is*^ 

place  wher 

the  frrove  oj 

and  aiiothe 

|)erliaps  th( 

and  he  no  ( 

Sir  Fraih 

foot  upon  tl 

alter  he  liac 

land,  or  Ne 

error  of  lo 

England,  ai 

very  clear  t 

historians  8( 

hence  asseri 

now  hear  S 

in  the  Ocea 

hy  the  mo.' 

world,  in  re, 

Hapt.  Stm 

England,  an 

whicli  is  th( 

most  proper 

neither  take 

writers  of  a 

Robertson  ai 

The  nobI( 

permit  or  su 

any  honor  d 

revival  of  th 

It  was  up( 

landed.     He 

territories  to 

days  of  mul 

the  natives 

England.      ^ 

Massasoit,  w* 

any  name ;  I 

made,  and  w 

which,  we  v( 

Smith  land 

which  places 

now  bears  thi 

Our  accoui 

shores  of  Mo 

and  he  was  tl 

land.f    He  la 

before. 

*  See  his  "  De 
with. 

t  The  route  ha 

to  and  from  Nevt 

2« 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


17 


deuce,  Warren,  Bristol,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  surrounding  country,  a 
vei-y  beautifiii. 

This  eininouce  was  known  among  the  Narraganscts  by  the  name 
Pokanoket,  which  signified  in  their  language  the  wood  or  land  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water,  and  to  the  Wampanoags  by  the  name  Sotvwams. 
And  it  is  worthy  remark  here,  that  Kuequenuku  was  the  name  of  the 
place  where  Philadelphia  now  stands.  Mr.  Her.kewelder  says,  it  signified 
the  f^rove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  was  a  place  in  Middleborough, 
and  another  in  Raynham,  where  he  spent  some  part  of  particular  seasons, 
perhaps  the  simuner.  The  place  in  Raynham  was  near  Fowling  Pond, 
and  he  no  doubt  had  many  others. 

Sir  Francis  Drake  is  the  firet,  of  whom  we  have  any  account,  that  set 
foot  upon  the  shores  of  New  England.  This  was  in  15Hti,  about  seven  years 
after  he  liad  taken  possession,  and  named  the  same  country  New  Eng- 
land, or  New  Albion,  upon  the  western  side  of  the  continent.  It  is  an 
error  of  long  standing,  that  Prince  Charles  named  the  country  New 
England,  and  it  even  now  so  stands  upon  the  pages  of  histoiy.  But  it  is 
very  clear  that  Sir  Francis  is  justly  entitled  to  the  credit  of  it.  American 
historians  seem  to  have  looked  no  furtiier  than  Prince  and  Robertson,  and 
hence  assert  that  Capt.  Smith  named  the  country  New  England.  We  will 
now  hear  Smith*  on  this  matter.  "New  England  is  that  part  of  America, 
in  the  Ocean  sea,  opposite  to  JVoua  Albion,  in  the  South  Sea,  discovered 
by  the  most  memorable  Sir  Francis  Drake,  in  his  voyage  about  the 
world,  in  regard  tohereof,  this  is  stiled  jYew  England." 

Capt.  Smith,  in  1614,  made  a  survey  of  the  coast  of  what  is  now  New 
England,  and  because  the  country  was  already  named  New  England,  or, 
which  is  the  same.  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought  it 
most  proper  to  stamp  it  anew  upon  th«  eastern.  Therefore  Capt.  Smith 
neither  takes  to  himself  the  honor  of  naming  New  England,  as  some 
writers  of  authority  assert,  nor  does  he  give  it  to  King  Charles,  as  Dr. 
Robertson  and  many  others,  copying  him,  have  done. 

The  noble  and  generous  minded  Sjnilh,  unlike  Jlmericns,  would  not 
permit  or  suffer  his  respected  friend  and  cotemporary  to  be  deprived  of 
any  honor  due  to  him  in  his  day  ;  and  to  which  we  may  attribute  the 
revival  of  the  name  New  England  in  1614. 

It  was  upon  some  part  of  Cape  Cod  that  the  great  circumnavigator 
landed.  He  was  visited  by  the  "  king  of  the  country,"  who  submitted  his 
territories  to  him,  as  Hioh  had  done  on  th(>  western  coast.  After  several 
days  of  mutual  trade,  and  exchange  of  kindnesses,  during  which  time 
the  natives  became  greatly  attached  to  Sir  Francis,  he  departed  for 
England.  Whether  the  "king  of  the  country"  here  mentioned  were 
Massasoit,  we  have  not  the  means  of  knowing,  as  our  accounts  do  not  give 
any  name ;  but  it  was  upon  his  dominions  that  this  first  landing  was 
made,  and  we  have  therefore  thought  it  proper  to  be  thus  particular,  and 
which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  our  readere. 

Smith  landed  in  many  places  upon  the  shores  of  Massctfoit,  one  of 
which  places  he  named  Plimouth,  which  happened  to  be  the  saifte  which 
now  bears  that  name. 

Our  accounts  make  Capt.  Bartholomew  Gosnold  the  next  A'isitor  to  the 
shores  of  Massasoit,  after  Sir  Francis  Drake.  His  voyage  was  in  1609, 
and  he  was  the  first  who  came  in  a  direct  counts  from  Old  to  New  Eng- 
land.f  He  landed  in  the  same  place  where  Sir  Francis  did  16  years 
before. 

*  See  his  "  Description  of  N.  England,"  and  the  error  may  henceforth  be  dispensed 
with. 

t  Tiie  route  had  hitherto  been  by  the  Canaries  and  West  India  Islands,  and  a  voyag* 
to  and  from  New  England  took  up  nearly  a  year's  time. 


18 


MASSASOIT. 


[Hook  If. 


We  cull  know  iiotliiiiyr.  of  the  early  times  of  Massasoit.  Oiiif  next 
visitor  to  liis  country,  ihm  we  sliail  here  notice,  was  Ciifit.  Thomas  Der- 
■lucr.  This  was  in  May,  UJlit,  He  sailed  t<)r  Monhigon  ;  thence,  in  that 
inontii,  for  Virginia,  in  an  open  pinriace ; consetpiently  was  ol)lig(!(l  to 
keep  close  in  shore.  He  found  [)laces  which  hud  been  inhabited,  but  at 
that  time  (contained  none;  and  lurther  onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  a 
great  sickness,  which  was  tJien  i)reviu'ing,  but  nearly  uhated.  When  he 
came  to  Plimouth,  all  were  dead.  From  thence  ho  traveled  a  ilay's 
journey  into  the  (rountry  'AM-ritward,  to  Namasket,  now  Middleboroiigh. 
From  this  place  he  sent  a  nw'sseiiger  to  visit  Mnssasoit,  In  this  expedi- 
tion, he  rede(!med  two  Frenclni'i:i  from  JMassasoil^s  ])eople,  who  had  l)een 
cast  away  thrtic  years  before. 

But  to  be  nion;  |)articular  with  Cai)t.  Denner;  wo  will  hear  him  in  his 
own  maimer,  which  is  by  a  letter  he  wi^ote  in- Samuel  Purchase,  the  com- 
piler of  the  I'ilgrimage,  dated  27th  Dec.  Ril»). 

"  When  I  arriveii  at  my  savage's  {Squmdo'' s]  native  country,  (finding  al^ 
dead,)  1  trav(;lled  alongst  a  dayVi  journey,  to  a  place  called  ,Yammusta(iuijl, 
where  finding  inhabitants,  1  (les])atched  a  messenger,  u  day's  journey 
farther  west,  to  Pocanokit,  whiclv  bordereth  on  the  sea;  whence  came  Uj 
sec  me  two  kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  being 
well  satisfied  with  that  my  suva^x;  and  I  discoursed  unto  them,  (being  de- 
sirous of  novelty,)  gave  me  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded  ;  where  1 
found  that  former  relatic-iis  were  true.  Here  I  redeemed  a  Frenchman^ 
and  aft(;rwards  another  at  Masptuchusit,  who  three  yei'.r*  since  escaped 
shipwreck  at  the  north-east  of  Cape  Cod."* 

We  have  mentioned  his  interview  with  Massasbii,  which  we  supposed- 
Avas  one  of  the  kin.ya mentioned  in  the  letter.  Qiiadequina  was  no  doub'j 
the  other.  • 

In  another  letter,  ?tTr.  /termer  says  the  Indians  would  Imve  killed  hin.? 
at  Nainasket,  had  i-'.-t  Siiunnto  entreated  hard  for  him,    "  Their  desire  oi 
revenge  (he  adds)  VHis  occasioned  by  an  Fiiiglishman,  v/ho,  having  man\ 
of  them  on  board; made  great  slaughter  of  theiit  witii  tiieir  murderers 
and  small  shot,  when  (as  tliey  say)  they  ofTeretf  no  injm-y  on  thcur  |)!  rts." 

Mr.  Thomas  .MuHon,^  l\u;  author  whc  nswile  hiiriself  so  merry  at  tin' 
expense  of  the  pilgriu;H  ol'  Plimouth,  has  the  i'i)lltAting  passage  concern- 
ing these  Frenchmen  : — "  It  fortuniul  soiix;  few  y(>avt;s  before  the  i^'nglisl.i 
came  to  inhabit  at  new  Plimmouth  in  New  iVngfiHMl,  that,  upon  some 
distast  given  in  the  IMassachussets  Bay,  by  Frenchmen,  thi-n  trading  then 
with  the  natives  for  beav(!r,  thoy  set  upon  the  mumi,  at  su(;li  advantage!,  that 
they  killed  manie  of  them,  burned  tlieir  shipp,  th(!ii  riding  at  anchor  by 
an  island  there,  now  called  Peddoclc^s  Islanl,  in  memory  of  Leonard  Fed- 
dock  that  landed  there,  (where  many  wildt;  anckies|  liaiiiired  that  time,- 
which  hee  thought  had  bin  tame,)  distributing  them  unto  live  sachems 
which  were  lords  of  the  severull  territories  adjoyuiiig,  they  did  krepthem- 
so  long  as  they  lived,  only  to  sport  themselves  at  them,  and  mude  these 
five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  wood  and  wat(>r,  whioii  is  tlie  geiuirali  worke 
they  require  of  a  servant.  One  of  these  rive  men  outliving  the  rest,  luuf-' 
learned  so  much  of  their  language,  as  to  rebuke  them  for  their  bloudy 
deede :  saying  that  God  would  be  angry  with  them  for  it ;  and  that  he 
would  in  his  displeasure  dei-itroy  them  ;  but  the  salvages  (it  seems,  boast- 
ing of  their  strength)  replyed,  and  said,  that  they  were  so  many  that  Goer 
could  not  kill  them."  This  seems  to  be  the  same  story,  oiwly  difftirentl/ 
told  from  that  related  above  from  Smith. 


*  This  extract  is  in  Davis's  notes  to  Morton. 

t  In  his  "  New  Canaan,"  22,  23. 

i  Modern  naturalists  do  not  seem  to  have  been  acquainto(f  ^itl'f^  animal '. 


Chap.  II,] 


Massasoit 


li> 


Dec.  11,  O.  S.  1620.  Tlio  pilgrim"  a.  rived  at  Pliinoutli,  and  pusscssecl 
themselves  of  a  portion  of  MassasoiVs  comitry.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  h»:  was  at  first  uiiacqimiiited,  and  sent  occasionally  some 
of  his  men  to  ob?>crve  their  strange  motions.  Very  few  of  these,  however, 
wore  seen  by  the  [)ilgrims.  At  length  Ik;  sent  one  of  his  men,  wlio  hacl 
been  some  time  >vith  the  English  tisliijig  vessels  abont  the  country  of  the 
Kcnnebech,  a'jd  had  learned  a  little  of  their  language,  to  observe  more 
strictly  what  Wfis  pl'ogressijig  among  the  intrndtirs  at  his  place  of  Patuxet, 
which  wos  now  called  Plimouth.  This  was  in  JVIarch,  1(121,  as  before 
related  J 

We  have,  in  speaking  of  Samoset  and  Sqnanto,  observed  that  it  was 
through  the  agency  of  the  former  that  a  knowledge  was  gained  ofMassasoit. 
It  was  tipon  22  March,  1621,  that  they  brought  the  welcome  news  to  Pli-" 
mouth,  that  their  chief  was  near  at  hand  ;*  "and  they  brought  with  them 
(say  the  pilgrims)  some  few  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  herrings,  newly 
taken  and  dried,  but  not  salted  ;  and  signified  unto  tis,  that  their  great  saga- 
more, Massasoit,  was  hard  by,  with  Qiiadequinn,  his  brother.  Tliey  could 
not  well  express  in  English  what  they  woitld  ;  but  after  an  hoiu*  the  king 
came  to  the  top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  be  that  now  CaHed  Watson^s,  on 
the  south  side  of  Town-brook]  over  against  us,  and  had  \h  his  train  (JO 
men,  that  we  could  well  behold  them,  and  they  us.  We  v?'efe  not  will- 
ing to  send  our  governor  to  them,  and  they  iinwilling  to  come  to  US:  so 
Squnnto  went  again  unto  him,  who  brought  word  that  we  «hoidd  send 
OIK!  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did,  whii;h  vVP.?i  Edvrard  WinstoiD,  to 
ktjow  his  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  and  will  of  oUv  governcfr,  which 
was  to  have  trad'"ig  and  peace  with  him.  We  sefit  to  the  king  a  pair  of 
knives,  and  a  copper  chain,  with  a  jewel  in  itj  To  (^uddequina  We  ftent 
likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  e^f,  and  witlial  a  pot  of 
strong  water',  a,  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  ?*>me  butter,  which  ware 
all  willingly  accepted." 

The  Engiiahman  then  made  a  speech  to  him,  abotit  his  king's  love  and 
goodness  to  hirti  and  his  people,  and  that  h«J  accepted  of  him  as  his  friend 
and  ally,  ^'llc  liked  well  of  the  speech,  (say  the  English,)  and  heard  it 
attentively,  thtiligh  the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it.  After  he  had 
eaten  and  cJfunk  himself,  and  given  the  rest  lo  his  company,  he  looked 


*  Mauri's  narrative  is  here  coiitinocd  from  the  last  extract  in  p.  10,  without  any 
omiiision. 


90 


MAMSASOIT. 


[Rook  II. 


ii|H)n  our  iiH'«spii{,'i'r'.s  Hwnrd  mid  urirmr  which  he  Imd  on,  witli  intimation 
of  liis  dcsiii!  to  Imy  it;  bill,  on  thf!  otii<!r  side,  our  niCHSiuifrer  showc^d  hia 
iiiiwillii)<(n<'.NS  to  part  witli  it.  In  tiio  end  he  h>ll  liini  in  tlit;  custody  of 
(^)iiiil('(iuin(t,  liis  ln'othcr,  mid  carnti  over  tlie  hrook,  and  houic  W  men 
f'ollowiiif^  him.     We  kept  six  or  seven  as  )iostaf,'es  for  our  messenger." 

\>i  .Massasoit  pnxM'ciled  tct  meet  tiie  Knghsii,  they  met  him  with  six 
solihers,  wiio  siiliitcd  eficli  otiier.  Several  of  liis  men  were  with  him, 
hut  all  lefl  their  lious  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conduct«!d  to  a 
new  house  which  was  partly  finished,  and  a  green  rug  wa9S[)read  u|)on  the 
door,  ami  several  eusliioiis  itn*  Mdsnasoit  and  his  cinefs  to  sit  down  upon. 
'I'iicu  eaiiie  the  English  governor,  followed  hy  a  drummer  and  trump(;ter 
and  a  few  soldiers,  and  after  kissing  one  anodier,  all  sat  down.  Some 
strong  water  being  brought,  the  governor  drank  to  Mnssaaoit,  who  in  hia 
turn  "drank  a  great  draught,  that  made  him  sweat  all  the  while  after." 

They  now  proceeded  to  make  a  treaty,  which  sti|)ulated,  that  neither 
.Massasoit  nor  any  of  his  people  should  do  hurt  to  tlie  English,  and  that 
if  they  did  they  shoidd  be  given  up  to  be  punished  by  them;  and  that  if 
the  English  did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  people,  they,  the  English, 
would  do  the  like  to  them.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him, 
the  English  were  to  aid  hitn,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  his  turn,  and 
by  so  doing  King  James  would  esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

"All  which  (they  say)  the  king  seemed  to  hke  well,  and  it  was  applaud- 
ed of  his  followers."  And  they  add,  "All  tlie  while  he  sat  by  the  gov- 
ernor, he  trembled  for  fear." 

At  this  time  he  is  described  as  "a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  bci't  years,  an 
able  body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech  ;  in  his  attire  litUe 
or  nothing  diff*ering  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a  great  chain  of 
white  bono  beads  about  his  neck  ;  and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  hangs  a  little 
bag  of  tobacco,  which  he  drank,  and  gave  ns  to  drink.*  His  face  was 
painted  with  a  sad  red  like  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and  face,  that  he 
looked  greasily.  All  his  follower  likewise  were,  in  their  faces,  in  part  or 
in  whole,  painted,  some  black,  some  red,  some  yellow,  and  some  white ; 
some  with  crosses  and  other  antic  works ;  some  had  skins  on  them,  and 
.son.e  naked ;  all  strong,  tall  fiien  in  appearance.  The  king  had  in  his 
bosom,  hanging  in  a  string,  a  great  long  knite.  He  marvelled  much  at 
our  trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  wouUl  sound  it  as  well  as  they  could. 
Samoset  and  Squanto  stayed  all  night  with  us,"  Massasoit  retired  into 
the  woods,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  English,  and  there  encamped  at 
night  with  his  men,  women  and  children.     Thus  ended  March  22d, 

leai. 

During  his  fii-st  visit  to  the  English,  he  expressed  great  signs  of  fear, 
and  during  the  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  trembling.f  Thus  it  is  easy 
to  see  how  nnich  hand  he  had  in  making  it,  but  would  that  there  had 
never  been  wor.'e  ones  made. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  people  should  come  and  plant  near  by, 
in  a  few  days,  and  live  there  all  summer.  "That  night  we  kept  good 
watch,  but  there  was  no  appearance  of  danger.  The  next  niorning 
divers  of  their  people  came  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as 
we  imagined.     Some  of  them  told  us  the  king  would  have  some  of  us 


*  We  have  been  asked  what  this  drinking'  of  tobacco  means.  We  arc  confident  it 
means  smoking'. 

In  the  year  1646,  we  find  this  entry  in  the  Plimouth  records : — "  Anthonxj  Timelier  and 
George  Pole  were  chosen  a  comittee  to  draw  vp  an  order  concerncing  disorderly  driiike- 
ing  of  tobacco."  Rev.  Roger  Williams  says,  in  his  Key, "  Generally  all  the  men  through- 
out the  country  have  a  tobacco-bag,  with  a  pipe  in  it,  hanging  at  their  back." 

t  And,  with  this  fact  before  him,  the  author  of"  Tales  of  the  Indians"  says,  the  treaty 
was  made  with  deliberation  and  clieerfulness  on  the  part  of  Massasoit ! 


Chap.  II] 


MASSASOIT. 


21 


come  to  SCO  hiin.  ('apt.  SlnmH.ik  aiul  ham  Jllderlon  went  veiitcroiiHly, 
wlio  were  wflcoiiu'd  of  him  iiHiT  their  iiiaiiiuT.  Ho  gnvo  thi'rii  throo  or 
four  {ground  nuts  and  sotiic  toltafco.  Wo  cariiiol  ,  -t  conceive,  (lliey  con- 
tinue,) hilt  tliat  ho  is  willing,'  to  liuve  peace  witli  iih  ;  for  ihey  havo  soon 
our  people  srxnetinieH  nlune  two  or  tlirco  in  the  woods  at  work  nnd 
fowliiifr,  wlion  as  they  ollered  theni  no  harm,  as  they  miffht  easily  have 
dono ;  and  es|tecially  hocansc  Ik^  hath  a  potent  adversary,  the  Nariohi- 
gansets,'  that  are  at  war  with  iiim,  aifaiiist  whom  ho  tliinks  wo  may  be 
some  strenf>th  to  him ;  for  our  fjieces  are  terrihio  unto  them.  ThiH 
niorninj?  they  stayed  till  JO  or  11  of  the;  <"lock  ;  and  our  (,'overnor  bid 
tbom  send  tiie  kinji's  kettle,  and  tilled  it  with  peas,  which  pleased  them 
well  ;  and  so  they  went  their  way."  Thus  ended  tlio  first  visit  of  Mns- 
sasoit  to  the  pilgrims.  We  should  hero  note  that  he  ever  allcr  treated 
the  English  with  kindnr;s,  and  the  peace  now  concluded  was  undisturbed 
for  n(!arly  40  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  n  treaty,  of 
which  he  never  had  any  adecpiuto  iriea,  was  the  cause  of  liis  friendly 
behavior,  hut  it  was  the  natural  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  ho  was  at  war  with  the  Narragan- 
Bets.  But  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than 
some  small  skirinishittg. 

Meanwhile  Squanto  and  Samosd  remained  with  the  English,  instructing 
them  how  to  live  in  their  country;  ;(|ual  in  all  respects  to  Robinson 
Crusoe's  vian  Fridai/,  ancl  had  De  Foe  lived  in  that  age  he  might  have 
made  as  good  a  story  from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  of  Alexander 
Selkirk. — "  Squanto  went  to  fish  [a  day  or  two  after  Massasoit  left]  for 
eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with  as  many  as  he  could  lift  in  one  hand, 
which  our  peo])Ie  were  glad  of.  They  were  fat  and  sweet.  He  trod 
them  out  with  his  feet,  and  so  caught  tlicm  with  his  hands,  without  any 
other  instminent." 

This  Squanto  became  afterwards  an  important  j^ersonage  in  Indian 
politics,  and  some  of  his  manoeuvres  remind  us  of  some  managing 
politicians  of  our  own  times.  In  1022,  he  forfeited  his  life  by  plotting 
to  destroy  tliat  of  Massasoit,  as  will  be  ibund  related  in  the  life  oi'  Hobo- 
mok.  On  that  occasion,  Massasoit  went  hiioself  to  Plimotith,  "  being 
much  offended  and  enraged  against  Tisquantum ;"  but  the  governor 
succeeded  in  allaying  his  wrath  for  that  time.  Soon  after,  he  sent  a 
messenger  to  entreat  the  governor  to  consent  to  his  death  ;  the  governor 
said  he  deserved  death,  but  as  ho  knew  not  how  to  get  along  without 
him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  would  spare  him. 

Determined  in  his  purpose,  Massasoit  soon  sent  the  same  messenger 
again,  accom[)anied  by  many  others,  who  offered  many  beaver  skins  if 
Tisquantum  might  be  given  up  to  them.  They  demanded  him  in  the 
name  of  Massasoit,  as  being  one  f  his  subjects,  whom,  (says  Winsloiv,)  by 
our  first  articles  of  peace,  we  cotdd  not  retain.  Hut  out  of  respect  to  the 
English,  they  would  not  seize  him  without  their  consent.    Massasoit  had 


*  Few  Indian  names  have  been  spelt  more  ways  than  this.  From  the  nature  of  the 
Indian  lanffiiaj^^e,  it  is  evident  that  no  r  should  be  used  in  it. — Nahigonsik  and  Nanli^an- 
sick,  R.  Williams. — Nerhegansitt,  'VodXri'^.— Nantyg^nsiks,  Callejider. — Nanoliiggan- 
set,  Winslow's  Good  News  from  A^  i^7^^.— Nanhyganset,  Judge  Johnson's  Life  of 
Gen.  Greene.— -These  are  but  few  of  llie  permutations  wiilionl  the  r,  and  those  with  it 
are  still  more  numerous. 

The  meaning  of  the  name  is  still  uncertain.  Madam  Knight,  in  her  Journal.  22  and  23, 
says,  at  a  place  where  she  happened  to  put  up  for  a  night  in  that  country,  she  heard 
some  of  llie  "  town  topers"  flisputing  al)out  ihe  origin  of  tiie  word  Narragan.iet.  "One 
said  it  was  so  named  by  Indians,  because  there  grew  a  brier  tliere  of  a  prodigious  height 
and  bigness,  who  quoted  an  Indian  of  so  barbarous  a  name  for  his  author  that  she  could 
not  write  it."  Another  said  it  meant  a  celebrated  spring,  which  was  very  cold  in  sum- 
mer, and  "  as  hot  as  could  be  imagined  in  the  winter." 


<22 


MASSASOIT. 


(liuoK  II. 


Boiit  liiH  own  kniff!  to  \w  iisod  in  cutting  off  liis  heud  and  linndH,  which 
won;  to  !)•■  Itroiif^lit  to  him. 

MfnnliiiK'  Siiunnlo  ratnn  and  dflivfrnd  hiniHolf  np  to  thn  povomor, 
»rhar<,'in^,'  Hnhoinok  with  liis  ovortlirow,  and  trMiiij;  him  to  d«!hvcr  iiiin  or 
not  to  the  rnt'ssmpcrs  of  J\lii/is(tJtoit,  as  h«  ilioiight  lit.  It  sn-nm  tr«)in  th«; 
niimtivti  that,  as  tin"  ;;ovornor  was  about  to  do  it,  thc^y  j^nnv  impatient  nt 
iho  (hday,  and  went  ofl'  in  u  rag»'.  Thci  delay  was  occasioned  hy  the 
appearance  of  a  boat  in  tluj  harbor,  wliicli  tlie  governor  protended 
niipiit  1)1!  that  of  an  enemy,  an  there  had  been  a  rumor  that  t)ie  French 
had  me(htated  l)reai<in<^'  np  th(;  settlement  of  the  KngliHli  in  this  region. 
ThiH,  however,  was  donhtless  only  n  pretence,  and  em|)loyed  to  wear  out 
the  patience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hence  ihut  JMassasoil  should  for 
some  time  atler"sei!m  to  frown"  on  the  English,  us  they  conipluin,  Ih 
certainly  no  vvoniler. 

The  next  sunmier,  in  Jinie  or  July,  Massaaoil  was  visited  by  Severn! 
of  the  English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  tldwnrd  IVinsloWy  JMr.  Stevhen 
Hopkins,  and  Sqiianto  m  their  int«'rpr<!ter.  Their  object  was  to  Hnu  out 
his  place  of  residence,  in  case  they  should  have  to  cull  upon  him  for 
assistance ;  to  keep  good  the  friendly  correspondence  conunenced  at 
Plimonth  ;  and  especially  to  cause  him  to  pn^vent  liis  men  from  hanging 
about  them,  and  living  upon  them,  which  was  then  considered  very  bur- 
densome, as  they  had  begim  to  grow  short  of  provisions.  That  their 
visit  might  b(>  acceptable,  they  took  along,  for  a  present,  a  trooper's  red 
coat,  with  some  luco  upon  it,  and  a  cop})er  chuin  ;  with  these  Massasoit 
wus  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  him,  he  must  send 
as  a  signal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they  might 
not  be  imposed  upon  i)y  strangers. 

When  the  English  arrived  at  Pokanokct,  Massasoil  was  absent,  but 
was  innnediatcly  sent  lor.  I'eing  informed  that  he  was  coming,  the 
English  began  to  ])repare  to  sh.'ot  off  their  guns ;  this  so  frightened  the 
women  and  children,  that  they  rtn  away,  and  would  not  return  until  the. 
interpreter  assured  them  that  they  need  not  fear ;  and  when  Massasoit 
arrived,  they  saluted  him  by  u  discharge,  at  which  he  was  very  much 
elated ;  and  "  who,  after  their  manner,  (says  one  of  the  company,)  kindly 
welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us  down  by  him,  where, 
having  delivered  our  message  and  presents,  and  having  put  the  coat  on 
liis  back,  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not  a  little  proud  to  behold 
himself,  and  his  men  also,  to  see  their  king  so  bravely  attired."*  A  new- 
treaty  was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good-naturedly  assented  to 
all  that  was  desired.  He  then  made  a  sneecli  to  his  men,  many  of  them 
being  assembled  to  see  the  English,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  learn 
its  meaning,  acquainted  them  with  what  course  they  might  pursue  in 
regard  to  the  English.  Among  other  things,  he  said,  "^m  I  not  Massasoit, 
commander  of  the  countn/  about  us  ?  Is  not  such  and  such  places  mine,  and 
the  people  of  them  ?  They  shall  take  their  skins  to  the  English."  This  his 
people  ap|)lauded.  In  his  speech,  "he  named  at  least  thirty  places,"  over 
which  he  had  control.  "This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us, 
and  fell  to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the  king's  majesty,  marvelling 
that  he  should  live  without  a  wife."  He  seems  to  have  been  embittered 
against  the  French,  and  wished  "us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to  Narra- 

fanset,  for  it  was  King  Jameses  country,  and  he  was  King  Jameses  man." 
le  had  no  victuals  at  this  time  to  give'  to  the  English,  and  night  coming 
on,  they  retired  to  rest  supperless.  He  had  but  one  l)ed,  if  so  it  might  Ik» 
called,  "being  only  planks  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a  thin  mat 

*  Mmirt's  Relation,  in  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


<  nAP   M.j 
"P""  iliern 

It    tl|<;    III,,, 

of  ro(»m,  |„ 
IfMlging  thai 
"'I'liene; 
"N»  and  ;iiai 
games  lor  ^ 
tried  tf»  get  | 

l<''iged  theni 
them,  "only 

with  iiail  nIi, 

Tlie   next 

<nid  iiiiiled  tl 

»neiit  vi-rysn 
but  scanty  a 
«ind  a  (lay.     ' 
"Ver/iirif 
l""!.'"r.     Jtut 
i^liould  either 
the  savages' h 
nnd  /leas  witli 
'inie  of  our  I 
''Higer,  we  sli 
that,  on  Friihr 
Mdssnsorjt  W\'\[ 
•'■''"  IIS.     And 
•••'re   truck  fo 
jdace,  whom  \ 
'i'l'is  Ihithfi 
the  kingdom 
"vpedition  aga 
Inl62;U/« 
he  was  very  dj 
th»;  governor  ( 
••ordials,  and  1 
a  gentleman  o 
tf>  sen  the  cou 
his  subjects  w( 
to  attend  on  su( 
we  found  the 
tliey  used  their 

„  r.  ''"  ''^""*  says 
tn(!y  are  made  u 
or  straw,  but,  for 
wrouffht.'' 

t  Winslow's  Rel 
(celebrated  John  f. 
received  in  an  att 
raiiseoftheparliai 
It  would  be  hiVf 
yet,  we  must  ackno 
to  meet  with  tlie  n 
though  they  should 
learn  that  any  of  n 
there  is  a  strong-  pn 


/. 


ClIAP     II.] 


MAHSAHOIT. 


23 


ii|)<iii  tliciii."*  "  n«  IftitI  »iH  on  the  Itrd  witli  himwif  iiiul  liis  wife,  tlioy 
at  tli«!  OIK!  (Mill,  and  wo  at  tlir  ntlirr.  Two  niorr  ot' liis  ni<>n,  for  want 
of  room,  pri'Hwd  l»y  and  npon  uh;  ko  tliat  wc  wore  worHo  weary  of  our 
Imljiinn  than  of  our  jonnifv." 

"'I'lic  next  day,  many  ot'  tlicir  Rn(*him.s  or  potty  povrrnoi-H  came  to  sec 
MS,  and  many  '"  ..i«'ir  nirn  also.  Tiwre  tlioy  wt'iit  to  llicir  manner  of 
paiiK  s  for  hkinH  and  knivoH."  It  is  amusing  to  It-arn  tliat  \\\v  Kn^lish 
tried  to  j{et  a  eiianee  in  tliiw  panibiiii^  aflliir.  Tliey  wiy,  "  There  we  «hnl- 
lenjjed  them  to  shoot  with  them  for  nkins,"  hnt  they  were  too  nniniiiK  for 
them,  "only  they  desired  to  see  one  of  lis  shoot  at  a  niaik  ;  who  shooting 
with  liail  sliot,  they  wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  liok's." 

The  next  day,  ahoiit  one  oVIoek,  .Musaafioit  l»roiij;!it  two  larjre  fishcH 
and  hoiled  them ;  hut  tlie  pilgrims  still  thought  their  eiianre  for  refresh- 
ment very  small,  as  "there  were  at  least  forty  looking  for  a  share  in  them  ;" 
hut  scanty  as  it  was,  It  camo  very  timely,  as  they  had  fasted  two  niplits 
and  a  day.     The  Knglish  now  letl  him,  at  which  he  was  very  sorrowful. 

"  Very  im|)ortunate  he  was  (says  our  author)  to  have  us  stay  with  them 
ioiisrer.  Hut  wo  desired  to  keep  the  sahhath  at  home,  and  feared  we 
should  either  ho  light-headed  for  v  ant  of  sleep  ;  for  what  with  had  lodging, 
tlmsavagis'  h-irltaroiis  singing,  (for  they  used  losing  themselves  asleep,)  lice 
and  fleas  within  doors,  and  musketoes  without,  we  could  hardly  sleep  all  the 
time  of  <»ur  being  there;  we  much  fearing,  that  if  wo  should  stay  any 
longer,  we  should  not  ho  able  to  recover  homo  for  want  of  strength.  So 
that,  on  Friday  morning,  liefore  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave,  and  departed, 
.Mtis,'i(tsoi/t  IxMiig  both  gi  vcd  and  ashamed,  that  he  could  no  better  enter- 
tain ns.  And  rotainin;.;  Visquantum  to  send  from  place  to  place  to  prf)- 
cure  truck  for  us,  and  a])pointing  another,  called  Toknmahamon,  in  his 
place,  whom  wc  had  found  faithful  before  and  after  upon  all  occasions." 

'J'his  faithful  servant,  Tokamahamon,  was  in  the  famous  "voyage  to 
the  kingdom  of  Nausot,"  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  courage  in  the 
ox|»editioii  against  Caunbitant. 

In  1G23,  Massasoit  sent  to  his  friends  in  Pllmoiith  to  inform  tliena  that 
he  was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  possible, 
the  governor  despatched  Mr.  Winslow  again,  with  some  inedi(;ino8  and 
cordials,  and  Hobbomok  as  interj)reter;  "liaving  one  Master  John  Hamden, 
u  gentleman  of  London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much 
to  see  the  countrj',  for  my  consort."t  In  their  way  they  found  many  of 
his  subjects  were  gone  to  Pokanoket,  it  being  their  custom  for  all  friends 
to  attend  on  such  occasions.  "When  we  came  thither  (says  Mr.  Winsloto) 
we  found  the  house  so  full  of  men,  as  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though 
they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  us.    There  were  they  in 


Jarra- 
Iman." 
jtning 
^ht  l)e 
In  mat 


»  La  Ffalle  says  (Expedition  in  America,  p.  11.)  of  llin  Indians'  beds  in  gonoral,  thai 
"  they  are  made  up  with  some  pieces  of  wood,  upon  whicli  they  lay  skins  full  of  wool 
or  straw,  but,  for  Iheir  covering,  they  use  the  finest  sort  of  skins,  or  else  mats  finely 
wrouffht.'' 

t  Winslow's  Relation.  The  Mr.  Ilanuien  mentioned,  is  supposed,  by  some,  to  be  the 
celebrated  John  Hamden,  famous  in  the  lime  of  Charles  I.,  and  who  died  of  a  wound 
received  in  an  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  Rupert,  near  Oxford,  while  supporting  the 
cause  of  the  parliament.     See  Rapin's  England,  ii.  477,  and  Kemiet,  iii.  1,37. 

It  would  be  highly  gratifying,  could  the  certainty  of  this  mailer  be  known ;  but,  as 
yet,  we  must  acknowledge  that  all  is  mere  speculation.  Nevertheless,  we  are  pleased 
to  meet  with  the  names  of  such  valued  martyrs  of  jiberlv  upon  any  page,  and  even 
though  they  should  sometimes  seem  rather  mat  apropos  to  the  case  in  hand.  We  cannoi 
learn  that  any  of  Hamden's  biographers  have  discovered  that  he  visited  America.  Slill 
there  is  a  strong  presumption  that  he  was 

"  The  village  Hampden,  that,  with  dauntless  breast, 
The  little  tyrant  of  his  fields  witlistood." 

Gray's  Elegy. 


84 


M/.SSASOIT. 


[BuoK  II. 


Chap.  I 


tlie  inidst  of  their  cliarms  for  him,  making  sucli  a  hellish  noise,  as  it 
distempered  us  that  were  well,  and,  therelbre,  unlike  to  ease  him  that 
was  sick.  About  him  were  six  or  eiglit  women,  who  chafed  his  arms, 
legs  !ind  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  m^ide  an  end  of 
their  cliarming,  one  told  him  tiiat  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to 
see  him.  Having  understanding  lell,  hut  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he 
asked,  whn  was  come.  They  told  him  tVinsnow,  (for  they  cannot  pro- 
nounce tl.v.  letter  I,  but  ordinarily  n  in  the  place  thereof)*  He  desired  to 
8i)eak  with  me.  When  I  came  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put 
forth  his  hand  to  me,  vviiich  I  took.  Then  he  said  twice,  though  very 
inwardly,  ATeen  Winsnoii}'}  which  is  to  st\y,Art  thou  JFinsnoiv?  I  an- 
swered, Mhe,  that  is.  Yes.  Then  he  doubled  these  words :  Matla  neen 
woncknncl  namen,  Winsnoiv!  that  is  to  say,  O  Winslow,  I  shall  never 
see  thee  again!"  But  contrary  to  his  own  expectations,  as  well  as  all  his 
li'iends,  by  the  kind  exertions  of  Mr.  IVinslow,  he  in  a  short  time  entirely 
recovered.  This  being  a  passage  of  great  interest  in  tl>e  life  of  the  great 
.yiassafoit,  we  will  here  go  more  into  detail  concerning  it.  When  he  had 
beconi'  able  to  speak,  he  desired  INIr.  Winslow  to  fu'ovide  him  a  broth 
Irom  S(,;ne  kind  of  fowl :  "  so  (says  ne)  I  took  a  man  with  nie,  and  made 
a  shot  at  a  couple  of  ducks,  some  sixscore  paces  otl|  and  killed  one,  at 
vvLich  he  wondered:  so  we  retin'ucd  forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making 
more  broth  therewith,  which  he  much  desired  ;  never  did  1  see  a  man  so 
low  brought,  recover  in  that  measure  in  so  short  a  time.  The  fowl  being 
extraordinary  fat,  I  told  Hobbamock  I  must  take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying 
it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat  it ;  this  he  acquainte(i 
.Massassowat  therewith,  who  would  not  be  persuaded  to  it,  though  I 
pressed  it  very  nmch,  showing  the  strength  thereof,  and  the  weakness 
of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  possibly  bear  it.  Notwithstanding,  he 
inad''  a  grosp  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  much  as  would  well  have  satisHed  a 
niaii  in  hclth."  As  fVinsloio  had  said,  it  made  liim  very  sick,  and  he 
vomited  with  such  violence  that  it  made  the  blood  stream  from  his  nose. 
This  bleeding  caused  them  great  alarm,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours. 
When  his  'loso  ceased  l>leeding,  he  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  for  6  or 
8  hours  more.  After  he  awoke,  Mr.  Winsloio  washed  his  face  "and  s»p- 
j)li(;d  his  beard  and  nose  with  a  limien  cloth,"  when  taking  a  quantity 
of  water  into  his  nose,  by  fiercely  ejecting  it,  the  blood  began  again  to 
tlow,  and  again  his  attendants  thought  he  could  not  recover,  but,  to  their 
great  satisfaction,  it  soon  stopixid,  and  i  '  gained  strength  rapidly. 

l''or  this  attention  of  the  English  he  was  veiy  grateful,  and  always 
b<;li(n'ed  that  his  preservation  at  this  time  was  from  the  benefit  received 
from  Mr.  IVinslow.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit,  he  broke  a 
bottle  containing  some  preparation,  and,  deeming  it  necessary  to  the 
sachem's  recovery,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Pliinouth  for  another, 
and  some  chickens,  and  giving  him  an  account  of  his  success  thus  far. 
The  intention  was  no  sooner  made  known  to  Massasoit,  than  one  of  his 
men  was  set  otf,  at  two  o'clock  at  night,  for  Pliinouth,  who  returned  again 
with  astonishing  quic'-ness.  The  chickens  being  alive,  Massasoit  was  so 
pleased  with  them,  and,  being  better,  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed, 

*  Every  people,  niul  roiisoqueutly  every  Imi^iiagc,  have  their  peruHaritics.  Baron 
Lahontan,  Mcmoirvs  tie  la  Ameiii/iie,  ii.  '2',ji),  237,  says,  '•  Je  clirai  di:  la  laiii^iu-  ili'n  llu- 
rotis  and  ties  frty/uois  line  chose  assez  nirieiise,  ijui  est  iiii'il  ne  s'lj  /roiii'e  point  de  letlns 
labiates  ;  c'est  a  tlire,  tie  I),  (",  ni,  |).  (dependant,  cette  lanffne  des  llurtms  paroit  Sire  fort 
belle  el  tie  nn  son  lout  a  fait  beau;  tjuoi  tpi'ils  nefei  mciit  jamais  burs  b'vres  en  parlant," 
And  •'  J'ai  /w.s.s"  tpiat re  jours  a,  wultnr  fiire  prunonrer  tt  des  llurtms  les  leltres  labiates, 
tmis  je  n'ai  pi),  y  reilssir,  et  je  rrtiis  i/u'en  dix  ans  its  ne  pnurrouf  tiire  crs  mots,  l)<)ii, 
fils,  Monsieur,  Fontrliariiain  ;  car  an  lieu  de  dire  bon,  77,v  dirtrienl  ouon,  tin  lieu  (lefts,  ila 
pnmtvicertiienl  rils  ;  au  lieu  de  monsieur,  caounsieur.  au  licude  I'oiitchartrain,  Couchar- 
Irain."     Hence  il  seems  their  languages  are  analogous. 


and  ke] 

dence,  i 

of  a  plo 

off  the 

English 

join  in  i 

liis  end( 

brought 

At  thi 

Massasc 

people  v 

exprcsse 

request!] 

at  that  ti 

saying  tl 

Hohomoh 

"Mair 

by  their " 

In  1G3 

the  sach 

under  th 

Massasoi 

changed 

or  Ousan 

with  the 

We  im 

Plimouth 

liini,  to  la 

because,  i 

in  whose 

Jiad  boug 

It  was  ii 

seized  anc 

were  at  b 

stored  pea 

of  the  do 

Jf'illiams, 

Plimouth, 

to  his  bei 

himself  ai 

Ilhode  I.kI 

Providenc 

nomi/,  win 

for  him,  fc 

It  appea 

some  meai 

qiiin.     Foi 

in  the  aut 

means  to 

croachmeii 

i)ropcrties 

otie  sagani 

he  reduced 

Jiim.''* 

Under 


Chap.  II] 


MASSASOIT. 


25 


ilways 

Iceived 

•oke  a 

|t(>  the 

iiother, 

Ins  tar. 

of  his 

again 

was  HO 

killed, 

RaroD 
lies  H li- 
lt fl  lettnt 
trhe  fort 
yarlunt." 
Uabiali'H, 

ills,  i)<)», 

Pouchrtr- 


and  kept  them,  with  the  idea  of  raising  more.  Wliile  at  AFdssasoiV/i  resi- 
dence, and  just  as  they  were  about  to  depart,  the  saciiem  told  Hobomok 
of  a  plot  laid  by  some  of  his  subordinate  chiefs  for  the  purpose  of  cutting 
off*  tlie  two  English  plantations,  which  he  charged  him  to  acquaint  the 
English  with, "  hich  he  did.  Massasoit  stated  that  he  had  been  urged  to 
join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereunto,  but  had  always  refused,  and  used 
his  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the  evils  which  that  plot 
brought  u[)on  its  authors  will  be  found  in  the  history  of  Wittmvamet, 

At  this  time  the  English  became  more  sensible  of  the  real  virtues  of 
Massasoit  than  ever  before.  His  great  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his 
people  was  manifested  by  his  desiring  Mr.  IVinslow,  or,  as  Winslow  himself 
expresses  it,  "  He  caused  me  to  go  from  one  to  another,  [in  his  village,] 
requesting  me  to  wash  their  mouths  also,  [many  of  his  people  being  sick 
at  that  time,]  and  give  to  each  of  them  some  of  the  sanrie  I  gave  him, 
saying  they  were  good  folk."  An  account  of  his  character  as  given  by 
Hobomok  will  be  found  in  the  life  of  that  chief  or  paniese. 

"  3Iany  whilst  we  were  there  (says  fVinslow)  came  to  see  him ;  some, 
by  their  report,  from  a  place  not  less  than  100  miles  from  thence." 

In  1(332,  a  short  war  was  carried  on  between  Massasoit  and  Canonicus, 
the  sachem  of  the  Narraganscts,  but  the  English  interfering  with  a  force 
under  the  sjjirited  Capt.  Standish^  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodshed. 
Massasoit  exiiected  a  serious  contest;  and,  as  usual  on  such  occasions, 
changed  his  name,  and  was  ever  after  known  by  the  name  of  Owsamequin. 
or  Ousameqidn.  Our  historical  recortls  fiu'nish  no  particulars  of  his  war 
with  the  Nari-pgaiisets,  further  than  we  have  stated. 

We  may  infer  from  a  letter  written  by  Ro^tr  Williams,  that  some  of 
Plimouth  instigated  Massasoit,  or  Ousamequm,  as  we  should  now  call 
bin),  to  lay  claim  to  Providence,  which  gave  that  good  man  some  trouble, 
because,  in  that  case,  his  lands  were  considered  as  belonging  to  Plimouth, 
in  whose  jurisdiction  he  was  not  suffered  to  reside  ;  and,  moreover,  he 
had  bought  and  paid  for  all  ho  jjossessed,  of  the  NaiTaganset  sachems. 
It  was  in  1635  that  Mr  Williams  fled  to  that  country,  to  avoid  being 
seized  and  sent  to  England.  He  found  that  Canonicus  and  Miuntunnomok 
were  at  bitter  enmity  with  Ousamequin,  but  by  his  great  exertions  he  re- 
stored peace,  without  which  he  could  not  have  been  secure,  in  a  border 
of  the  dominion  of  either.  Ousamequin  was  well  acquaintPfl  with  Mr. 
Williams,  whom  he  had  often  seen  during  his  two  years'  residence  at 
Plimouth,  and  was  a  great  friend  to  him,  and  therefore  he  listened  readily 
to  his  benevolent  instructions;  giving  up  the  land  in  dispute  between 
himself  and  the  Nairaganset  sachems,  which  was  the  island  now  called 
Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and  perhaps  some  others,  together  with 
Providence.  "  And  (says  Mr.  Williams)  I  never  denied  him,  nor  Meann- 
nomy,  whatever  they  desired  of  me."  Hence  their  love  and  attachment 
for  him,  for  this  is  their  own  mode  of  living. 

It  api)eai-s  that,  before  MiantunnomoJi's  reverecs  of  fortune,  he  had,  by 
some  means  or  other,  got  possession  of  some  of  the  dominions  of  Ousame- 
quin. For  at  the  meeting  of  the  Connnissioners  of  the  United  Colonies, 
in  the  autu  mi  of  1643,  the^  order,  "That  Plymouth  1nl)or  by  all  due 
means  to  restore  Woosameqiiin  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respn't  of  any  en- 
croachments by  the  Nanohiggansetts,  or  any  other  natives;  that  so  the 
projwrties  of  the  Indians  may  be  preserved  to  themscives,  and  that  no 
one  sagamore  encroacli  upon  the  rest  as  of  late:  and  that  Woosamequin 
hv  reduced  to  those  former  terms  and  agi-cements  between  Plymouth  and 
him."* 

Under  date  1638,  Gov.   Winthrop  says,  "  Oivsamekin,  the  .'sachem  of 


*  Records  of  the  U.  Colonies. 


26 


MASSASOIT. 


[Hook  II. 


Acoomemeck,  on  this  side  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  governor,  and 
broiigiit  a  present  of  18  skins  of  beaver  from  himself  and  tiie  sachems  of 
Mohegan  beyond  Connecticut  and  Pakontuckett."  They  having  heard 
that  the  English  were  about  to  make  war  upon  them  was  tlie  cause  of 
their  sending  this  present.  The  governor  accepted  it,  and  told  Ousame- 
quin,  that  if  they  had  not  wronged  the  English,  nor  assisted  their  enemies, 
tliey  had  nothing  to  fear ;  and,  giving  liim  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Con- 
necticut, dismissed  him  well  satisfied.* 

In  1G49,  Ousamequin  sold  to  Miles  Stanrlish,  and  the  other  inhabitants 
of  Duxbury,  "a  tract  of  land  usually  called  Saughtucket"  seven  miles 
sfjuare.  This  was  Kridgevvater.  It  had  been  before  granted  to  them, 
only,  however,  in  preemption.  They  agreed  to  pay  Ousamequin  seven 
coats,  of  a  yard  and  a  half  each,  nine  hatchets,  eight  hoes,  twenty  knives, 
four  moose  skins,  and  ten  and  n  half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

By  a  deed  bearing  date  9th  3Iarch,  1653,  Ousamequin  and  his  son  JVam- 
sitto,  {Wanisulta,'\  afterwards  called  Mcxander,  sold  to  the  English  of  Pli- 
niouth  "all  those  severall  parcells  of  land  lyeing  on  the  south-etisterly  side 
of  Sinkunkc,  alias  Rehoboth,  bounded  by  a  little  brooke  of  water  called 
Moskituash  westerly,  and  soe  runing  by  a  dead  swamp  eastward,  and 
soe  by  marked  t/ees  as  Ousamequin  and  Wam^tto  directed,  unto  the 
great  riuor,  and  all  the  meadow  about  the  sides  of  both,  and  about  the 
neck  called  Chachacust,  also  Papasquash  neck,  also  the  meadow  from  the 
bay  to  Keecoinewett,"  &c.  For  tins  the  consideration  was  "  £35  ster- 
ling." 

By  a  writing  bearing  date  "  this  twenty-one  of  September,  1G57,"  Ousame- 
quin says,  "  I  Vjsamequen  do  by  these  presents  ratify  and  allow  the  sale 
of  a  certain  island  called  Chesewanocke,  or  Hogg  Island,  which  my  son 
Wamsitla  sold  to  Richard  Smith,  of  Portsmouth  in  R.  I.,  with  my  consent, 
which  deed  of  sale  or  bargain  made  the  7th  of  February  in  the  yeai"  1(353, 
I  do  ratify,  own  and  confirm." 

In  1656,  Mr.  WUiianm  says  that  Ousamequin,  by  one  of  his  sachems, 
"  was  at  daily  feud  with  Fumham  about  the  title  and  lordship  of  Warwick ;" 
and  that  hostility  was  daily  expected.  But  we  are  not  informed  that 
any  thing  serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  year  in  which  it  has  been  generally  supposed  that  Ousame- 
quin died,  but  it  is  an  error  of  Hutchinson^s  transplanting  from  Mr.  Huh- 
hnrd's  work  into  his  own.  That  an  en-or  should  flourish  in  so  good  a 
soil  as  that  of  the  "  History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,"  is  no 
wonder ;  but  it  is  a  wonder  that  the  "  accurate  Hutchinson'^  should  set 
down  that  date,  from  that  passage  of  the  Indian  Wars,  which  waf  evi- 
dently made  without  reflection.  It  being  at  that  time  thought  a  circum- 
stance of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  of  Pokanoket  should  be  scarcely  known  to  our  records 
between  1657  and  IGGl,  a  space  of  only  about  three  years,  as  we  have 
shown,  is  not  very  surprising,  when  we  reflect  that  he  was  entirely  sub- 
servient to  the  English,  and  nearly  or  quite  all  of  his  lands  being  before 
disposetl  of,  or  given  up  to  them.  This,  theroflire,  is  a  plain  reason  why 
we  do  not  meet  with  his  name  to  d.eds  and  other  instruments.  And,  be- 
sides this  consideration,  another  sachem  was  known  to  be  associated  with 
him  at  the  former  period,  who  seems  to  have  acted  as  Ousamequin's  rep- 
resentative. 

He  was  alive  in  1G61,  and  as  late  in  that  year  as  September.  Several 
months  previous  to  this,  Oneko,  with  about  seventy  men,  fell  upon  a  de- 
fenceless town  wltliin  the  dominions  of  Ousamequin,  killing  three  persons 
and  carrying  away  six  othere  captive.     He  complained  to  the  General 


*  Journal,  i.  264. 


Chap.  II] 


CAUNBITANT. 


27 


Court  of  Massachusetts,  wliicli  interfered  in  I  lis  behalf,  and  the  matter  was 
soon  settled.* 

From  the  "  Relation"  of  Dr.  /.  Mulher,  it  is  clear  that  Ijc  lived  until 
lGli2.  His  words  are,  ^^  Alexander  bi.ing  dead,  [having  died  in  1()()2,]  his 
brother  Philip,  of  late  cursed  meniary,  rose  up  iii  his  stoad,  and  he  'vas 
no  sooner  styled  suciiem,  but  ininieiliately,  in  the  year  IGG2,  there  wer.i 
vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloody  t/eachery  agamst  the  Eiigli8h."f 

Whether  he  had  more  than  two  ions,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is  con- 
fidently believed  that  he  had.  It  is  jjrobable  that  his  family  was  large. 
A  company  of  soldiei*s  from  15ridgewater,  in  a  skirmish  with  Philip,  took 
his  sister,  and  killed  a  brother  of  Oasameqiiin,  wliose  name  was  iJnkom- 

f\otn,\  or  Akkompoin.^     That  he  had  another  brother,  called  Qiiadequina, 
las  been  mentioned. 

Gov.  Winthrop  gives  the  follov,  ing  anecdote  of  Ousainequin.  As  Mr. 
Edward  Winslow  was  returning  from  a  trading  voyage  southward,  having 
left  his  vessel,  he  traveled  home  by  land,  and  in  the  way  stopped  with  his 
old  friend  Massasoit,  who  agreed  to  accompany  him  the  rest  of  the  way. 
In  the  mean  time,  Ousainequin  sent  one  of  his  men  forward  to  Pliinoutli, 
to  surprise  the  people  with  the  news  of  Mr.  Winsloiv's  death.  By  his 
manner  of  relating  it,  and  the  particular  circumstances  attending,  no  one 
doubted  of  its  truth,  and  everyone  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceedingly 
at  their  great  loss.  But  presently  they  were  as  much  surj)rised  at  seeing 
him  coming  in  company  with  Ousainequin.  When  it  was  known  among 
the  peojile  that  the  sachem  had  sent  this  news  to  them,  they  demanded 
why  he  should  thus  deceive  them.  lie  replied  that  it  was  to  make  him 
the  more  welcome  when  he  did  return,  and  that  this  was  a  custom  of  his 
people. 

One  of  the  most  renowned  captains  within  the  dominions  of  Massasoit 
was  Caunbitant,||  whose  residence  was  at  a  place  called  Mettapoiset,  in 
the  present  town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  much  the  same  as  that 
of  the  famous  Metacomet.  The  English  were  always  viewed  by  him  as 
intruders  and  enemies  of  his  race,  and  there  is  little  doubt  but  he  intended 
to  wrest  the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  first  opportunity. 

In  August,  1621,  Caunbitant  was  supposed  to  be  in  the  interest  of  the 
Narragansets,  and  plotting  with  them  to  overthrow  Massasoit ;  and,  being 
at  Namasket  seeking  "  to  draw  the  hearts  of  MassasoyVs  subjects  from 
him ;  speaking  also  disdainfully  of  us,  storming  at  the  pence  between 
Nauset,  Cummaquid  and  us,  and  al  TSsquantum,  the  worker  of  it;  also  at 
Tokamahamon,  and  one  Hohomok,  (two  Indians  or  Lemes,  one  of  which 
he  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  before,  being  a  special  and 
trusty  man  of  MassasoyVs,)  Tokamahamon  went  to  him,  but  the  other  two 
would  not;  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hands,  privately  went  to  see  if  they 
could  hear  of  their  king,  and,  lodging  at  Namaschet,  were  discovered  to 
Coubaiant,  who  set  a  guiu'd  to  beset  the  house,  and  took  Tisquantum,  (for 
he  had  said,  if  he  were  dead,  the  English  had  lost  their  tongue.)  Hohbamok 
seeing  that  Tisquantum  was  taken,  and  Coubatant  held  [holding]  a  knife 
at  his  breast,  being  a  strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them,  and  came  to 
New  Plimouth,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  Tisquantum,  whom  he  thought 
to  be  slain." 

Upon  this  the  Plimouth  people  sent  an  expedition,  under  Standish,  of 
14  men,1I  "and  Hohbamok.  for  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  supposed  death 


*  Original  riMnuscript  documents.  Tlie  pnrticulars  of  these  matters  will  be  given  at 
large,  wlien  we  come  to  treat  of  the  lifi'  of  Uveas. 

t  Relation,  72.  J:  I.  Slather.  44.  $  Church,  38,  edit.  4to. 

II  Corbitant,  Coubatant,  and  Conbituiit,  were  ways  of  writing  his  name  also,  by  hia 
cotemporaries. 

V  Ten,  says  the  Relation. 


fl' 


28 


CAUNBITANT. 


[Book  II. 


of  Tisquanlum  on  Coiihalant  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  JVepeof, 
another  Haclieni,  or  governor,  who  was  of  tiiis  confederacy,  till  we  heard 
wiiat  was  i)L'conie  of  our  friend  Massasoyl." 

After  much  toil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  the  place  they  expected  to 
find  Caunhitant,  "Before  we  came  to  the  town  (says  the  narrator)  we 
sat  down  and  eat  such  as  our  knapsacks  aflbrded  ;  that  being  done,  we 
threw  them  aside,  and  all  such  things  as  might  hii-der  us,  and  so  went  on 
and  beset  the  house,  according  to  our  last  resolution.  Those  that  entered, 
demanded  if  Coubatant  were  not  there ;  but  fear  had  bereft  the  savages  of 
speech.  We  charged  them  not  to  stir,  for  if  Coubatant  were  not  there, 
we  would  not  meddle  with  them ;  if  he  were,  e  came  princi{)ally  for 
him,  to  be  avenged  on  him  for  tiie  supposed  d'  h  of  Tisquanttim,  and 
other  matters :  but  howsoever,  we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their  women  or 
children.  Notwithstanding,  some  of  them  jjressed  out  at  a  private  door, 
and  escaped,  but  with  some  wounds.  At  length  perceiving  our  principal 
ends,  they  told  us  Coubatant  was  returned  [home]  with  all  his  train,  and 
that  Tisquantum  was  yet  living,  and  in  the  town ;  [then]  offering  some 
tobacco,  [and]  other,  such  as  they  had  to  eat." 

In  this  hurley  hurley,  (as  they  call  it,)  two  guns  were  fired  "at  random," 
to  the  great  terror  of  all  but  Squanto  and  Tokumahamon,  "  who,  though 
they  knew  not  our  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  them  [so  frightened]  of  our 
honesty,  [and]  that  we  would  not  hurt  them."  The  Indian  boys,  seeing 
the  squaws  protected,  cried  out,  JVeensquaes !  N'tensquaes !  that  is,  J  am  a 
sqiiaio!  lam  a  squaw!  and  the  women  tried  to  screen  themselves  in 
Hobonwk's  presence,  i-eminding  him  that  he  was  their  friend. 

This  attack  upon  a  defenceless  house  was  made  at  midnight,  and 
must  have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,  espe- 
cially the  sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  them,  had  ever 
heard  before.  The  relater  proceeds :  "  But  to  be  short,  we  kept  them 
we  had,  and  made  them  make  a  fire  that  we  might  see  to  search  the 
house;  in  the  meantime,  Hobbamok  gat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  and  called 
Tisquwitum  and  Tokamuhatnon.''^  They  soon  came,  with  some  othei-s 
with  them,  some  armed  and  others  naked.  The  English  took  away  the 
bows  and  arrows  from  those  that  were  armed,  but  promised  to  return  them 
as  soon  as  it  was  day,  which  they  probably  did. 

They  kept  possession  of  the  captured  wigwam  until  daylight,  when 
they  released  their  prisoners,  and  marched  into  the  town  (as  they  call  it) 
of  the  Namaskets.  Here,  it  appears,  Squanto  had  a  house,  to  which  they 
went,  and  took  breakfast,  and  held  a  court  afterward,  from  which  they 
issued  forth  the  following  decree  against  Caunhitant : — 

"  Thither  came  all  whose  hearts  were  upright  towards  us,  but  all  Cou- 
batanfs  faction  were  fled  away.  There  in  the  midst  of  them  we  mani- 
fested again  our  intendiiient,  assuring  them,  that,  although  Covbitant  had 
now  escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  place  should  secure  him  and  his  from 
us,  if  he  continued  his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us, 
who  had  kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towards  him  till 
he  uow  so  justly  deserved  it.  Moreover,  if  Massasoyt  did  not  return  in 
safety  from  Narrohigganset,  or  if  hereafter  he  should  make  any  insurrec- 
tion against  him,  or  offer  violence  to  Tisquantum,  Hobomok,  or  any  of 
MassasoyVs  subjects,  we  would  revenge  it  upon  him,  to  the  overthrow  of 
him  awA  his.  As  for  those  [who]  were  wounded,  [how  many  is  not 
mentioned,]  we  were  sorry  for  it,  though  themselves  |)rocured  it  in  not 
staying  in  the  house  at  our  command :  yet,  if  they  would  return  home 
with  us,  our  surgeon  should  heal  them.  At  this  offer  one  man  and  a 
wonjan  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us,  Tisquantum  and  many 
other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering  all  help  that  might 
be  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  io  ease  us.    So  that  by  God's  good 


Chap.  II.] 


CAUNBITANT. 


20 


providence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after  we  set 
forth."* 

Notwithstanding  tlicse  rough  passages,  Cnunbitant  became  in  appear- 
ance reconciled  to  the  English,  and  on  the  13th  Sept.  following  went  to 
Plimouth  and  signed  a  treaty  of  amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession 
of  Massasoit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  but  the  English  always 
doubted  his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  treaty 
or  submission  was  in  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  whose  names  are  under- 
written, do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King  Jame*, 
king  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  In 
witness  whereof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  liave  subscribed 
our  names,  or  marks,  as  foUoweth : — 

Ohquamehud, 

Cawnacome, 

Obbatinnua, 


Nattawahunt, 

Caunbatant, 

Chikkatabak, 


Quadaquina, 
iiuttmoide^, 
Apannow." 


O.  me  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction, 
and  of  others  very  little. 

Obbatinua  is  supposed  to  have  been  sachem  of  Shawmut,  where  Bos- 
ton now  stands. 

Cawnacome  and  Apannoio  may  be  the  same  before  spoken  of  as  Cone- 
conam  and  Ejyanow.^  JVattawahunt  we  sliall  again  meet  with,  under  the 
name  J^Tashoonon.     Coneconam  was  sachem  of  Manomet,  on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  IG23,  the  English  traversed  the  country  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  chiefs ;  who, 
they  say,  "  it  seemed  was  of  good  respect,  and  authority,  amongst  the  In- 
dians. For  whilst  the  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  bitter  cold 
weather,  came  two  men  i'rom  3Ianamoyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having 
set  aside  their  bows  and  quivers,  according  to  their  manner,  sat  down  by 
the  fire,  and  took  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time, 
nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all  remained  silent,  expecting  when  they 
would  speak.  At  length  they  looked  toward  Canacuvi;  and  one  of 
them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  a  present  to  him,  from  his 
sachim,  which  wai  a  basket  of  tobacco,  and  many  beads,  which  the 
other  received  thanl  fully.  After  which  he  made  a  long  8j)eoch  to  him," 
the  meaning  of  whicli  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  their  men  fell  out 
in  a  game,  "  for  they  tise  gaming  as  much  as  any  where,  and  will  play 
away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs,  yen  their  wive's  skins  also," 
and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  murderer  was  a  powow,  "  one  of 
special  note  amongst  them,"  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part 
with  ;  yet  they  were  threatened  with  war,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer. 
That,  therefore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconam 
was  first  obtained. 

After  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  his  head  men,  these  mes- 
sengei-s  desired  Hoboinok''s  judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  def- 
erence he  repUed,  that  "  he  thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die 
than  many,  since  he  had  deserved  it ;"  "  whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence 
of  death  upon  him." 

We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the 
first  act  of  a  tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  course  brought  ruin 
upon  its  projectors. 

*  From  Mourt,  nt  nupra,  and  signed  only  with  the  capital  letter  A,  which  is  supposed 
to  stand  for  Tsanc  Allerton,  who  accompanied  Standisli  prrha])s.  From  the  use  of  lh« 
pronoun  in  the  first  person,  the  writer,  whoever  lie  was,  must  have  been  preseut. 

t  See  chapter  i.  of  b.  ii. 

3* 


30 


WITTUWAMET  AND  PEKSUOT. 


[Rook  II. 


When  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  John  Hamden  went  to  visit  MaS' 
saaoit  in  liis  sickness,  in  lti!23,  they  heard  by  some  Indians,  when  near 
CaunbitanVs  residence,  that  Massasoil  was  really  dead  :  they,  therefore, 
though  with  much  hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  they  might 
treat  with  him,  he  being  then  thought  the  successor  of  Massasoit.  But 
he  was  not  at  home.  The  squaw  sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with 
great  kindness,  and  learning  here  that  Massasoit  was  still  alive,  they 
made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket.  When  they  returned,  they  staid  all  night 
with  Caunbitant,  at  his  house,  who  accompanied  them  there  from  Mas- 
sasoiVs. 

Mr.  Winslow  gives  the  account  in  these  words: — "That  night,  through 
the  earnest  recjuest  of  Conbatant,  who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams, 
or  Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way,  I  had 
much  conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a  notable 
politician,  yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased 
than  when  the  like  are  returned  again  ujjon  him.  Amongst  other  things 
he  asked  me,  if  in  case  he  were  thus  dangerously  sick,  as  Massasoit  had 
been,  and  should  send  word  thereof  to  Patuxct,  for  maskiest,*  [that  is, 
physic,]  whether  their  master  governor  would  send  it ;  and  if  he  would, 
whether  I  would  come  therewith  to  him.  To  both  which  I  answered, 
yea ;  whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful  thanks."  He  then  expressed  his 
surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  adventure  so  far  alone  into  their 
country,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not  afraid.  Mr.  Winslow  said, 
"where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear."  "But,"  said  Caunbitant^  '■'•if 
your  love  be  such,  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits,  hoio  cometh  it  to  pass,  that 
when  we  come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand  upon  your  guard,  loith  the  mouth  of 
your  pieces  presented  towards  tw?"  Mr.  Winslow  told  him  that  was  a 
mark  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  friends  in  that  manner; 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered,  that  he  did  not  like  such 
salutations.f 

When  Caunbitant  saw  his  visiters  crave  a  blessing  before  eating,  and 
ftjturn  thanks  afterwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant.  "Here- 
upon I  took  occasion  (says  our  author)  to  tell  them  of  God's  works  of 
creation  and  preservation,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the 
ten  commandments."  They  found  no  particular  fault  with  the  command- 
ments, except  the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconveniences  in 
that  a  man  should  be  tied  to  one  woman.  About  which  they  reasoned 
a  good  while. 

When  Mr.  Winslow  explained  the  goodness  of  God  in  bestowing  on 
them  all  their  comforts,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  thanked  and  blessed 
him,  "  this  all  of  them  concluded  to  be  very  well ;  and  said  they  believed 
almost  all  the  same  things,  and  that  the  same  power  that  we  call  God 
they  called  Kichtan"  "  Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never 
had  better  entertainment  amongst  any  of  them." 

What  became  of  this  chief  is  unknown.  His  name  appearing  no  more 
in  our  records,  leads  us  to  suppose  that  he  either  fled  his  country  on  the 
murder  of  Wittmvamet,  Peksuot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  that  time, 

Wittmoamet  was  a  Massachusetts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Peksuot, 
but  their  particular  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  Wiituwamet  was  a 
desperate  and  bold  fellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  the 
blood  of  his  enemies.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated against  the  English  from  the  many  abuses  some  of  them  had 
practised  upon  his  countiymen.  This  will  account,  perhaps,  for  all  the 
severity  and  malignity  portrayed  by  the  forefathers  in  his  character. 

*  In  Williams's  Key,  Maskit  is  translated,  "  Give  me  some  physic." 
t  Good  News  from  N.  England,  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Sec, 


Chap,  1 

He  was 

French 
That 
freed  tl 
and  in  r 
this  obji 
the  reco 
We  li 
the  voyi 
trade  for 
all  he  0 
it  to  Plir 
meet  wit 
mischief 
with  tw( 
men.    T 
villain,  oi 
and  Frei 
weakness 
faces,  mo 
about  hh 
presenter! 
in  an  aud 
he  be  tli 
The  end  i 
chuseucki 
themselve 
same:  yel 
niore  stre 
Plimouth 
argument! 
countrym( 
the  oveitl 
solicited  t 
to  a«!sist  t 
tliere  was 
thought  be 
Conecon 
very  parti 
the  foriner 
employed 
was  severe 
the  time 
night  kept 
We  hav 
chief  had 
iiig  Hobomi 
at  that  tiui 
Mattachiesi 
fore,  (says 
couiitrymei 
chi'set,'  wh 
we  were  w 
If,  snid  he, 
that  answe 
killed,  they 
late  to  rec( 


Chap.  II.] 


WITTUWAMET  AND  PEKSUOT. 


31 


He  was  one  of  those,  they  say,  wlio  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  the 
French  shij),  cast  away  upon  Cape  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  Wiltuivamet,  Peksuot,  and  some  other  cliiefs,  intended  to  hav(; 
freed  their  country  of  intruders  in  the  year  1G23,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
and  in  relating  the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  tlieir  league  to  eft'ect 
this  object,  we  shall,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partiality,  adhere  closely  to 
the  record. 

We  have  before,  in  speaking  of  Caunecwn,  or  Coneconam,  mentioned 
the  voyage  of  the  governor  of  Pliniouth  to  that  sachem's  counti-y  to 
trade  for  com ;  that  was  in  January,  1G23.  Not  being  able  to  bring  away 
all  he  obtained,  Capt.  Miles  Standish  was  sent  the  next  month  to  take 
it  to  Plimouth,  also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  place,  but  he  did  not 
meet  with  very  good  reception,  which  led  him  to  ap'  rehend  there  was 
mischief  at  hand.  And  immediately  after,  while  at  Coneconam's  house 
with  two  or  three  of  his  company,  "  in  came  two  of  the  Massachusetts 
men.  The  chief  of  them  was  called  Wittmoamat,  a  notable  insulting 
villain,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English 
and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his  own  valor,  and  derided  their 
weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said,  they  died  crying,  making  sour 
faces,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain  took  a  dagger  from 
about  his  neck,  which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  Jfestoii's  people,  and 
presented  it  to  the  sachem,  [Coneconam,]  and  after  made  a  long  speech 
in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort  as  the  captain,  though 
he  be  the  best  linguist  among  us,  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it. 
The  end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  foiloweth.  The  Massa- 
chuseucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  Weston's  colony ;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  30  or  40  men,  strong  enough  to  execute  the 
same :  yet  they  dui*st  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered 
more  strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at 
Plimouth ;  concluding  that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  other 
arguments  to  use  against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  the  death  of  our 
countrymen  unrevenged ;  and  therefore  their  safety  could  not  be  without 
the  overthrow  of  both  plantations.  To  this  end  they  had  formerly 
solicited  this  sachem,  as  also  the  other,  called  lanoiigh,  and  many  others, 
to  assist  them;  and  now  again  came  to  prosecute  the  same ;  and  since 
there  was  so  fair  an  opporttmity  offered  by  the  captain's  presence,  they 
thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him  and  his  company." 

Coneconam,  after  this  speech,  ti'eated  Standish  with  neglect,  and  was 
very  partial  to  fVittuwamet,  which  much  increased  the  jealousy  of 
the  former.  These  Indians  meantime  contrived  to  kill  Standish,  having 
employed  a  "lusty  Indian  of  Paomet"  to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather 
was  severely  cold,  and  Standish  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was 
the  time  he  was  to  have  been  killed.  But  the  extreme  coldness  of  the 
night  kept  him  from  sleeping,  and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

VVe  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  to  mention  that  that 
chief  had  been  solicited  to  engage  in  this  confederacy,  ami  of  his  charg- 
ing Hobomok  to  warn  the  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  placcvS  named 
at  that  time  by  Massasoit,  as  in  the  plot,  were  Nauset,  Paomet,  Siiceonet, 
Mattachiest,  Manomet,  Agowa\'Avam,and  the  Island  of  Capawack.  "There- 
fore, (says  Mr.  Winslow  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our 
countrymen  and  our  own  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massa- 
chi!5et,  who  were  the  authors  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  whereas 
we  were  wont  to  say,  we  would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began, 
If,  said  he,  [Massasoit  to  Hobomok,]  upon  this  intelligence,  they  make 
that  answer,  tell  them,  when  their  countrymen  at  Wichaguseusset  are 
killed,  they  not  being  able  to  defend  themselves,  that  then  it  will  be  too 
late  to  recover  their  lives,"  and  it  would  be  with  difficulty  that  they  pre- 


32 


WITTUWAiMET.— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


[Rook  II. 


served  their  own;  "and  tliorefore  he  counselled,  without  delay,  to  take 
away  tiie  principuls,  and  then  the  plot  would  cease." 

IMcanwliile  Weston's  men  had  fallen  into  a  miserable  and  wretched 
condition ;  some,  to  procure  a  daily  sustenance,  became  servants  to  the 
.Indians,  "  fetching  diem  wood  and  water,  &c.,  and  all  for  a  meal's  meat." 
Those  who  were  thus  degraded,  were,  of  course,  only  a  few  who  had 
abandoned  themselves  to  riot  and  dissipation,  but  whose  conduct  had 
affected  the  well  being  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  these 
wretches,  in  their  extremities,  had  stolen  corn  from  the  Indians,  on  whose 
complaint  they  had  l)een  put  in  the  stocks  and  whipped.  This  not 
giving  the  Indians  satisfaction,  one  was  hanged.  This  was  in  February, 
l(J2;j. 

AI)out  this  capital  punishment  much  has  been  written ;  some  doubting 
the  fact  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  that  it  was  the  real  offender, 
&c.  But  in  our  opinion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  was  hanged; 
but  whether  the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  so  easily  settled. 
The  fact  that  one  was  hanged  for  another  appears  to  have  been  of  com- 
mon notoriety,  both  in  Old  and  New  England,  from  shortly  after  the 
affair  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  century.* 

Mr.  Huhhard\  has  this  passage  upon  the  affair : — "  Certain  it  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  that  they 
threatened  them,  as  the  Philistines  did  Satnsoii's  father-in-law,  after  the 
loss  of  their  corn ;  insomuch  that  the  company,  as  some  report,  pretended, 
in  way  of  satisfaction,  to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft,  but,  in  his  stead, 
hanged  a  poor,  decrepit  old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to  the  company, 
[an  old  bed-rid  weaver,!]  ^^^  burdensome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the 
ground  of  the  story  with  which  the  merry  gentleman,  that  wrote  the 
poem  called  Hudibras,  did,  in  his  poetical  fancy,  make  so  much  sport." 
And  from  the  same  author  it  appears  that  tlie  circumstance  was  well 
known  at  Plimouth,  but  they  pretended  that  the  right  person  was  hanged, 
or,  ui  our  author's  own  words,  "  as  if  the  person  hanged  was  really 
guilty  of  stealing,  as  may  be  were  many  of  the  rest,  and  if  they  were 
driven  by  necessity  to  content  the  Indians,  at  that  time,  to  do  justice,  there 
being  some  of  31r.  WestorCs  company  living,  it  is  possible  it  might  be 
executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  him  that  could  be  best 
spared,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  had  been  let  alone." 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  we  produce  the  passage  of  Hudibras. 
Here  it  is : — 

"  Though  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear, 

(Quoth  Ralpli,)  it  may  holci  up,  and  clear. 

Tiiat  Sinners  may  supply  the  place 

Of  suffering  Saints,  is  a  plain  Case. 

Justice  ffives  Sentence,  many  times, 

On  one  Man  for  another's  crimes. 

Our  Brethren  of  New  England  use 

Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse, 

And  harig  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead, 

Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  need : 

As  lately  't  happen'd  :  In  a  town 

There  lived  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one. 

That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 

And  mend  Men's  Lives,  as  well  as  Shoes. 

This  precious  Brother  having  slain, 

In  Times  of  Peace,  an  Indian, 

(Not  out  of  Malice,  but  mere  Zeal, 

Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 

The  mighty  Tottipottxjmoy 

Sent  to  our  Elders  an  Envoy, 

*  See  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc,  iii.  148.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ante. 

t  Hist.  N.  Eng.  n.  \  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148. 


Chap.  II] 


WITTUVVAMET— WESTON'S  COLONY 


at 


Complaining  sorely  of  the  Hreach 
or  I.,cague,  held  t'ortli  by  Brollier  Patch, 
Against  the  Articles  in  (brcc, 
Between  belli  cliurclics,  his  and  ours, 
For  which  he  craved  the  Haints  to  render 
Into  his  Hands,  or  hang  th'  Offender  : 
But  they   maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  tli'  Trade, 
(A  Man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble,) 
Rcsolv'd  to  spare  him  ;  yet  to  do 
Tlie  Indian  Ifon^han  Aloghgan,  loo. 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid. 
Then  wherefore  may  not  you  be  skip'd, 
And  in  your  Room  another  Whipp'u  1" 

Tlie  following  note  was  early  printed  to  this  passage : — "  The  history 
of  the  cobbler  had  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  who  wore 
upon  the  place  when  it  was  done."  Mr.  Butler  wrote  this  part  of  his 
Hudibras  before  1G(33. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  was  one  of  the  company,  though  perhaps  absent 
at  the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  insinuates 
that  the  PUmoutheans  caused  all  the  trouble,  and  that  their  rashness 
caused  the  Indians  to  massacre  some  of  their  men,  as  we  shall  presently 
relate,  from  a  book  which  Mr.  Morton  published.* 

"  Master  JVeston's  plantation  being  settled  at  Wessaguscus,  his  servants, 
many  of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would  use  no  endeavor  to  take  the 
benefit  of  the  countiy,  some  of  them  fell  sick  end  died. 

"  One  amongst  the  rest,  an  able-bodied  man,  that  ranged  the  woods,  to 
see  what  it  would  afford,  lighted  By  accident  on  an  Indian  barn,  and  from 
thence  did  ta'  =3  a  cap  full  of  corn.  The  salvage  owner  of  it,  Ending  by 
the  foot  [track]  some  English  had  been  there,  came  to  the  plantation,  and 
made  complaint  afler  this  manner.  The  chief  commander  of  the  com- 
pany, on  this  occasion,  called  a  Parliament  of  all  his  people,  but  those 
that  were  sick  and  ill  at  ease.f  And  wisely  now  they  must  consult,  upon 
this  huge  complaint,  that  a  privy  [paltry]  knife  or  string  of  beads  would 
well  enough  have  qualified:  And  Edward  lohnson  was  a  special  judge 
of  this  business.  The  fact  was  there  in  repetition,  construction  made, 
that  it  was  fellony,  and  by  the  laws  of  England  punished  with  death,  and 
this  in  execution  must  be  put  for  an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the 
salvage ;  when  straightways  one  arose,  moved  as  it  were  with  some  compas- 
sion, and  said  he  could  not  well  gainsay  the  former  sentence ;  yet  he  had 
conceived,  within  the  compass  of  his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of 
special  consequence  to  be  delivered,  and  cherished,  he  said  ;  that  it  would 
most  a})dy  serve  to  pacify  the  salvage's  complaint,  and  save  the  life  of 
one  that  might  (if  need  should  be)  stand  them  in  some  good  stead ;  being 
young  and  strong,  fit  for  resistance  against  an  enemy,  which  might  come 
unexpectedly,  for  any  thing  they  knew. 

"  The  oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  he  intreated  to  show 
the  means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  you  all  agree  that  one 
must  die,  and  one  shall  die.  This  young  man's  clothes  we  will  take  off, 
and  put  upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  person  that  cannot 
escape  death ;  such  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die  he  must. 
Put  the  young  man's  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be 
hanged  in  the  other's  stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more. 
And  this  had  like  to  have  proved  their  fin'l  senteir^c  j  and  being  there 

*  Entitled  New  English  Canaan,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1037. 

t  Against  this  sentence,  in  the  margin,  is—"  A  poor  complaint." 


34 


WIT  TLWAMET— WASSAPINEWAT. 


[Hook  II. 


coiifinund  l»y  act  of  Parliaiiicnt  to  n.^    ajres  for  a  precedent.     But  that 
OIK',  with  a  ravenous  voice,  bcj^tin  to      luk  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and 

fiiit  by  that  conclusive  motion  ;  allef^.u,_,  such  deceits  might  be  a  means 
lereafler  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  complaining  salvages,  and  that, 
by  his  death,  tlie  salvages  should  see  their  zeal  to  justice,  and,  therefore, 
lie  should  die.  This  was  concluded ;  yet,  nevertheless,  a  scruple  was 
mad(!;  now  to  countermand  this  act  did  reoresent  itself  unto  their  minds, 
wliicii  was  how  they  should  do  to  get  the  man's  good  will :  this  was 
indeed  a  special  ol)stacle:  for  without  that  (they  all  agreed)  it  would  Ixs 
dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attem|)t  the  execution  of  it,  lest  mischief  should 
befall  them  every  nmn.  He  was  a  person  that,  in  his  wrath,  did  seem  to 
be  a  second  Sampson,  able  to  beat  out  their  brains  with  the  jaw-b«)ne 
of  an  ass :  therelore  they  called  the  man,  and  by  perauasion  got  him  fast 
bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  good  earnest,  who, 
with  a  weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  these  wise  judges 
of  this  Parliament  to  a  pittiful  non  plus,  {as  it  hath  been  credibly  report- 
ed,) and  made  the  chief  jiulge  of  them  all  buckle  to  him." 

This  is  an  entire  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan,  which,  on  account  of 
its  great  rarity,  we  have  given  in  full.  In  bis  next  chapter  Mr.  Morton 
j)roceed3  to  narrate  the  circumstances  of  the  "massacre"  of  Witluiramtl^ 
Peksuot,  and  other  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  consequences  of  it. 
But  we  shall  now  draw  from  the  Plimouth  historian,  and  afterwards  use 
Morton's  chapter  as  we  find  occasion. 

Mr.  JVinslow  says  that  Mr.  Weston's  men  "knew  not  of  this  conspiracy 
of  the  Indians  before  his  [John  Sanders,  their  'overseer']  going;  neither 
was  it  known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Sowaams,  or  Puckanokick  : 
at  which  time  also  another  sachim,  called  Wassapineivat,  brother  to  Ohta- 
kiesf,  the  sachim  of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for 
partaking  with  Conbatant,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself, 
revealed  the  same  thing,"  [as  Massasoit  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1623,  "a  yearly  court  day" at  Plimouth,  on 
which  war  was  proclaimed,  "  in  public  court,"  against  the  ftlassachusetts 
Indians.  "We  came  to  tliis  conclusion,  (says  Winslow,)  that  Captain 
Standish  sliould  take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make  his 

tjarty  good  against  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  as 
)ecause,  as  all  men  know  that  have  to  do  with  theiii  in  that  kind,  it  is 
impossible  to  deal  with  them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in 
such  traps  as  they  lay  for  others ;  therefore  he  should  pretend  trade  as  at 
other  times:  but  first  go  to  the  English,  [at  Wessaguscus,]  and  acquaint 
them  with  the  plot,  and  the  end  of  their  own  coming,  that,  comparing  it 
with  their  own  carriages  towards  them,  he  might  better  jiidge  of  the 
certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly  Lf.ke  ojjportunity  to  revenge  the  same :  but 
should  forbare,  if  it  were  possible,  till  such  time  as  he  coidd  make  sure 
Wittuwamnt,  that  Idoody  and  bold  villain  before  spoken  of;  whose  head 
he  had  order  to  bring  with  him,  that  he  might  be  a  warning  and  terror  to 
all  that  disposition." 

We  will  now  hear  a  word  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this 
transaction.  "After  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the 
hanging  of  one,*]  some  of  the  plantation  there,  about  three  persojis,  went  to 
live  with  Checatawhack  and  his  coiTipany,  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for 
all  the  former  quarrel  with  the  Plimouth  planters.!  Thoy  are  not  like 
fVill  Sommers,t  to  take  one  for  another.     There  they  pur[)osed  to  stay 

But  the  Plimouth  men  intending  no  good 


until  Master  IVeston's  arrival ; 


*  As  Tnentioned  in  our  last  extract  fro  n  tliis  author. 

f  Ttcferring'.  it  is  supposed,  to  tlie  quarrel  with  Caunbitant. 

\  The  person  who  j)roi)osed  hanging  u  sick  man  instead  of  the  real  ofTciidcr. 


Chap.  11] 


MASSACRE  AT  WESSAC.LSCUS. 


35 


to  liirn,  (as  npprnrcd  l)y  tlio  poiisoquciirc,)  came  in  tlin  nirnn  time  to 
W'i  ssuj.'usruw,  Hiid  tlicre  prctciulcd  to  tiiiHt  tlie  Hnlvagcs  of  tiu'sc  jinrtw, 
liriiif,'injr  vvitli  tlieiu  pork,  hiuI  thiiifrH  for  the  pnrposi',  wliicli  tlicy  !<(  t 
licfoio  the  salvages.  TJK'y  eat  tiiereof  witlioiit  suspicion  of  any  mischief, 
[and]  who  were  taken  u|)on  n  watcliword  <.'ivcn,  and  with  tiicir  own 
knives  (iianging'^bont  their  necks)  were,  by  tlic  I'linionth  planters,  stahbetl 
and  KJaiii.  One  of  which  was  hanged  up  there,  atler  the  slan^dit*  r."* 
>Vli<'n  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  ('hikntauhuVs  }ieopIe,  llicy  lunr- 
dered  the  three  English  who  iiad  taken  np  their  residence  with  them,  as 
they  lay  asleei),  in  revenge  for  tlie  murder  of  their  couutrymen.f 

After  Stanaish  was^ready  to  jiroceed  against  H'ittuwamet,  but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  from  Wcssaguscus  almost  famislied,^  and  gave  the 
people  of  Plimouth  a  lamentable  account  of  the  situation  of  bis  ft  Hows  ; 
that  not  the  least  of  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  In- 
dians, "  whose  boldness  increased  abimdantly ;  insomuch  as  the  victuals 
tiiey  got,  they  [the  Indians]  would  take  it  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat  [it] 
before  their  faces,"  and  that  if  they  tried  to  prevent  them,  they  woidd  hold 
a  knife  at  their  breasts :  And  to  satisfy  them,  they  had  hanged  one  of 
tlicir  company:  "That  they  had  sold  their  clothes  for  corn,  and  were 
ready  to  starve  both  with  cold  and  hunger  also,  betmuse  they  could  not 
endure  to  get  victuals  l)y  reason  of  their  nakedness." 

This  truly  was  a  wretched  |)icturc  of  the  firat  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
the  know  ledge  of  which  (says  Wins/ow;^  "  gave  us  good  encounigement 
to  proceed  in  our  intendments."  Accordingly,  the  next  day,  StancHshy 
with  Hobomok  and  eight  Englishmen,  set  out  upon  the  expedition.  His 
taking  so  few  men  shows  how  a  few  English  guns  were  yet  feared  by 
tiie  Indians.  Nevertheless,  the  historians  would  have  us  understand  that 
Stimdish  would  take  no  more,  because  he  would  not  have  the  Indians 
mistrust  that  he  came  to  fight  them ;  and  they  would  insinuate  that  it 
was  owing  to  his  great  valor. 

When  Standish  arrived  at  Wessaguscus,  he  found  the  people  scattered 
ai)nut,  apprehending  no  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  ordinary 
artairs.  When  he  told  them  of  the  danger  they  were  in  from  the  Indians, 
tliey  said  "  they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived,  and  suffered  them  to 
lodge  with  them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same."  Stan- 
dish  now  informed  them  of  the  plot,  which  was  the  firet  intimation,  it 
appears,  they  had  of  it.  He  ordered  them  to  call  in  their  men,  and  en- 
joined secrecy  of  his  intended  massacre.  But  it  seems  from  Winsloic^s 
Relation,  that  the  Indians  got  word  of  it,  or  mistrusted  his  design  ;  prob- 
ably some  of  the  Wessaguscus  men  warned  them  of  it,  who  did  not 
believe  there  was  any  plot. 

Meantime,  an  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  afterwards  went  away  in 
friendship.  Standish,  more  sagacious  than  the  rest,  said  he  saw  treachery 
in  his   eye,  and   suspected  his  end  in  coming  there  was  discovered. 

*  New  English  Canaan,  111.  +  Ibid. 

+  His  name  was  Phinehas  Prat.  An  Indian  followed  him  to  kill  him,  but,  by  losing 
the  direct  path,  the  Indian  missed  him.  In  IC62,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  in 
answer  'o  a  petition  of  Phinehas  Prat,  then  of  Charlestown,  which  was  accompanied 
'•  with  a  namlive  of  the  straights  and  hardships  that  the  first  planters  of  this  colony 
uiiilerwcnt  in  their  endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  since,  whereof  he 
was  one,  the  court  judgeth  it  meet  to  grant  him  300  acres  of  land,  where  it  is  to  be  had, 
not  hindering  a  plantation."     MS.  among  the  files  in  mtr  state-house. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  narrative  of  Prat,  after  long  search.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard probably  used  it  in  compiling  his  Hist,  of  New  Engfiand. 

At  the  court,  3  May,  1665,  land  was  ordered  to  be  laid  out  for  Prat,  "  in  the  wilder- 
ness on  the  east  of  Merrimack  River,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Brook,  on  the  south- 
east of  it.     Court  Files,  ut  supra. 

Prat  married,  in  Plimouth,  a  daughter  of  Cuthbert  Cuthbertson,  in  1630.  See  3  Col. 
Hist.  Soc.  vii.  122. 


30 


MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCUS. 


[BuuK  TI. 


Shortly  nflcr,  Peksuot,  "  who  was  n  jMiiiicfio,*  l)einp  n  iiinii  of  a  nntahic 
spirit,"  came  to  Hohomok,  and  told  liiin,  Hit  Htidiratood  Ihv  captain  was 
come  to  kill  liiin  awl  the  rest  of  the  Indians  there.  "  Ti'll  him,  (faiil  Peksuot,) 
wc  know  it,  Itiit  ll-ur  iiim  not,  neither  will  wc  Hhun  hint;  but  let  hini 
begin  when  ho  dare[H],  ho  will  not  take  uh  unnwurcs." 

The  Indians  now,  m  we  might  expert,  began  to  prepare  to  meet  the 
danger,  and  the  KngliHli  say  many  of  them  eame  divers  times  into  their 
presence,  und  "  would  whet  and  shar|)en  the  point  of  their  knives,"  "and 
use  many  other  insidting  gestures  and  speeehes.  Amongst  the  rest, 
Wittuwanud  bragged  of  the  excelleney  of  his  knifi;.  On  the  end  of 
the  handle  there  was  pietured  a  woman's  face  ;  but,  said  he,  /  have,  another 
at  home,  wheremth  I  have  killed  both  French  and  English,  and  thai  hath  a 
ni/iii's/ace  on  it ;  and  by  and  bij  these  two  must  marnj.^^     To  this  he  added, 

lIlN.NAIM    NAMKN,    HIN.NAIM     MICHK.N,    MATTA    CUTS",    that    \S,  By  and   by  it 

shoidd  see,  and  by  and  by  it  shoidd  eat,  but  not  speak.  "Also  Pecksuot, 
(continues  f^Vinsloiv,)  being  a  man  of  greater  stature  than  the  ea])tain,  tohl 
him  though  he  were  a  great  captain,  yet  ho  was  but  a  little  man  :  and, 
said  he,  thout^h  I  be  no  .sachem,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and 
courage.  These  things  the  captain  observed,  yet  bare  with  patience  for 
tlie  present." 

It  will  be  seen,  in  what  we  have  related,  as  well  as  what  we  are  about 
to  add,  that  Thomas  Morton's  account,  in  some  of  the  main  facts,  agrees 
with  that  of  IVinsloiv.  From  the  latter  it  appears  that  Standish,  ullcr 
considerable  moMoeuvring,  could  get  advantage  over  but  few  of  the 
Indians.  At  length,  having  got  Pe^siwi  and  Wittmoamat  "  both  together, 
with  another  man,  and  a  youtii  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was 
brother  to  Htltuwamat,  und,  villain  like,  trod  in  his  steps,  (laily  putting 
many  tricks  upon  the  weaker  sort  of  men,  and  having  about  as  many  of 
his  own  company  in  a  room  with  them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and, 
the  door  being  fast  shut,  began  himself  with  Pecksuot,  and,  snatching  his 
own  knife  from  his  neck,  tiiough  with  much  struggling,  and  killed  him 
thereivith — the  point  whereof  he  had  made  as  sharp  as  a  needle,  and 
ground  the  back  also  to  an  edge.  Willuioamat  and  the  other  man  the 
rest  killed,  and  took  the  youth,  whom  the  captain  caused  to  be  lianged"  [up 
there.f] 

We  coidd  now  wish  this  bloody  tale  were  finished,  but  wo  have  prom- 
ised to  keep  close  to  the  record.  Mr.  Winslow  continues,  "fiu<  it  is 
incredible  how  many  wounds  these  ttvo  panieses  received  before  they  died, 
not  making  any  fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their  loeapons,  and  striving  to 
the  last. 

"  Hobbamock  stood  by  all  this  time,|  and  meddled  not,  observing  how 
our  men  demeaned  themselves  in  this  action."  After  the  affray  was 
ended,  he  said  to  Standish,  "  Yesterday  Pecksuot  bragged  of  his  own 
strength  and  stature,  said,  though  you  were  a  great  captain,  yet  you  were 


*  "  The  Panieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wiscdomc,  and  to  these  also  the  Deu- 
ill  appearelh  more  familicirly  than  to  olliers,  and,  as  wee  conceiue,  maketh  eouonant 
with  them  to  preserue  them  from  death  by  wounds  with  arrows,  knives,  liatchcts,  &(•/' 
Winslow's  Relation.  Did  Charlevoix  (Voyage  dans  I'Amcrique)  mistake  ''Panis'" 
[Panicse]  for  a  nation  of  Indians  ?  In  speaking  of  the  origin  o(  calumet,  some  told  mm 
that  it  was  given  by  the  sun  to  Panis,  a  nation  upon  the  Missouri.  Perhaps  his  opinion 
was  strengthened  from  seeing  them  blow  the  smoke  towards  the  sun  upon  important 
occasions. 

t  New  English  Canaan,  111. 

t  This,  we  suppose,  is  the  affair  to  which  President  Allen  alludes,  in  his  American 
l^iography,  ('2d  ed  )  when  he  says,  "  he  [Hobomok]  foiip;ht  hravehj  Uy  his  [iit(u>dish's'\ 
side,  in  1G2;3."  If  standing  aiid  looking  on  be  fighting,  then  did  Hobomokjight  bravely 
on  this  occasion. 


Chap.  II. 1 


OBTAKIE.ST.^IOBOMOK. 


37 


how 
•ay  wart 
is  own 
u  were 


ihe  Deu- 

eoucnant 

cts,  &.f  •" 

'  Panis'' 

told  mm 

opinion 

mportant 


Itiit  n  little  man ;  but  to-day  I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  Iny  liini  on  the 
gnmiui." 

Sldiidish  now  scut  to  n  fM)ni|miiy  of  n'(.<iton\i  mni,  nnd  ordrrod  thf tn  to 
kill  till!  IridifiiiH  tlidt  wnv  aiiioiig  tliciii.  IViri/  killrtl  two.  lliiiiscif  witii 
soiiu!  of  his  men  kitlcil  niwOier,  at  iiiiotlifr  |»l(u<'.  As  they  were  piirstiiiig 
thiH  InisiiicHH,  iiitciidiiig  to  kill  all  they  roidd  lay  liaiidH  ii|)oii,  "  throiigji 
tilt'  iiOf(li>i  iH't!  of  OIK!  mail,  ail  Indian  r.scaju'd,  who  discovered  [disclosed] 
and  croH.>t!d  their  proceed iii|,'s." 

Joined  by  some  of  Mr.  h'eston\i  men,  StaiuUsh  diwovered  n  few  Indiana, 
and  piiruiied  them.  Slandifih  gaiii«>d  a  hill  which  the  Indians  also  strovt; 
to  occujiy,  and  wl..),  afler  shootiii}^  a  tew  arrows,  fled.  "  Whereupon  Hob- 
hiimock  cast  off  iiis  coat,  and  being  a  known  paniese,  theirs  being  now 
killed,  cliaKcd  them  so  fast,  as  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with 
him."  One  who  madt!  a  stand  to  shoot  Stnwllnh  had  his  arm  broken  by 
a  shot,  which  is  all  the  atlvantage  claimed  by  the  English.  The  Indians 
got  into  a  swamp,  and  after  some  bravadoing  on  both  sides,  the  parties 
separated.  Aft«>r  assisting  the  settlers  of  We-ssagiisiMis  to  leave  the  place, 
the  English  returned  to  I'liinouth,  taking  along  the  head  of  WiUmoaimty 
which  they  set  up  in  their  fort. 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  that  followed  l^rat  from  Wessaguscus,  as  he 
returned  froni  Manomet,  called  at  Plimouth  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  was 
there  seized  and  put  in  irons.  Being  asked  if  he  knew  the  heod  of  Wit- 
tuwamat,  said  he  did,  and  "  looked  piteously"  upon  it.  "  Then  he  confess- 
ed the  plot,"  and  said  his  sachem,  Obtakiest,  had  been  drawn  into  it  by 
the  importunity  of  all  the  people.  He  denied  any  hand  in  it  himself,  and 
begged  his  life  might  be  spared.  Sxid  he  was  not  a  Mossachuset,  but 
only  resided  as  a  stranger  among  them.  Hohomok  "  also  gave  a  goc  d 
report  of  him,  and  besought  for  him  ;  but  was  bribed  so  to  do  it."  They 
finally  concluded  to  spare  hitn,  "  the  rather,  because  we  desired  he  might 
carry  a  message  to  Obtakiest."  The  message  they  charged  liim  with  was 
this,  that  they  had  never  intended  to  deal  so  with  him,  until  they  were 
forced  to  it  by  their  treachery,  and,  therefore,  they  might  thank  them- 
selves for  their  own  overthrow ;  and  as  he  had  no'.'  began,  if  he  pei-sisted 
in  his  coui-se,  "his  country  should  not  hold  him  ;"  that  he  should  forth- 
with send  to  Plimouth  "th(  three  Englishmen  he  had,  and  not  kill 
them."* 

The  English  heard  nothing  from  ^Jbtakiest  for  a  long  time  ;  at  length 
he  sent  a  woman  to  them,  (probably  no  man  would  venture,)  to  tell  them 
lie  was  sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  l)efore  he  heard  from  them, 
also  that  he  wished  for  peace,  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to  treat 
about  it.  The  English  learned  from  this  woman,  that  he  was  in  great 
consternation,  "  having  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from 
place  to  place,  expecting  when  we  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him." 
The  terror  was  now  general  among  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  else- 
where said,  died  through  fear  and  want.  To  this  dismal  narrative  Mr. 
JVinslow  adds,  "And  certainly  it  is  strange  to  hear  how  many  of  late  have, 
and  still  daily  die  amongst  them ;  neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will 
easily  cease ;  because  through  fear  they  set  little  or  no  corn,  which  is  the 
staff  of  life,  and  without  which  they  cannot  long  preserve  health  and 
strength." 

These  affaire  call  for  no  commentary,  that  must  accompany  every 
muid  through  every  step  of  the  relation.     It  would  be  weakness,  as  ap- 

*  Morton,  in  his  New  Canaan, 11},  says,  these  three  men  went  to  reside  with  Chikatau- 
but ;  hence  Morton  very  reasonably  suggests,  that  if  the  Plimouth  people  intended  the 
men  of  VVessaeuscus  any  good,  why  uid  they  not  first  see  that  all  of  them  were  out  of 
danger,  before  beginning  war  ? 

4 


38 


IIOBOMOK.— SQUANTOrf  PEIIFI l)Y. 


[Book  II. 


pears  to  us,  to  attempt  a  vindicf.tion  of  the  rash  conduct  of  the  English. 
Amid  their  siiflerings,  some  poor  Indians  i-csolved  to  attempt  to  aj)p»'ase 
the  wrath  of  the  English  governor  by  presents.  Four  set  out  by  water 
in  a  boat  for  Plimouth,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  and  three  of  them 
were  drowned  ;  the  other  returii'd  back. 

When  Mr.  Robinson,  the  father  ol  ilie  Plimouth  church,  heard  how  his 
l)eoplc  had  conducted  in  this  affair  with  the  Indians,  he  wrote  to  them, 
to  consider  of  the  disposition  of  Capt.  Standish,  "  who  was  of  a  warm 
temper,"  but  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a  good 
end,  if  they  used  him  as  they  ought.  "He  doubted,"  he  said,  "whether 
tliere  was  not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after 
God's  image,"  vvliich  was  so  neces.sary ;  and  aliove  all,  that  "  it  would 
have  been  happy  if  they  had  converted  some  before  they  had  kill»;d 
any." 

The  reader  lias  now  passed  through  a  period  of  Indian  history  of 
much  interes', ;  wherein  he  will  doubtless  have  xnmd  much  to  admire, 
and  more  that  he  coukl  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  liovvever, 
we  will  here  remind  him,  is  that  of  a  dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he 
must  take  them,  dry  as  they  are,  without  any  labored  conunentaries  from 
us.  Although  we  have  had  occasion  to  introduce  Hohoirok  several  times, 
yet  there  remain  transactions  of  considerable  interest  in  .lis  life  yet  to  be 
noticed. 

Hobomok,  or  Hobbamock,  was  a  great  panieseorwr  uptain  among  the 
Wampanoags,  as  we  have  already  had  oi  casion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimouth  about  the  end  of  July,  1()2I  .md  contiimed  with  the  English 
as  long  as  he  lived.  He  was  a  [jrincip  means  of  the  lasting  frlenclshij) 
of  Massasoit,  which  Morton  says,  he  "much  furthered;  and  tliat  he  was 
a  proper  lustj''  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  account  among  the 
Indians  in  those  parts  for  his  valor."  He  was  ol"  the  greatest  service  in 
learning  them  how  to  cultivate  such  fruits  as  were  peculiar  to  the 
country,  such  as  corn,  beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  mission  to  Massasoit, 
to  leai'n  the  truth  of  a  report  that  the  Narragajisets  had  made  war  upon 
him,  and  his  interruption  and  troubli;  from  Caunbitant  arc  already  related. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Massasoit,  and  one  oi"  his  chief  caj)tains,  tiie 
pilgrims  found  that  they  need  not  ap[)reh(!nd  any  treachery  on  his  part, 
as  Hobomok  was  so  comj)Ietely  in  their  inten^st,  and  also  in  that  of  the 
great  sachem,  that  he  would  advise  them  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot 
against  them.  What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was  the  follow- 
ing circumstance.  The  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been 
inviting  the  English  into  their  country  to  trade  for  furs.  When,  in  March, 
K?22,  they  liegan  to  nmke  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  "told  us,  (says 
fVinslow,)  that  he  feared  the  ]\I:issachus(!tts,  or  Ma.ssachuseuks,  lor  they  so 
called  the  people  of  that  place,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nan- 
ohigganneuks,  a  people  of  Nanohigganset,  and  that  tluiv,  therefore,  would 
take  this  o[)portimity  to  cut  olf  (/apt.  Standish  and  his  company  abroad  ; 
but  liowsoever,  in  I'.ie  meantime,  it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the 
Nanohigganeuks  would  assault  the  town  nt  home;  giving  many  reasons 
for  his  jealousy;  as  also  that  Tisquantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who, 
[he  said.l  we  shoidd  tind,  woidd  use  many  persuasions  to  draw  us  from 
oUi  oiiallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  for  their  better  advantage." 

Nevertheless,  they  proceeded  on  their  voyage,  and  when  they  had 
turned  the  point  called  the  GiuiieVs  JVose,  a  false  messenger  came  run- 
ning into  Plimouth  town,  apparently  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  brcNith,  and 
bleeding  from  a  woinid  in  his  face.  He  told  them  that  Caunbitant,  with 
many  of  the  Narragansets,  and  he  beli(!ved  Massasoit  with  them,  were 
coming  to  destroy  the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity,  and 
the  flrst  thought  of  the  people  was  to  bring  back  their  military  leader, 


Chap.  1 

who  ha 

medial* 

return, 

Hobomc 

J  (lot  of 

lioat;  tl 

without 

hi'lf  a  \i 

Jill  knoi 

liow(.'vei 

set  then 

mcanss  h 

UKU'e  pi 

iliey  wit 

narratioi 

sent  lii.s 

letiu-n  01 

"Thll:. 

tarn,  wIk 
countrvii 
who  fell, 
could  lea 
Indians, 
shortly  to 
their  yicvn 
their  sacl 
peace  in  i 
to  him. 
Jtrotectioti 
seek  af>er 
fied  all  t 
ihem,  till 
if  any  h( 
Jis  liars,  ai 
good  isati.^ 
enior  nh;\ 
iiistniiiicii 
To  th. 
the  Engli.« 
their  .store 
place,  to 
tlieuiselvei 
mok  beJii 
informed 

Tliere  is 
and  lived 
he  preteiK 
'uipo.-isibl( 
«uiulous  tc 
time  satisti 
pened,  anc 
him  that 
<'f  the  Enj 
Jis  has  beei 
them  from 
niade  with 
ted  to  esca 


le^ 


("IIAP.  11.] 


1  lOlJOMOK.— r-fUUANTOS  PEKFl UV, 


39 


who  had  just  gone  in  tliii  boat  wiUi  JIubumok.  A  piece  of  cannon  was  ini- 
niediutely  discharged,  which,  to  tlieir  great  joy,  soon  caused  the  boat  to 
return,  not  having'  got  out  of  hearing.  Tiiey  liad  no  sooner  arrived,  than 
llobomok  tokl  tliem  theie  was  no  trutli  in  the  report,  and  said  it  was  u 
plot  of  Squanto,  who  was  then  with  them,  and  even  one  of  those  in  the 
boat;  that  lie  knew  .liaa^woii  would  not  ui!d<n"t;dve  such  un  enterprise 
w'itiiout  consulting  liitn.  Hobomuk  was  contident,  because  lu;  was  him- 
si'h'  u  great  chietj  and  cno  of  MassasoWs  counsellors.  Sijuatdo  denied 
Jill  knowledge  of  any  i)iur,  and  thus  ended  the  afliiir.  Tiie  English, 
iiowever,  seemed  well  satisfied  that  Squanto  lu  d  laid  this  shallow  i)lot  to 
set  them  against  Massasoit,  thinking  they  would  destroy  him,  by  which 
means  he  expected  to  become  chief  sachem  himself;  and  this  seems  the 
more  piobable,  as  M(u;sasoit  was  lor  some  time  irreconcilable  because 
tlicy  withheld  him  from  him,  when  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  as  in  our 
narration  has  been  st!t  forth.  IJut  entirely  to  satisfy  the  English,  Hohomok 
sent  his  wile  to  I'okanoket  j)rivutely  to  gain  exact  intelligence,  aiul  her 
return  only  verified  what  her  husband  had  said. 

"Thus  by  degrees  (continues  Winslow)  we  began  to  discover  TH.vjumi- 
tum,  whose  ends  were  only  to  make  himsell"  great  in  the  eyes  of  his 
countrymen,  by  means  of  his  nearness  and  favor  with  us;  not  caring 
who  fell,  so  ho  stood.  In  general,  his  course  was,  to  jiersuade  them  he 
could  lead  us  to  peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure;  and  would  oil  threaten  tin 
Indians,  sending  them  word,  in  a  private  manner,  we  were  intended 
shortly  to  kill  them,  that  tliercby  he  might  get  gifts  to  himself,  to  work 
their  peace,  insonmch  as  they  had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of 
their  sachems:  yea,  they  themselves  sought  to  him,  who  promised  them 
jieacp  in  respect  of  us;  yea,  and  i)rotection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort 
to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers  were  wont  to  rely  on  Massassowat  for 
protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode,  now  xhvy  begun  to  leave  him,  and 
seek  after  Tisquantum.  But  when  we  understood  his  dealings,  we  certi- 
fied all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and  innocency  therein ;  assuring 
ihom,  till  they  begun  with  us,  they  shoukl  have  no  cause  to  fear:  and 
if  any  hereafter  should  raise  any  such  rcjiorts,  they  t^hoidd  ))unish  them 
as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance;  which  gave  the  Indians 
good  satisfaction  on  all  sides."  "For  these  and  the  like  abuses,  the  gov- 
ernor shar|)ly  reproved  him,  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and  pipfituble  an 
instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him." 

To  the  end  that  he  might  possess  his  countrymen  with  great  fear  of 
the  English,  l^squantum  told  them  the  English  kept  the  plague  buried  in 
their  store-house,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any 
place,  to  destroy  whatever  j)ersons  or  i)eople  they  would,  though  they 
tliemselvt>s  stirred  not  out  of  doors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hoho- 
mok believe  this  tale,  who  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  l)eing 
informed  that  it  was  not,  it  exploded  like  his  other  impostures. 

There  is  l)ut  little  doubt,  that  Squanto  waH  in  the  interest  of  CaunbUanl, 
and  lived  among  the  English  as  a  spy,  while //otomofc  was  honestly,  as 
he  pretended,  a  strong  friend  to  them  ;  but  for  some  time  it  was  nearly 
'mpossible  for  them  to  know  whi(;h  was  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed 
emulous  to  outvie  the  other  in  g<icd  olHces.  They  were,  however,  at  this 
time  satisfied ;  i\)V,  f{(iho)nok\s  wii'v  having  tdd  .'V^s.srtsoiY  what  had  liap- 
pened,  and  that  it  was  one  of  Siiuanto^s  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied 
liiin  that  that  sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  he  tlierefore  demanded  him 
of  the  English,  that  he  might  put  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law, 
as  has  been  related.  Hut  the  J'wiglish,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to 
them  from  saving  his  life,  more  than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty  before 
made  with  Massasoit,  evaded  the  demand,  and  thus  S'luanto  was  permit- 
ted to  escape. 


40 


A  VOYAGE.— NANEPASHEMET.—OBBATINEWAT.      [Book  II. 


Hobomok  was  greatly  beloved  by  Massasoit,  notwithstanding  he  became 
a  professed  Christian,  and  Massasoit  was  always  opposed  to  the  English 
religion  himself.  It  has  been  told  in  the  lite  of  the  great  Massasoit,  how 
valuable  was  the  agency  of  Hobomok,  in  faithfully  reveali'i<^  the  mis- 
chievous plot  of  Caimbitant,  which  terminated  in  the  deadi  of  fVittu- 
wamet  and  Peksuot.  He  was  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited 
Massasoit  in  iiis  sickness,  whom  before  their  arrival  they  considered 
♦lead,  which  caused  great  manifestations  of  grief  in  Hobomok.  He  often 
exclaimed,  as  they  were  on  th?ir  way,  "jVeen  wotnasu  Sagimus,neen 
womnsu  Sagimtis,  &c.,"  which  is, "  My  lo ving  Siichem,  my  loving  Sachem ! 
many  have  I  known,  but  never  any  like  thee."  Then,  turning  to  Mr. 
}Vinslow,  said,  "  While  you  live  you  will  never  see  his  like  among  the 
Indians ;  that  he  was  no  liar,  nor  bloociy  and  cruel  like  other  Indians. 
In  anger  and  passion  he  was  soon  reclaimed ;  easy  to  be  reconciled  towards 
such  as  had  offended  him ;  that  his  reason  was  such  as  to  cause  him  to 
receive  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he  governed  his  people  better 
with  few  blows,  than  others  did  with  many." 

In  the  division  of  the  land  at  Plimoulh  among  the  inhabitants,  Hobo- 
mok received  a  lot  as  his  shai'e,  on  which  he  resided  after  the  English 
manner,  and  died  a  Christian  among  them.  The  year  of  his  death  does 
not  appear,  but  was  previous  to  1642. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  pilgrims  made  a  voyage  to 
Massachusetts  in  the  autunm  of  1621.  It  was  in  this  voyage  that  they 
became  acquainted  with  the  fame  of  JVanepashemet.  The  English  had 
heard  that  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  threatened  them,  and 
they  went  (says  Mourt)  "  partly  to  see  the  countiy,  partly  to  make  peace 
with  them,  and  partly  to  procure  their  truck." 

Squanto  was  pilot  in  this  voyage.  They  went  ashore  in  the  bottom 
of  the  bay,  and  landed  under  a  cliff  which  some*  have  supposed  was 
what  has  been  since  called  Copp's  Hill,t  now  the  north  part  of  Boston. 
This  was  on  20th  Sept.  1621.  They  saw  no  Indians  until  some  time  after 
they  went  ashore,  but  found  a  parcel  of  lobsters  which  they  had  collect- 
ed, with  which  they  refreshed  themselves.  Soon  after,  as  th(\y  were 
|)roceeding  on  an  excni-sion,  "they  met  a  woinan  coming  for  her  lobsters." 
They  told  her  what  they  had  done,  and  paid  her  for  them.  She  told 
them  where  to  find  Indians,  and  Squanto  went  to  them  to  j)repare  them 
for  meeting  with  the  Englisli. 

Obhatinewat  now  received  the  voyagers.  This  sachem  (if  he  be  the 
same)  had  made  peace  with  the  English  at  Plimouth  only  seven  days 
])revious,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  say  beibre.  He  told  them  he  was 
sachem  of  the  place,  and  was  subject  to  Massasoit ;  and  that  he  dared 
not  remain  long  in  any  j.lace,  from  fear  of  the  Tarratines,  who  wei-e 
"wont  to  come  at  harvest  a  id  take  away  their  corn,  and  many  times  kill 
them."  Also  that  Squaw-Sachew.  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  This 
Squaw- Sachem,l  as  we  believe,  was  chief  of  those  inland  Indians  since 
denominated  the  Nipnets,  or  Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near 
Wachuset  Mountain.    The  English  intended§  to  have  visited  her  at  this 

*  Dr.  Belknap  appears  lo  liave  been  the  first  who  suggested  this.  See  his  Biog. 
ii.  224. 

t  We  had  supposed  this  eminence  lo  have  been  so  called  from  a  copse  or  clump  of 
trees,  which  for  a  long  lime  remained  upon  it,  al\er  it  became  known  to  tiie  whites  ;  bul 
{<hair,  Descnp.  Boston,  07,  says  it  was  named  from  one  Copp,  a  shoemaker.  And 
Snou),  Hist.  Boston,  105,  says  William  Copp  was  the  proprietor  of  "a  jwrtioii  of  the 
hill." 

\  "  Sachems  or  sagamores,— which  are  but  one  and  the  same  title, — the  first  more  usual 
with  the  southward,  the  oilier  with  the  northward  Indians,  lo  exijress  ihe  title  of  him  that 
liath  the  chief  command  of  a  p'lre  or  people."     Hisi.  N.  K.  fiO. 

^  Mr.  Shattiiclr  {IWst.  Concord, 2)  says  she  was  visited  at  this  time  bv  these  voyagers, 


ClIAl-.  11] 


NANEPASHEJIET.— HIS  DEATH.  &:c. 


41 


tin; 

jilaytt 

was 

jared 

Itven; 

kill 
[riiis 
lince 
lueur 

this 


■np  of 

1)  '"'^ 

And 

kf  the 

I  usual 
L  that 

Lgers, 


lime,  but  found  the  <ii*-t{iiice  too  great  to  proceed.  They  received  the 
greutest  kindness  iVoni  uU  the  Indians  they  met  with,  and  mentioned  that 
()(■  Oblmtmeivat  in  particidar.  And  they  say,  "  We  told  him  of  divers 
sai-hims  that  had  acknowledged  themselves  to  be  King  James  his  men, 
niid  if  he  also  ivould  submit  himself,*  we  would  be  Ins  safeguard  from  his 
« uen'iies,  which  he  tlid." 

At  another  i)lace,  "  Having  gone  three  miles,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  came  (say  they)  to  a  })lace  where  corn  had  been  newly  gutnered,  u 
house  jxdled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  JWtnepa- 
sliemet,  their  king,  in  his  life-time  had  lived.f  His  house  was  not  like 
otiiers,  hut  a  scatt()ld  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  planks,  some  six  foot 
Jioni  [the]  ground,  and  the  house  upon  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of 
u  hill.  Net  lar  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  a  fort,"  built  by  JVant- 
jjashemd.  li  was  made  with  "  poles  some  30  or  40  loot  long,  stuck  in 
the  ground,  as  thick  as  they  could  be  set  one  by  another,  and  with  these 
they  enclosed  a  ring  some  40  or  50  foot  over.  A  trench,  breast  high,  was 
digged  on  each  side.|  One  way  there  was  to  get  into  it  with  a  bridge. 
In  tiie  u)itlf<t  of  this  palisado  stood  the  frame  of  an  house,  wherein,  being 
dead,  he  lay  buried.  About  a  mile  from  hence,  we  came  to  such  another, 
but  seated  on  the  top  ol  an  hill.  Here  JVaiiepashemet  was  killed,  none 
thv(!iling  in  it  since  the  time  of  his  death." 

According  to  Mr.  Lewis,  J^'anepashemet  was  killed  about  the  year  161!>, 
and  his  widow,  who  was  Srjuaw-Sachem  beibre  named,  continued  the 
goveriunent.§  He  left  five  cl)ilclren,||  four  of  whose  names  we  gather  fron  i 
the  interesting  History  of  Lynn ;  viz.  1.  Moiitowampate,  called  by  the 
English  Sagamore  James.  He  was  sachem  of  Saugus.  2.  Migail,  a 
daughter.  3.  Wonohaquaham,  called  Sagamore  John,  isachem  of  Winne- 
simet.  4.  JVinnepurkitt,  called  Sagamore  George,  or  George  Rumney- 
marsh,  the  successor  of  AIontowam,pate  at  Saugus.  Of  most  of  these  we 
shall  speak  in  detail  lierealler. 

Squaw-Sachem,  according  to  the  authority  last  mentioned,  was  the 
spouse  oi  Wappacowet,^  or  Webcowit,  in  KiHo.  She  and  her  husband, 
four  years  after,  1639,  deeded  to  Jotham  G ibbones  ^^  the  reversion  of  all 
that  parcel  of  land  which  lies  against  the  jtonds  of  Mystic,  together  with 
the  said  jjonds,  all  which  we  reserved  from  Charlcstown  and  Candiridge, 
late  called  Newtown,  after  the  death  of  me,  tlie  .said  Scjuaiv-Sachem.''^  The 
consideration  was,  "the  many  kindnesses  and  benefits  we  have  received 
from  the  hands  of  Capt.  Edward  Gibbones,  of  Boston." 

2'/ic  SyDA-SACHF.M's  vwrk  v.-^ 
Webco  wit's  viark  -^-^ 

fVebcowit  was  a  ])o\vwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  consid- 
ered next  in  importanct;  to  jYanepashemet  among  the  sidjjects  of  that 
chief,  after  his  death ;  as  a  matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her 
l)ed.  It  does  not  appear,  that  he  was  either  much  respected  or  diouglit 
much  of;  especially  by  his  wife,  as  in  the  above  extract  from  their  deed, 

l>ut  I  am  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  information  in  my 
possession. 

*  It  does  not  seem  from  tliis  that  he  is  the  same  who  before  liad  submitted  at  Plimoutli, 
as  Mr.  Prince  supposes. 

t  Mr.  Sliattiick,  in  his  valuable  Hist.  Concord,  says,  this  "  was  in  Medford,  near  Mys- 
tic Pond." 

t  Might  not,  then,  the  western  mounds  have  been  formed  by  Indians  ? 

&  Hist.  Lynn,  IG. 

II  f>hattuck,  ib.  who  fixes  her  residence  at  Concord  j  she,  doubtless,  had  several  places 
of  resilience. 

1:  His  mune  is  spelt  Wfhnnnts  to  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  ShaHuck't 
M.SS.  WibhacowiUs,  as  appears  from  his  History. 

4* 


4S 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS.        [Rook  H. 


110  provision  seems  to  have  been  made  for  him  after  her  death,  if  lie 
outlived  her.  At  all  events,  we  may  conelude,  without  hazard  wo 
think,  that  if  breeches  had  been  in  fashion  among  Indians,  the  wife  of 
fVebcowit  would  have  been  accountable  for  the  article  in  this  case. 

In  1643,  Massachusetts  covenanted  with  '■^Wassamequin,  JVashoonon, 
Kutchamaquin,  Massaconomet  and  Squaw- Sachem"*  to  the  end  that  mutual 
benefit  might  accrue  to  each  party.  The  sachems  put  themselves  under 
the  government  of  the  English,  agreeing  to  observe  their  laws,  in  as  far 
as  they  should  be  made  to  understand  them.  For  this  confidence  and 
concession  of  their  persons  and  lands  into  their  hands,  the  English 
on  their  part  agreed  to  extend  the  same  protection  to  them  and  their 
people  as  to  their  English  subjects.f 

What  had  become  of  Webcowet  at  this  time  does  not  appear ;  perhaps 
he  was  oflf  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  labor  of  the 
Irousehold.  We  hear  of  him,  however,  four  years  after,  (1647,) "  taking  an 
active  part"  in  the  endeavors  made  by  the  English  to  Christianize  his 
countrymen.  "  He  asked  the  English  why  some  of  them  had  been  27 
yeai-s  in  the  land,  and  never  taught  them  to  know  God  till  then.  Had 
you  done  it  sooner,  (said  he,)  we  might  have  known  much  of  God  by  this 
time,  and  much  sin  might  have  been  prevented,  but  now  some  of  us  are 
grown  [too]  old  in  sin."  The  English  said  they  repented  of  their 
neglect ;  but  recollecting  themselves  answered,  "  You  were  not  willing 
to  heare  till  now,"  and  that  God  had  not  turned  their  hearts  till  then.|; 

Of  the  sachems  who  made  the  covenant  above  named,  the  first  we 
suppose  to  have  been  Massasoit,  on  the  part  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  at 
this  time  wats,  perhaps,  among  the  Nipmuks  ;  JVashoonon,  a  Nipmuk  chie^ 
wth,whom  Massfieoit  now  resided.  His  residence  wa:-^  UL'ur  what  was 
since  Magus  Hill  in  Worcester  county.  He  was  jirobabiy  at  Plimouth 
13  Sept.,  1621,  where  he  signed  a  treaty  with  eight  othere,  as  we  have 
set  down  in  the  life  of  Caunbitant.  His  name  is  there  spelt  JVattatDahunt. 
In  Winthrop's  Journal,  it  is  JVashacoioam,  and  we  suppose  he  was  father 
of  JVassoioanno,  mentioned  by  Whitney.^  Kutchamaquin  was  sachem 
of  Dorchester  and  vicinity,  and  Massaconomet  was  Masconouomo. 


r- 


9ei§t 


CHAPTER  III. 

Some  account  of  the  Massachusetts — Geography  of  their  country — Chika- 
TAUBUT — Wampatuck — Ms  war  with  the  Mohawks — MAaco>'ONOMO — 
Canonicus — Geos;raphy  of  the  JVarraganset  country — Account  of  that 
JVation — Roger  Williams — Montowampate — Small-pox  distresses  the  In- 
dians— WoNOHAQUAHAM WiNNEPlIRKIT — MaNATAHQUA — SciTTERY- 

oussET — Nattahattawants — Wahgumacut— Jack-Straw— James. 

Not  long  bofore  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  the  Massachusetts  had 
been  a  great  peopr^,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  this  time ;  partly  from  the 
great  plague,  of  wl  ich  we  have  already  spoken,  and  subsequently  from 
their  wars  with  the  iarratines.  Of  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records 
of  the  first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  particulars  are  p!-eser\'ed ; 

*  In  the  Historii  of  the  Narraganset  Country,  these  names  are  written  Wassainesrnn, 
Naslmwiation,  Ciitshamacke,  Mussanomell,  and  Squa- Sachem.  See  3  Col.  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  i.  212. 

t  See  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians.  t  Hist.  Concord,  26. 

ij  Hist,  Worcester  Co.  171. 


Chap.  Ill] 


CHIKATAUBUT  OF  PASSONAGESIT. 


43 


had 

|ni  tlio 

from 

[cords 

|r\'ed ; 


Hist. 


of  til  is,  too,  we  have  written  in  a  previous  cliaptcr.*  Therefore  it  will  not 
bo  e.\[)ecte(l  that  ever  a  complete  account  of  the  temtories  and  power  of 
the  Massachusetts  can  be  given ;  broken  down  as  they  were  at  the  time 
tlicy  be(;aine  known  to  the  Europeans ;  for  we  have  seen  that  their  sachems, 
•when  fii-st  visited  by  the  Pliniouth  people,  were  shifting  for  their  lives — 
not  daring  to  lodge  a  second  night  in  the  same  place,  from  their  fear  of  the 
Tarratines.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independent  tribe, 
their  history  was  long  since  swept  away  "  in  g'oomy  tempests,"  and  ob- 
scured in  "a  night  of  clouds,"  and  nothing  but  a  meagre  tradition  remain- 
ed. For  some  time  after  the  country  was  settled,  they  would  fly  for  pro- 
tection from  the  Tarratines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said  by  Mr.  Gookin,  that  "  their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  ])etty  governors ;  as  those  of  Weechagaskab,  Neponsitt,  Pun- 
ka|)aog,  Nonantum,  Nashaway,  some  of  the  Nipmuck  people,  as  far  as 
Poko.Mitakuke,  as  tlie  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people 
could,  in  former  times,  arm  ibr  war  about  3000  men,  as  the  old  Indians 
declare.  They  were  in  hostility  vpvy  often  with  the  Nai-ragansitts ;  but 
held  amity,  for  the  most  part,  wii..  the  Pawkunnawkutts."-|-  Near  the 
mouth  of  Charles  River  "  used  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  In- 
dians, both  on  the  south  and  north  side  of  tlie  country ."|  Hutchinson^ 
says,  "  That  circle  which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  round  by  Maiden,  Chelsea,  Nantaskct,  Hingham,  Weymouth,  Brain- 
tree,  and  Dorchester,  was  the  caj)ital  of  a  great  sachem,|l  much  revered  by 
all  the  plantations  round  about.  The  tradition  is,  thai  this  sachem  had  his 
principal  seat  upon  a  small  hill,  or  rising  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a  body 
of  salt  marsh  in  the  township  of  Doj-chester,  near  to  a  place  called  Squan- 
tum."1[  Ilencc  it  will  be  observed,  that  among  the  accounts  of  the  ^rli- 
est  writers,  the  do  '.nions  of  the  <lifferent  sachems  were  considered  as 
comprehended  within  very  different  limits ;  a  kind  of  general  idea,  there- 
fore, can  only  be  had  of  the  extent  of  their  possessions.  It  is  evident  that 
the  Massachusetts  were  either  subject  to  the  Narragan setts,  or  in  alliance 
with  them  ;  for  when  the  latter  were  at  war*  with  the  Pequots,  Chikataubut 
and  Sagamore  Johii  both  went  with  many  men  to  aid  Canonicus,  who  h"d 
sent  for  them.  This  war  began  in  1G32,  and  ended  in  1G35,  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  Pequots. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  chiefs  agi'eeably  to  our  plan. 

Chikataubut,  or  Chikkatabak,  in  English, — a  house-a-Jire,  was  a  sachem 
of  considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  the 
Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas  Morton  mentions  him  in  his  New  Ca- 
naan, as  sachem  of  Passonagesit,  (about  Weymouth,)  and  says  his  mother 
was  buried  there.  I  need  make  no  comments  upon  the  authority,  or  warn 
the  reader  concerning  the  stories  of  Morton,  as  this  is  done  in  almost  every 
book,  early  and  late,  about  New  England ;  but  shall  relate  tlie  following 
from  him. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company,  in  wandering 
about  upon  discovery,  came  upon  an  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  the 
mother  of  Chikataubut.  Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  the  ground, 
and  two  huge  bear-skins,  sewed  together,  s[)read  over  it ;  these  the  English 

*  Tliis  war  was  caused,  says  Mr.  Iluhhard,  "upon  the  account  of  some  treaclicr^'" 
on  tlic  part  of  the  western  tribes,  i.  e.  the  tribes  west  of  the  Merrimack.  Hist.  Aeio 
ETKr.  30. 

t  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  148.  ;  Hist.  N.  Eng.  32. 

§  From  Neal's  Hist.  N.  Ens;.,  probably,  wiiich  see. 

II  I'  vvill  be  a  good  while  before  tlie  present  possessors  of  the  country  can  boast  of 
sucli  a  capital. 

IT  Hist.  Mass.  i.  'WiO.  And  here  it  was,  I  suppose,  that  the  Plimouth  people  landed  in 
their  voyage  to  Massachusetts  before  spoken  ot,  and  from  Squanto  who  was  with  thein 
it  retcivcil  its  name. 


44 


CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS  BOSTON. 


[Book  II. 


took  away.  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut,  he  coin- 
plnined  to  liis  people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When  they 
were  assembled,  he  thus  harangued  them :  "  When  last  the  glorious  light 
of  all  the  sky  was  underneath  this  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I  began 
to  settle,  as  my  custom  is,  to  take  rc,iose.  Before  mine  eyes  were  liist 
closed,  me  tho't  I  saw  a  vision,  at  which  my  spirit  was  much  troubled, 
and  trembling  at  that  doleful  sight,  a  spirit  cried  aloud,  '  Behold !  my  son, 
whom  I  have  cherished  ;  see  the  paps  that  gave  thee  suck,  the  hands  tnui 
clasped  tlu^e  warm,  and  fed  thee  oft ;  canst  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of 
those  wild  peo])le,  that  hath  my  monument  defaced  in  a  despiteful  man- 
ner;  disdaining  our  ancient  antiquities,  and  iionorable  customs.  See  now 
the  .sachem's  grave  lies  like  unto  the  common  people,  of  ignoble  race  de- 
faced. Thy  mother  doth  complain,  im|)lores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish 
jtnople  new  come  hither ;  if  this  be  suffered,  I  shall  not  rest  in  quiet  within 
my  everlasting  habitation.'  "* 

Battle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watched,  and 
followed  from  place  to  place,  until  at  lengdi,  as  some  were  going  ashore 
in  a  boat,  they  fell  upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  After  maintain- 
ing the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief 
captain  was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  Avhole  took  to  flight.  This  ac- 
tion caused  the  natives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  English  as  invin- 
cible, and  this  was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  maintained  between 
them. 

Mourfs  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  tl:e  main  facts  in  the  above  ac- 
count. It  says,  "We  brought  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with 
us,  and  covered  the  corpse  up  again,"  and,  "there  Avas  variety  of  opinions 
amongst  us  about  the  embalmed  pei-son,"  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  the  agreement  of  the  difierent  accounts,  there  is  but  little  doubt, 
that  the  English  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  their 
depredations  upon  the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  1621,  Chikataubut,  with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  a 
written  instrument,  themselves  the  subjects  of  King  James.  About  ten 
years  after  this,  when  Boston  was  settled,  he  visited  Governor  ffinthrop, 
and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of  "  his  sannops  and 
squaws"  came  with  hiin,  but  were  mosU  of  them  sent  away,  "after  they 
had  all  dined,"  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the  governor  urged 
their  stay  ;  Chikataubut  probably  feared  they  would  be  burdensome.  At 
this  time  he  wore  English  clothes, mid  sat  at  the  governor's  table,  "where 
he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &.c.  as  an  Englishman."  Not  long  after, 
he  called  on  Governor  Winthrop,  and  desired  to  buy  clothes  for  himself;  the 
governor  informed  him  that  "  English  sagamores  did  not  use  to  truck  ;f  but 
lie  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  liini  order  to  make  him  a  suit  of  clothes ; 
Avhereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat  beaver."  In  a 
few  days  his  clothes  were  ready,  and  the  governor  "put  him  into  a  very 
good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before  them  ;  but 
he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  thanks,  and  after  meat  he 
desired  hiir.  to  do  the  like,  and  so  dejjarted." 

June  14,  1031,  at  a  court,  Chikataubut  was  ordered  to  pay  a  small  skin 
of  beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men's  having  killed  a  pig,  whicli  he 
complied  with.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Plastowe,  and  some  others,  hav- 
ing stolen  corn  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court,  Sejrt.  27,  ordered  that 
Ptastowe  should  restore  "  two-fold,"  and  lose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and 

*  If  this  be  fiction,  a  modern  compiler  has  deceived  some  of  his  readers.  The  article 
in  the  Anatectic  Mamtiiiio  may  have  liecn  liis  source  of  information,  but  the  origiiiril 
may  be  seen  in  Morton's  i\fw  Caiuum,  ICMi  and  107. 

t  However  true  tliis  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should 
not  \  ave  used  the  plural. 


Chap.  Ilf. 

I»ny  £.■). 

coiiijilices 

engaged  v 

yaiiie  year 

Dorc^lieste 

reciiiired  t( 

The  sm; 

year,  some 

The  rcsi 

eluded  in  I 

otjjer  chief 

tlic    year ; 

especially  \ 

a  river  ofsi 

from  all  pai 

In  deeds, 

mentioned, 

it  will  be  se 

August  5 

ataubiU,  in  I 

t"  To  all 
/'  k,  alias  Jt 
Chickatabut 
patuck,  bein 
the  natives, 
brother  Dan 
Mammtago, 
therunto;  ai 
witnessed  th 


In  pre 
Thomas 

.TOSKI'H    1^ 

Thomas 

There  is  a 
tuck,  grand  so 
country,  and 
the  town  of  I 
says,  or  some 
sured  from  se 
tliat,  upon  th( 

*  "  The  most  t 
either  to  beat,  o, 
most  quietly  sub 

t  Namauasucf 

t  History  of  C 
of  the  Hon.  J.  c 

^  Nahaton,  or 
Hist.  Dedham,  2 

II  IViutod  at  le 


Chap.  HI] 


CHIKATAUBUT— ins  DEATH. 


45 


all  skin 
"  lich  li«! 
,  liav- 

[•ed  til  at 
Ian,  and 

llic  arliole 
origiiuil 

lie  should 


jmy  £5.  This  I  siipjwso  they  deemed  equivalent  to  four-fold.  His  ac- 
coliipiifos  were  wiiipped,  to  tlie  same  amount.  The  next  year  we  find  hint 
engaged  with  other  sachems  in  an  expedition  against  the  Peipiots.  The 
same  y<;ar  two  of  liis  men  were  convicted  of  assaulting  some  jiei-sons  of 
Dorchester  in  their  houses.  "  They  were  put  in  the  bilboes,"  and  himself 
r((|iiired  to  beat  them,  which  he  did.* 

The  small-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  163t3,  in  which 
year,  some  time  in  November,  Chikatauhut  died. 

The  residence  of  the  family  of  Chikatauhut  was  at  Tehticut,  now  in- 
cluded iu  Middleboroiigh.  lie  was  in  obedii'uce  to  Massasoit,  and,  like 
other  chiefs,  had  various  places  of  resort,  to  suit  the  different  seasons  of 
the  year ;  sometimes  at  Wessaguscusset,  sometimes  at  Neponset,  and 
especially  u[)on  that  part  of  Namasketf  called  Tehticut.  This  was  truly 
a  river  of  sagamores.  Its  abundant  stores  of  fish,  iu  the  spring,  drew  them 
from  all  parts  of  the  re.-ilm  of  the  chief  .sachem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  ln('ian.s,  the  place  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  front  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  j)rogress  of  this  article, 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  different  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5,  1GG5,  Quincy,  then  Braintree,  was  deeded  by  a  son  of  Chik- 
atauhut, in  these  terms : — 

t"To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come ;  Wampa- 
i-  k,  alias  Josinh  Sagamore,  of  Massathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  of 
CInckatabut  deceased,  sendeth  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  the  said  JVam- 
patuck,  being  of  full  age  and  power,  according  to  the  order  and  custom  of 
the  natives,  hath,  with  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Squamog,  his 
brother  Daniel,  and  Old  Hahatun,  and  JVilliam  Mananiomott,  Job  JVassott, 
Manuntago,  William  JVahanton^"  "  For  divere  goods  and  valuable  reasons 
therunto ;  and  in  special  for"  £21  lOs.  in  hand.  It  was  subscribed  and 
witnessed  thus : — 

JosiAH.  alias  Wampatuck,  his  |  O  marke. 
Daniel  Squamog,  and  a  mark. 
Old  Nahatun,  and  a  mark. 
JVilliam  Manunion,  and  a  mark. 
Job  Noistenns. 

Robert,  alias  MAyivyrxGO,  and  a  mark. 
William  Hahatu.n. 
In  presence  of 
Thomas  KKYAHuusssoy,  and  amark  O 
.losEiMi  3Ianu>io.\,  his  \ — mark. 
Thomas  Weymous,  his  O  mark. 

There  is  a  (luit-claim  deed  from  "  Charles  Josias,  alias  Josias  Wampa- 
tuck, grandson  of  Chikatauhut,  dated  in  1695,  of  Boston  and  the  adjacent 
country,  and  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  "  proprietated  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston,"  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  records.||  Wampatuck 
says,  or  some  one /or  him,  "Forasmuch  as  I  am  informed,  and  well  as- 
sured from  several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others, 
that,  upon  the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in  those 

*  •'  The  most  usual  custom  amongst  them  in  exercisinir  punishments,  is  for  the  sachem 
either  to  beat,  or  whip,  or  put  to  death  with  his  own  liand,  to  wliicli  the  common  sort 
most  quietly  submit."      Williams. 

t  Naniauasuc'k  signified  in  their  language ^«/ie*,  and  some  early  wrote  Namasclieuck. 

\  History  of  Quincy  by  Rev.  Mr.  Wliilniij,  taken  from  the  original  in  the  possession 
of  till?  lion.  J.  Q.  Adams. 

vS  Nahaton,  or  Aliaton,  and  the  same  sometimes  written  Nehoidfii.  See  Worthington' s 
Hist.  Di'dham,''2l.     He  sold  lands  upon  (Charles  River  in  1G80,    ib, 

II  Printed  at  length  in  Smw's  Hist.  Boston,  389,  et  cet. 


46 


WAMI'ATUCK.— JII.S  MOHAWK  WAR. 


[r?o()K  II. 


pans  of  New  Eiis^luiid,  my  aliove-iiaiiuul  frraiidliitlicr,  Chikatnuhut,  by  and 
with  iUv  udvici;  of  his  couiicil,  fbi  riicoiirafrt'iiieut  tlicrcol"  iiioviii}!;,  did 
give,  grant,  soil,  aliciialt;,  and  confirm  nnto  tlie  English  planters,"  the  lands 
ahovi"  named. 

Joslns,  or  Jns'uth  IVampalur.k,  was  sachem  of  IMattakcesctt,*  and, 
from  the  deeds  whicli  he  gave,  nnist  have;  l)een  the  owner  of  much  of  tin- 
lands  sonthward  of  Hoston.  In  KJo.'},  lie  soKl  to  Timothji  Hatkcrli/,  Jitincs 
Cailiiiorth,  Joseph  TiUkn,  Humphrci/  Turner,  inUiain  Hatch,  John  Iloare, 
and  Jiinir.s  Torrctj,  a  large  tract  ol"  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accoril  Poml 
and  North  River. 

in  JlkJV,  I  .  sold  Puchage  Neck,  [now  calhul  Plchadc,]  "lying  l)etwcen 
No.'i.- ■ "  .ker.t  riiier  and  a  lirook  lldling  hilo  T»!ticntt  riuc^r,  viz.  the  most 
web  ..'  'if  i- three  small  hroo'Kes  that  do  tall  into  the  said  riuer;"  likewise^ 
all  tL  nea  1(1  "  upon  said  three  l)r)()k.s,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
hnnnde  '.  oy  Pli  'th  and  Dn.xhnry  oi  one  side,  and  Jiridgewater  on  the 
otiier,  e.vtending  to  die  great  jjond  M  ittakeeset ;  |)rovided  it  included  not 
the  J 000  acres  given  to  his  son  and  George  fyampey,  about  those  ponds. 
This  tieed  was  witnessed  by  George  (f'ampei/  und  John  Wnmpoives. 

After  the  death  of  his  father,  Josias  was  often  called  Josias  Chikalauhul. 
In  the  Plimouth  Records  we  find  this  notice,  but  vvithout  date:  "Mem- 
orandum, that  Josias  Chickabutt  and  his  wife  doe  owne  the  whole  iiecke 
of  Punkateesett  to  beloing  vnto  Plymouth  men,"  &c. 

In  1()()8,  ^^  Josias  Chickatabutt,  sachetn  of  Nainas,sakecsett,"  sold  to 
Robert  Studson  of  Scitiiate,  a  tract  of  land  called  J\'anumackeuitt,  for  a 
"  valuable  consideration,"  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bound- 
ed on  the  east  by  Scituate. 

Josias  had  a  son  Jeremy ;  and  "  Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  tlie 
last  of  the  race."+  Of  Josiah,  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  important  inlbrmation. 
In  the  year  1G09,  "the  war  having  now  continued  between  the  Maquas 
and  our  Indians,  about  six  years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighbors,  united  tlieir 
forces  together,  and  made  an  arnjy  of  about  IJ  or  700  men,  and  marched 
into  the  Maquas'  country,  to  take  revenge  of  them.  Thi.s  entcriJi'ise  was 
contrived  and  undertaken  without  the  ])rivity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  their  English  friends,  ftlr.  J^liot  and  niyseltj  in  jiarticular,  dissuaded 
them,  and  gave  them  several  reasons  against  it,  but  they  ^vou!d  not  he.'ir 
us."  Five  of  the  Christian  Indians  went  out  with  them,  and  but  out;  only 
returned  alive.  "Tin;  chiefest  general  in  this  (ixpeditioii  was  llie  ])riiici- 
l)al  sachem  of  IMassacliusetts,  named  Josiah,  alias  Cheknlahidt,  a  wise  and 
stout  man,  of  middle  age,  but  a  very  vicious  person.  He  had  considerable 
knowledge  in  the  Christian  religion  ;  and  sometime,  when  he  was  yomiger, 
seemed  to  profess  it  for  a  time; — fur  he  was  bred  u|)  by  his  micl(>,  Kucha- 
viakin,  who  was  the  fii-st  sachem  and  his  i)eoj)le  to  whom  Mr.  Etiot 
preached."}; 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  after  a  journey  of  about  200 
miles ;  when,  upon  besieging  it  some  lime,  and  havuig  some  of  their  men 
killed  in  sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  n;- 
treated.  Meanwhile  the  Mohawks  pursued  them,  got  in  their  front,  and, 
from  an  ambush,  attacked  them  in  a  defile,  and  a  great  fight  ensued.  Fi- 
nally the  Mohawks  were  put  to  flight  by  the  extraordinary  bravery  and 
l)rowess  of  Chikataubut  and  iiis  captains.  Rut  what  was  most  calamitous 
in  this  disastrous  expedition,  was,  the  loss  of  the  great  chief  Chikataubut, 
who,  after  ])erforming  prodigies  of  valor,  was  killed  in  repelling  the  Mo- 
hawks in  their  last  attack,  with  almost  all  his  captalns.§     This  was  a  severe 

*  Dearie's  Hist.  Scituate,  ll-k 

t  ibid.  SqiiiimaiK^  was  a  brolher  o{  Josiah ,  and  ruled  "  as  sacliein  during  the  minoritv'' 
of  Jeremi/.     Dr.  Harris,  Hist.  Ihrclicsler,  IG,  17. 
1 1  Coi;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  IGG.  §  Ibid.  167. 


Chap.  Ill]      MASCOXONOMO  OF  AGAWAM.— CANOMCUS. 


47 


riiic;- 
sf  anil 

•rabU" 

iinjrcr, 

\i('7ui- 

Eliot 

It  '-iOO 

11-  UUMl 
VI ul  I'l*,- 

it,  anil, 

Ki- 

ry  and 

anitons 

tauhul, 

le  Mo- 

scvorf 

linoriiy" 


stroke  to  those  Indians,  and  thoy  snfTcrod  mnch  from  ohngrin  on  tjicir 
ntnrn  liorno.  Tin;  Moliawks  conwidercd  tliemsolves  thrir  musters,  and 
iililifiiiffh  a  poare  was  brouglit  abont  between  them,  by  tht;  nKuliation  of 
tlie  Kn<,'lish  and  Dntch  on  each  side,  yet  the  Massaclmsetts  and  otliors 
often  sntli^red  from  their  incursions. 

A  ehiefof  much  the  same  importance  as  Chikatauhut  and  his  sons,  was 
Mdsrononomo,  or  Afiisronomo,  sadiem  ofAgawam,  since  called  Ipswich. 
Wlirn  the  fleet  which  brouj,'ht  over  the  colony  that  settled  IJoston,  in 
I(;;i0,  anchored  near  Cajte  Ami,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and 
spent  some  time  on  board  one  of  the  ships.* 

On  the  yt'th  June,  1().'{8,  Mascouonomet^  executed  a  deed  of  "all  his 
j.'iiuis  in  Ipswich,"  to  John  Jf'inthrop,  ]r.,  for  the  sum  of  £20.}; 

At  a  court  in  Jidy,  l(i;}l,it  was  ordered,  that  "the  sagamore  of  A  gawam 
is  l),inished  from  confmg  into  any  Englishman's  house  for  a  year,  under 
penalty  of  ten  beaver-skins."§  The  next  year,  or  al)out  that  time,  the 
'j'arratin(>s  came  out  with  great  Ibrci;  against  Masconono  ;  he  having, 
"as  was  usually  said,  treacherously  killed  some  of  those  ar-  ^uie  fami- 
-^  lies."||     From  Mr.  CohhcVs  account,  it  ap|)ears  that  they  cuine     fainst  the 

Hnglisii,  who,  i)Ut  for  an  Indian,  namcul  Robin,  woidd  h  /e  Iv  Oj  cut  off, 
as  the  al)l(!  m<Mi  at  this  time,  belongnig  to  Ipswich,  did  not  exceed  JJO;  and 
most  of  these  wen;  from  home  on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  hav(!  been 
made.  Rohin,  having  by  some  jneans  found  out  their  intf  'tions,  went  to 
John  Perkins,*^  and  told  him  that  on  such  a  day  four  Tarratines  would 
come  and  invite  the  English  to  trade,  "and  draw  t'  mi  down  the  hill  to 
the  water  side,"  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indi.  iS  would  be  ready, 
under  "the  brow  of  the  hill,"  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned  out  as 
Robin  had  reported ;  l)ut  the  Indians  were  frightened  oft"  by  a  false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a  few  guns,  without  eft'ecting  their 
object.** 

We  hear  no  more  of  him  until  lf)43,  when,  at  a  court  held  in  Boston, 
"  Cutshamekin  and  Squmo-Sachem,  Masconovio,  JVashacoivam  and  ff'assa- 
magin,]}  two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  west,  called  H'achusdt. 
came  into  the  com-t,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor, 
desired  to  be  received  under  our  protection}^  anil  government,  upon  the 
same  terms  that  Pumham  and  Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to 
understand  the  articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God,  and  they 
freely  assenting  to  all,§§  tliey  were  solemnly  received,  and  then  presented 
the  court  with  twenty-six  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of 
them  a  coat  of  two  yards  of  cloth,  and  their  dinner;  and  to  them  and  their 
men,  every  one  of  them,  a  cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ;  so  they  took 
leave,  and  went  away  very  joyfnl."||l|  Tradition  says  that  Agawam, 
in  Ipswich,  was  his  place  of  residence,  and  that  his  bones  were  early 
found  there  ;  that  his  sqtiaw  for  some  time  survived  him,  and  had  a 
I)iece  of  land  that  she  could  not  dispose  of,  or  that  none  were  allowed  to 
])urchase.111I 

We  have  too  long  delayed  the  biography  of  a  chief  early  known  both 

*IIi.st.  N.  Eriglnnd. 

tTliis  is  (lo'jl)tlcss  the  most  correct  spelling  of  his  name.  It  is  scarce  spelt  twice  alike 
ill  tlio  IMS.  records. 

t  Records  of  Gen.  Court,  v.  381.  ^  Prince,  357.         ||  Hubbard's  N.  E.  14.5. 

IT  Quartoi -master,  "living then  in  a  little  iiul  upon  his  father's  island  on  this  side  of 
Jcofry's  Neck."     MS.  Narrative. 

**  Cnhbct's  MS.  Narratire.  ft  Ousamequin,  or  Massasoit. 

It  They  desired  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 

^^  Tlic  articles  which  they  subscribed,will  be  seen  at  lar;;e  when  the  Manu.icript  Hist. 
of  the  Prnyinx  Indians,  bij  Danid  Gookin,  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  pre- 
cisely as  rendered  by  Winthrop. 

II 11  Winthrop's  Journal.  Till  MS.  Hist,  of  Newbury,  by  J.  Coffin. 


48 


CANONICUS.— TAHHTASSUCK. 


[Book  II- 


in  Plimoutl)  and  Massac liiisettH,  wliicli  seemed  necessary  to  preserve  the 
continuity  ol'  our  history — Canoniciis,*  the  great  saclieni  of  the  Nar- 
ragttiisets.  He  was  coiiteinitorury  with  .\Iiantunno7tioli,  who  was  his 
nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  liis  birth,  but  u  son  of  his  was  at 
Jioston  in  UJJil,  the  next  y(!ar  afler  it  was  settled.  Hut  the  time  of  his 
death  is  minutely  recorded  by  Governor  ff'intkrop,  in  his"  Journal,"  tluis: 
"June  4,  1(547.  Canunicus,  tlie  great  sachem  of  Narraganset,  died,  a 
very  old  man."  He  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  about  85  yeai-s 
of  age  when  he  died. 

He  is  mentioned  with  great  respect  by  Rev.  Roger  WilliamSy]  in  the 
yeai-  1(J54.  After  observing  that  many  hundreds  of  tlie  English  were  wit- 
nesses to  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Narragans(;ts,  he  says,  "Their  late 
tiimous  long-lived  Caunoiiicus  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most 
honorable  manner  and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  you  laid  to  sleep  your 
prudent  peace-maker,  Mr.  fVinthrop,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and 
peaceable  prince ;  yea,  through  all  their  towns  and  countries  how  fre- 
quently do  many,  and  oil  times,  our  Englishmen  travel  alone  with  safety 
and  loving  kindness  ?" 

It  will  bo  i)roper  in  this  place  to  give  some  general  account  of  the 
country  and  nation  of  our  chief.  The  bomuls  of  Narraganset  were,  as 
described  iu  the  times  of  the  8acliems,|:  "  Pautiickit  River,  Quenebage 
[Quabaog]  and  Nii)muck,"  northerly  ;  "  westerly  l)y  a  brook  called  We- 
(juapaug,  not  far§  from  Paquatuck  River ;  southerly  by  the  sea,  or  main 
ocean  ;  and  easterly  by  the  Nanhiganset  Bay,  wherein  lieth  many  islands, 
by  deeds  bought  of  the  Nanhiganset  sachems."  Coweesett  and  Niantick, 
though  sometimes  ai)plied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  places 
within  it.  According  to  Mr.  Guokin,  "  the  territory  of  their  sachem  ex- 
tended about  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekunk  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay, 
including  Rliode  Island  and  other  islaids  in  that  bay."  Pawcatuck  River 
separated  them  from  the  Pecjuots.  This  nation,  under  Canonicua,  had,  in 
1G4'3,  arrived  at  the  zenith  of  its  irreatnciss,  and  was  suj)posed  to  contain  a 
poj)ulation  of  thirty  tlwusand.  Tiiis  estimate  was  by  Richard  Smith,  jr., 
who,  with  his  father,  lived  in  their  country. 

A  census  ol"  those  calling  themselves  a  remnant  of  the  Narragansets, 
taken  Feb.  1832,  was  315  ;  oidy  seven  of  whom  were  unmixed.  The  In- 
dians themselves  uiake  their  luunber  3()4.j| 

Of  the  early  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  from  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  [)revious  to  their  arrival,  a 
sachem  named  Tashtassuck,  and  their  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and 
valor  were  much  the  saiiu!  as  tlu;  Delawares  reported  of  tlnir  great  chief 
Tamany,  that  since,  there  had  not  been  his  equal,  &c.  Tashlassuck  had 
but  two  children,  a  son  and  daughter ;  these  he  joined  in  marriage, 
because  he  could  find  none  worthy  of  them  out  of  his  family.  The 
product  of  this  marriage  was  lour  sons,  of  whom  Canonicus  was  the 
oldest. H 

When  3Ir.  John  Oldham  was  killed  near  Block  Island,  and  an  investiga- 
tion set  on  foot  by  the  English  to  ascertain  the  murderer  ,  they  were  fiilly 
satisfied  that  Canonicus  and  Mianlunnomoh  had  no  hand  in  the  aft'air,  but 
that  "the  six  other  Narraganset  sachems  had."     It  is  no  wonder  that  he 

*  This  spelling'  does  not  convey  the  true  pronunciation  of  the  name ;  other  spelHn^a 
will  bo  noticed  in  the  course  of  his  biograpliy.  Its  sound  approached  so  near  the  Latiu 
word  canonicus,  that  it  became  confounded  with  it. 

t  Manuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 

X  See  3  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  MO.  6  Four  or  five  miles,  says  Gookin. 

jl  MS.  letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 

II  Hutchinson,  i.  458,  who  met  with  this  account  in  MS.jbul  we  do  not  give  implicit 
credit  to  it,  as,  at  best,  it  is  tradition. 


Chap.  U 

shotdd  I 

the  deal 

piece  ol 

the  gove 

be  revei 

messeng 

the  Jett(!i 

thcun  ini 

although 

ujK)n  jJic 

flicm  to  J 

which  th( 

ing  the  dt 

success  (I 

oommaiid 

carriage  d 

murder,  a 

ditions." 

TJiis  sa 
iie|iliew. 
younger  s, 
about  ff)iir: 
in  the  gov 
at  what  th 
'le  conceiv 
Mr.  Durfee 


"  At  a  mi 
VI i  Sept.,  J(j 
colonies,  "^ 
fi'om  time  t 
nant  betwec 
J»  them  by  ( 
Ills  late  misc 
"i"  the  Engl 
dians;  and  t 
hetween  hii 
peaceable  O 
'iiat  great  ji 
the  malicioui 
"  any  afFente 
iVotwifljsff 
arid  tJieir  coi 
Moliegins,  ni 
his  p(>op|,.,  p 
I'eace  with  th 
"f  their  agrei 
was  to  be  im, 
We  have  y 
'»  the  history 
"Good  News 

*  This  was  \v 
tCoI.R.  J.  Hi 
5 


as 


)itants 
val,  a 
ami 
chief 
k  had 
rriaf^e, 
The 
the 

cstiga- 
j  fully 
ir,  hut 
lat  he 


Ipellin^s 
\q  Latiu 


<cin. 
I  implicit 


ohap.  in.] 


CANONICUS.— MASCUS. 


4!) 


should  have  taken  great  offenco  at  the  conduct  of  the  English  conrerning 
the  death  of  MinntintJiomoh.  The  Warwick  setthirs  considered  it  a  great 
piece  of  injustice,  aiul  Mr.  Samtiel  Gorton  wrote  a  letter  for  Canonicus  to 
the  government  of  Massac! niaetts,  notifying  them  that  he  had  resolved  to 
he  revenged  upon  the  Mohcgans.  Upon  this  the  English  despatched 
messengers  to  Narraganset  to  in(|uire  oi'  Canonir.ua  whether  he  authorized 
the  letter,  lie  treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not  admit 
them  into  his  wigwam  for  the  space  of  two  hours  aflir  their  arrival, 
although  it  was  exceedingly  rainy.  When  they  were  admitted,  he  frovvne<l 
upon  thetn,  and  gave  them  answei-s  foreign  to  th<^  pur|K)se,  and  ref«'rred 
them  to  Pcssar.us.  This  was  a  very  cold  reception,  comi)arcd  with  that 
which  the  messengers  received  when  sent  to  him  for  information  respect- 
ing the  (h.'alh  of  Mr.  Oldham.  "They  n-turned  with  accei)tance  and  good 
success  of  their  husiness;  ohserving  in  the  sachem  nnich  state,  great 
command  of  his  men,  and  marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answers;  and  in  the 
carriage  of  the  whole  treaty,  clearing  himself  and  his  luiighhors  of  the 
nuirder,  and  offering  revenge  of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wary  con- 
ditions." 

This  sachem  is  said  to  have  governed  in  great  liarmony  with  his 
ne|iliew.  "The  chiefest  government  in  the  country  is  divided  hetween  a 
younger  sachem,  Miantunnomu,  and  an  elder  sachem,  Caunaunnru.t,  of 
ul)out  fourscore  years  old,*  this  young  man's  uncle  ;  and  their  agreement 
in  the  govermnent  is  remarkahlc.  Tlie  old  sachem  will  not  he  offended 
at  what  the  young  sachem  doth  ;  and  the  young  sachem  will  not  do  what 
he  conceives  will  dis|)lease  his  uncle."t  With  this  passage  hefore  l»im, 
Iflr.  Durfee  versifies  as  follows,  in  his  poem  called  ff'hatcheer : — 

'*  Two  niipfhty  cliiefs,  one  rautioiis,  wisp,  nnd  old, 
One  young-,  and  strong-,  and  terrible  in  light, 
All  Narraganset  and  Cowesct  hold  ; 
One  lodge  they  build— one  counsel  fire  they  light." 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonics  at  Boston, 
vij  Sept.,  1()43,"  it  was  agreed  that  Massachusetts,  in  behalf  of  the  other 
colonies,  "give  Conoonacus  and  the  Nanohiggunsets  to  understand,  that 
from  time  to  time"  they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violation  of  the  cove- 
nant between  them,  notwithstanding  the  great  manifestations  of  their  love 
to  them  by  the  English  ;  that  they  had  concurred  with  Mianlunnomoh  in 
Ills  late  mischievous  plots,  by  which  he  had  intended  "to  root  out  the  body 
of  the  English"  from  the  country,  by  gifts  and  allurements  to  other  In- 
dians ;  and  that  he  had  invaded  Uncas,  contrary  to  the  "  tripartie  covenant" 
hetween  himself,  Uncas  and  Connecticut.  Therefore,  knowing  "  how 
peaceable  Conanacus  and  Mascus,  the  late  father  o( Myanttnomo^  governed 
that  great  people,"  they  ascribed  the  late  "tumults  and  outbreakings"  to 
the  malicious,  rash  and  ambitious  spirit  of  Mianlunnomoh  more  than  to 
"any  affected  way  of  their  own." 

Notwithstanding,  Miantunvovioh  being  now  ptit  to  d(!ath,  the  Englifh 
.'iiid  their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  "  Viicus,  sagamore  of  the 
Mohegins,  and  liis  people,  JVoosaiiiequme  and  his  people,  Sacanocoe  and 
his  poople,  Pumham  and  Ills  jieople,  were  disposed,  they  said,  still  to  have 
peace  with  the  Narragaiisots  ;  but  should  expect  a  more  faithful  observance 
i)f  their  agreement  than  they  had  shown  hitherto."  This  determination 
was  to  be  immediately  laid  before  them,  and  a  prompt  answer  demanded. 

We  have  yet  to  go  a  step  back  to  rehite  some  matters  of  inuch  interest 
in  the  histoiy  of  this  chief.  It  is  related  by  INIr.  Edward  ff'inslow,  in  his 
"Good  News  from  New  England,"|  that  in  February,  1G22,  O.  S.  Canon- 


*'l'his  wns  written  ahout  1643. 
fC'ol.R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  vol.  i. 


i  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  viii. 


■^ 


fiO 


CANONICUS.— MKIKA  MIS  SON. 


rit>M.K  II 


tctM  sunt  into  Pliinouth,  by  oru;  of  liin  iiicii,  ft  liiindlc  of  aiTowH,  lioiiiid 
with  ft  rftttleHiiakc'8  Hkiii,  iiiid  tlii-n?  Iril  tlictii,  hikI  retired.  'I'lic  Naini- 
guiiHetH,  who  vvert!  reporU'd  at  thiH  tiino  "iiiaiiy  tiioii.saiid  stroiiff,"  inaring 
of  tiie  wcakiit-HS  of  the  KiikUkIi,  "  ht'<,'aii,  (says  tiio  ahove-naiiuul  author,) 
to  hreath  forth  many  thrt.-ats  against  iis,"  altiiou^h  they  had  the  last  siuii- 
nier  "desired  and  ohtained  peace  vvitli  us." — "lusouiueh  as  liie  coiuiiioti 
talk  of  our  iieii^hhor  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  the  preparation  they  made 
to  come  against  us."  They  wen;  now  emboldened  from  the  eircumstanee 
that  the  Kngtish  had  just  add<;d  to  their  nimdu-rs,  hut  not  to  their  arms  nor 
provisions.  The  ship  Fortune  had,  not  long  before,  landed  85  persons  at 
Pliinouth,  and  the  Narragansets  sticm  to  have  been  w«dl  informed  of  all 
the  circumstanees.  This,  (says  Mr.  ftinslow,)  "occasioned  them  to  slight 
and  brave  us  with  so  many  threats  as  tliey  (lid.  At  length  came  one  of 
them  to  us,  who  was  sent  by  Conaurus,  their  chief  sachem  or  king, 
accom|)anieil  with  one  Tokamnkamon,  a  friendly  Indian.  This  messenger 
inquired  for  Tisquanluin,  om*  interpreter,  who  not  being  at  home,  8eein<'d 
rather  to  be  glad  than  sorry  ;  and  leaving  Kir  him  a  bmidit!  of  new  arrows, 
lapped  in  a  rattlesnaluj's  skin,  desired  to  dejiart  with  all  expedition." 

When  Squnnto  was  made  ac(|uainted  with  the  circumstance!,  he  told  the 
English  that  it  was  a  challenge  ft)r  war.  Governor  Bradford  took  the 
rattlesnake's  skin,  and  fdled  it  with  powder  and  shot,  and  returned  it  to 
Canonicus ;  at  the  same  time  instructing  the  m(!ssenger  to  bid  him  de- 
fiance, and  invite  him  to  a  trial  of  strength.  The  measenger,  and  his 
insulting  carriage,  had  the  desired  effect  uj)on  Canonicus,  for  he  would 
not  receive  the  skin,  and  it  was  cast  out  oi  every  community  of  the  In- 
dians, until  it  at  last  was  retunied  to  Pliinouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This 
was  a  demonstration  that  he  was  awed  into  silence  and  respect  of  the 
English. 

In  a  grave  assembly,  upon  a  certain  occasion,  Canonicus  thus  addressed 
Roger  fVilliams  :  "  I  have  never  sulVered  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the 
English  since  they  landed,  nor  never  will ;"  and  often  repeated  the  word 
fVunnaunewayean.  "  If  the  Englishman  speak  true,  if  he  mean  truly, 
then  shall  I  go  to  my  grave  in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  English  and  my 
posterity  shall  live  in  love  and  jieace  together." 

When  Mr.  Williama  sairl  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  question  the 
Englishmen's  toimnaumwauonck,  that  is,  faithfidiiess,  having  long  been 
ac(iuainted  with  it,  Canonicus  took  a  stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  ten 
pieces,  related  ten  instances  wherein  they  had  jiroved  false;  laying  down 
a  piece  at  each  instance.  Mr.  Williams  sati;?fied  him  that  he  was  mis- 
taken in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others  he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the 
governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make  satisfaction  for  them. 

In  1635,  Rev.  Roger  fVilliams  foimd  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  car- 
rying on  a  bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  15y  his  intercession  an 
end  was  put  to  it,  and  all  the  sachetns  gi-ew  much  into  his  favor ;  espe- 
cially Canonicus,  whose  "hetu't  (he  says)  was  stirred  up  to  lo\e  me  as  his 
son  to  his  last  gasp."  He  sold  the  Island  of  IJhode  Island  to  William 
Coddington,  Roger  Ifllliams,  and  others.  A  son  of  Canonicus,  nairied 
Mnksah,  is  named  by  Williams  as  inheriting  liis  father's  spirit.*  This  son 
is  also  called  Meika,  who,  after  his  father's  cU-atli,  wjis  chief  sachem  of 
the  Narragansets,  and  was  said  to  have  lj(;eii  his  eldest  son.  Many  par- 
ticulars of  him  will  be  found  in  our  progress  onward. 

At  the  time  of  the  Pequot  war,  much  pains  was  taken  to  secure  the 
friendship  oi  Canonicus  mote  firndy.  Mr.  Williams  wroU!  to  Gov(.'rnnr 
Wtn</(ro/j  concerning  him  as  follows:  "Sir,  if  any  thing  I)e  sent  to  the 
princes,  I  find  Canounicus  would  gladly  accept  of  a  box  of  eight  or  ten 
pounds  of  sugar,  and  indeed  he  told  me  he   vould  thank  Mr.  Governor  for 

*  Mauuscripl  letter. 


Cinv. 

a  box 

Miant 

of  yoi 

to  me 

Mr.  O 

that  h( 

it  appe 

upon   I 

doi/ig 

no  ideii 

" once  , 

had  it, 

in  soiuf 

li'eding 

sachu.se 

«ays,  de 

between 

tliat,  if  J 

J'<'IJUOt  ' 

subject. 
Tliere 
IIiMard 
"distrusi 
Mohawk 
spared." 

In  1(J3 
on  accoii 
^\'ecaj)ai; 
about  ten 
^vith  him 
I'll  is  vvfUv 
die  Pt.,,ii 
themselvi 
possessioi 
of  it  to  () 
'•lit  Jie  nc 
l*e(|uot,  w 
who  iiiai 
it  is  sal 
sons  of  Ci 
^vlien  he 

Canonii 
Boston,  in 


Canonic 
dissolution 


•Ins  or  tliat  | 
bartraiii  aiitl 
witlistaiitliii 
Jaiuls."  li 
t  B;-  John 


Cn^p.IIIl 


CANONirus  — sonioso. 


51 


cai*- 

i  an 
espe- 
liis 

llinm 

iirxul 
is  son 
m  of 
y  l>av- 

e  tlir 
(•■rnor 
to  the 
or  t«n 
lor  for 


a  box  full."  In  nuotlicr  Icttrr  wliidi  Mr.  H'iUiam3  8ont  to  tho  Hnmc  Ity 
.Midnlniiiioinofi  oiinHiltj  iitt  hiivh,  "  i  am  bold  to  n>(|tU'Nt  a  wiirtl  of  advict! 
of  yoii  concriiiiiii;  a  |ini|M),siiinu  Miaili^  Ity  Cauntnuncus  anil  Miitnlumiomu 
to  ni*>  .^uMic  liall'  year  Mint'c.  ('aunouninis  ^avi>  an  island  in  tliis  hay  to 
Mr.  OlilUaiii,  hy  nanio  Chiharhuwtse,  upon  condition,  iih  it  should  Hc»Mn, 
that  lio  would  dwell  thcro  near  unto  them."  Tht!  death  of  Mr.  Ohlhnm, 
it  a|)p<'nrH,  prevented  his  aceeplin;,'  it,  and  tlu'y  offered  if  to  Mr.  H'illutms 
upon  the  sauD!  eonditions;  hut  he  tirst  desin;d  to  know  whether  in  so 
doin^f  it  would  h»!  |»erfeclly  a)j;reeahU!  to  Mansaehu.setts,  and  that  he  had 
no  idea  of  accepting,  without  paying  tho  ehiets  for  it:  «aid  ho  told  them 
"ont-D  and  again,  that  tor  the  present  he  mind  not  to  rutriovo  ;  hut  if  lio 
liad  it,  would  give  tlaun  satisfietion  for  it,  and  liuild  a  little  house  and  put 
in  some  swino,  as  unders'anding  the  place  to  have  store  of  tish  and  good 
leediiig  for  swine."  When  Jlianlunnoinoh  heard  that  some  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts men  thcaight  of  occu|»ying  soiue  of  the  islaiuls,  Canonicus,  lie 
says,  desired  ho  would  acce|)t  of  half  of  it,  "  it  hiding  spectacle-wise,  and 
between  a  mile  or  two  in  circuit;"  but  Mr.  fniHaina  wrote  to  iidbrm  them 
that,  if  he  had  anv,  he  desired  the  whole.  This  was  not  long  betbre  the 
l'e()uot  war,  which  probably  put  a  stop  to  further  negotiation  uj)on  the 
subject. 

'J'here  was  another  chief  of  the  same  name,  in  Philip's  war,  which  Mr. 
Huhbitrd  denominates  "the  great  sach(!m  of  the  Narragansets,"  and  who, 
''distrusting  the  proffers  of  the  English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  the 
Mohawks,  his  siiuaw  surrendering  herself:  by  this  means  her  life  was 
spared." 

In  ](j32,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narragansets  and  the  Peqnots, 
on  accoimt  <>f  disj)Uted  right  to  the  lands  between  Pancatuck  River  and 
NN'ecapatig  Urook.*  It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  consequence,  being 
about  ten  niles  wide,  and  filleen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus  drew  along 
with  him  besides  his  own  men,  several  ot  the  Alassachusetts  sagamores. 
This  wa>  maintained  with  ferocity  and  various  success,  until  KkJS,  when 
the  PetjUots  were  driven  from  it,  but  who,  it  would  seem,  (considered 
themselves  but  little  worsted;  ibr  Canonicus,  tloubting  his  ability  to  hold 
possession  long,  and  ashamed  to  have  it  retaken  from  him,  made  a  present 
of  it  to  one  of  his  captains,  who  had  fought  heroically  in  conquering  it ; 
but  he  n(!ver  held  |)ossession.  The  name  of  this  captain  was  Sochoso,  a 
Pecjuot,  who  had  deserted  from  tluun  and  espoused  the  cause  of  Canonicus, 
who  nifide  him  a  chief. 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh,  two  of  tb(! 
sons  of  Caiioniciis  fought  on  the  side  of  JMidntiinnoinoh,  and  were  wounded 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  Sachem's  Plain. 

Canoiiicus  has  been  the  subject  of  a  poem  which  was  published  at 
Boston,  in  1803.t     Among  the  tolerable  passages  are  the  following: — 

'•  A  niie;-hty  prince,  of  voncrahlc  ape, 

A  jjeerloss  warrior,  but  of  iicnce  the  frieu'l ; 
His  IJreast  a  tioasiiry  of  iiia\iiiis  sape — 
His  arm,  a  iiost — lo  puiiisli  or  defend."' 

Canonicus,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  made  to  announce  his  approaching 
ilissolution  to  his  people  thus : — 

*  "  Tiie  natives  are  very  exact  and  punctual  in  the  bounds  of  their  lands,  belongini;-  to 
this  or  that  prince  or  people,  even  to  a  river,  brook,  &p.  And  I  have  known  them  make 
barijain  and  sale  among-st  iheinselves,  lor  a  small  piece,  or  quantity  of  ground  ;  not- 
withstanding a  sinful  opinion  amongst  inajiy,  that  Clirislians  have  right  to  heathen's 
lands."     n.  Wil/ian,.'!. 

t  By  Joliu  Latlirop,  A.  M.  in  8vo. 


52 


MONTOWAMPATE.— WONOHAQUAHAM. 


[Book  II. 


"  I  die.— My  friends,  3'ou  have  r.<)  lause  lo  grieve: 
To  al)lcr  liands  my  regal  po'./er  I  leave. 
Our  god  coinniauds— lo  ''.jrlile  realms  I  haste, 
Compared  with  which  your  gardens  arc  u  waste. 
There  in  full  bloom  e'.erual  spring  abides, 

And  swarming  .ial.cs  glide  through  azure  tides  ;  , 

Continual  sunshine  gilds  the  cloudless  skies, 
No  mists  conceal  Keusuckquand  from  our  eyes." 

About  1642,  a  son  of  Canonicus  died,  at  which  his  grief  was  very  great ; 
insomuch  that,  "  having  buried  his  son,  he  burned  his  own  pahice,  and 
all  his  goods  in  it,  to  a  great  vahie,  in  solemn  remembrance  of  his  son." 

Like  other  men  ignorant  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and 
was  greatly  in  fear  of  the  English,  chiefly,  perhajjs,  from  a  belief  in  their 
ability  to  hurt  him  by  enchantment,  which  belief  very  probably  was 
occasioned  by  the  story  that  Squanto  circulated,  of  which,  in  a  previous 
chapter,  we  have  spoken.  When  Roger  Williams  fled  into  his  country, 
he  at  first  viewed  him  with  distrust,  and  would  only  frown  upon  him  ;  at 
length  lie  accused  him,  as  well  as  the  other  English,  of  sending  the  plague 
among  the  Indians  ;  but,  as  we  have  said  before,  he  soon  became  recon- 
ciled to  him,  gave  him  lands,  and  even  protected  him.  They  became 
mutual  helps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  animosities  among  the  English 
themselves,  it  may  be  fair  to  conclude,  friendship  would  havo  continued 
with  the  Narragaiisets  tiirough  several  generations. 

Our  attention  is  now  called  to  consider  the  lives  of  several  sachems, 
who,  though  of  less  notoriety  than  the  one  of  which  we  have  just  taken 
a  view,  will  be  found  by  no  means  wanting  ia  interest. 

Montoivampate,  sagamore  of  Lynn  and  Marblehead,  was  known  more 
generally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  JVane- 
pashemet,  and  brother  of  JVonohaquakam  and  Winnepurkitt.*  He  died  in 
103-3,  of  the  small-por,  "  with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that  these 
two  promised,  if  ever  they  recovered,  to  live  with  the  English,  and  serve 
their  God."t  The  histories  of  those  times  give  a  melancholy  picture  of 
the  ditstresses  caused  by  the  sinall-pox  among  the  "wretched  natives." 
"There  are,"  says  Mather,  "some  old  planters  surviving  to  tliis  day,  who 
helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians  ;  even  whole  families  of  them  all  dead  at 
once.  In  ono  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor  infant  sucking  at  the 
breast  of  the  dead  mother."|  The  same  author  observes  that,  before  the 
disease  began,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English  about 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  "but  God  ended  the  controversy  by  Sfinding 
the  small-pox  amov.g  the  Indians  at  Saugiis,  who  were  before  that  time 
exceedingly  '.•>  .lerouc." 

Wc  h".ve  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  JVanepashemet,  also  a 
sachem.  This  was  Wonohaquaham,  called  by  the  English  Sagnmore 
John,  of  Winisimet.  His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  i?ifm?je^- 
marsh,  ]mvt  of  wliich  is  now  in  Chelsea  and  part  in  Saugus.*  As  early 
as  1(>U,  he  had  cause  to  complain  that  some  of  the  English  settlers  had 
burnt  two  of  his  wigwams.  "  Which  wigwams,"  says  Governor  Dudley,\\ 
'•  were  not  inhabited,  but  stood  in  a  place  convenient  for  their  shelter, 
when,  upon  occasiov..  they  should  travel  that  wa,,."  Tiie  court,  upon 
examination,  found  that  a  servant  of  Sir  R.  Saltonstall  had  been  tlie 
means  of  the  mischief,  whoso  master  was  ordered  to  make  satisfaction, 
"  which  he  did  liy  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant  pay  him,  at 
the  cud  of  his  time,  fifty  shillings  8ter'ing."1I     Sagamore  John  died  at 

*  Lewis's  Hist.  Lvnn,  16,  17.  t  Hist,  of  New  England,  195. 

t  Relation,  &c.  2.3. 

II  Letter  to  the  Counte.ss  of  Lincoln,  in  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

II  Prince's  Chronology. 


Chap.  III.] 


WINNEPURKITT.— MANATAHQUA. 


53 


so  a 

'.more 
mne'i- 
ciirlv 
had 
Jley,\\ 
lelter, 

a  the 
ction, 
im,  at 
icul  at 


Winisimet,  in  ir)33,  of  the  small-pox.*  He  desired  to  become  acquainted 
with  tlie  Eiif,'lishii.  I's  God,  in  iiis  siekiioss,  and  requested  them  to  take 
his  two  sous  and  iiis.nict  them  in  Chrisiijuiily,  vvliich  they  did.f 

lf'inncpurkitt,l  who  inarni  d  a  dauiilitcr  ol"  Pcwisacomnvat/,  makes  con- 
siderable fijunne  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  He  was  born  about  KiKi,  and 
succeeded  Montowampate.  at  his  death,  in  \i\',V,^.  The  English  called  him 
Gcors^e.  Rummymursb,  and  at  one  time  he  was  proprietor  of  Deer  Island, 
in  Boston  harbor.  "  In  the  latter  i)art  of  his  life,  he  went  to  IJarbadoes. 
It  is  su[)po;-ed  that  lie  was  carried  there  with  the  prisoners  who  were  sold 
for  slaves,  at  the  end  of  PItiUp's  war.  He  dic'd  soon  after  his  return,  in 
1(184,  at  the  hous(>  of  JMutuvupuish,  aged  G8  years."  Ahaivnyelsquainey 
daughter  of  Poqiiamim,  is  also  mentioned  as  his  wife,  by  Avhom  he  had 
several  children.^ 

Manatahqaa,  called  also  Blark-wilUayn,  was  a  sacliem,  and  proprietor 
of  Nahant,  when  the  adjacent  country  was  settled  by  the  whites.  His 
father  lived  at  Svvampscot,  and  was  also  a  sagamore,  l)ut  ])robably  was 
dead  befe  e  the  English  settled  in  the  country. ||  A  traveller  in  this  thenll 
wilderness  world,  thus  notices  Jt'ilUain,  and  his  possessing  Nahant. 
"  Out,  ^ilack-tvilliam,  an  Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave  this 
place  '  ■■  leral  to  the  plantation  of  fc^augus,  so  that  no  other  can  appro- 
priate i.  '  himself."  He  was  a  great  friend  to  the  whites,  but  bis  friend- 
ship was  re[>aid,  as  was  that  of  many  others  of  that  and  even  much  later 
times.  There  was  u  mati  by  the  name  of  fVultcr  Bafpmll,  nicknamed 
Great  Wot,  "u  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  much  wronged  the  Indians,** 
killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  probably  by  some  of  those  whom  he 
had  defrauded.  Tliis  was  in  October,  1G31.  As  some  vessels  were  upon 
the  eastern  coa.st  in  search  of  pirates,  in  January,  1()33,  they  put  in  at 
Richmond's  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black- ivilliam.  This  was  the 
place  V'here  Bagnall  had  been  killed  alwut  two  years  before,  but  wheth- 
er he  iiad  anything  to  do  with  it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I  find  that  any 
one,  even  his  murderere,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated  ;  but  out 
of  revenge  lor  BagnalCs  death,  these  pirate  htmters  hanged  IMack-iirilliam. 
On  the  contrary,  it  was  particularly  tnentionedft  that  Bafr^aall  was  killed 
by  Squidrayset  and  his  men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  that  part  of  the 
coimtry. 

Tliis  Squidrayset,  or  Scitterygusset,  for  whose  act  Mannfahqua  suffered, 
was  the  first  sachem  who  deeded  land  in  Falmouth,  Maine.  A  creek 
near  the  mouth  of  Presumpscot  River  pcn-petuates  his  name  to  this  day. 
"Vln  IVillis  su})poses  lie  was  sachem  of  the  Aucocisco  tribe,  who  inhabited 
between  the  Androscoggin  and  Saco  rivers;  and  that  from  Aucocisco 
(;omes  Casco.H  There  c-jin  be  but  little  doubt  that  Bagnall  deserved  his 
fate,^^  if  any  desei-ve  sut'h  ;  but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and 
we  leave  the  reader  to  draw  the  i)arallel  between  the  two  :  perhaps  he 
\\  ill  iiH[uire,  Were  the  murderers  of  Ma\atahqua  brought  to  justice  ?  All 
w(^  can  answer  is,  The  records  are  silent.  Perhaps  it  was  considered  an 
offset  to  tlie  nuu'der  of  Bagnall. 

JVutlahattawants,  in  the  year  1G42,  sold  to  Simon  fVillard,  in  behalf 
of  "  Mr.  JVinthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  A'owcll,  and  Mr.  Mden,''  a  large  tract 


*  History  of  Now  Eii°^lan(1, 195,  G50. 

t  Woiidt'i'-workiiig  Providence.  \  8nclt  also  Winnaperkrt. 

Uli-l.  L>nn.  jinisl.  N.  Eii^r. 

TI  KiiW.     Williim  Wood,  niitlior  of  Al'io  Eng.  Prospect. 
**  Wiiitlirop's  .Foiirnnl,  i.  ()2.  (i.l.  H  Wintlirop,  ib. 

\Xi\A.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  i.  (58. 

^^  H<!  liad  in  ahotit  three  years,  by  extortion,  hs  we  infer  Uom  Winthroj),  exctimulated 
about  .CUX)  from  amuiig  the  Indians.     See  Journal  u(  supra. 


54 


NATTAHATTAWA.NTS— WAIIGUMACUT 


[Book  II, 


of  land  iipou  both  sides  Concord  River,  "  JMr.  fVinthrop,  our  present 
governor,  12t)0  ucres,  Mr.  Dudley,  laOO  acres,  on  the  S.  E.  side  of  tlio 
river,  Mr.  A''oweU,  500  acres,  and  Mr.  Jlllen,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side 
of  the  river,  and  in  consideration  hereof  tiie  said  Simon  giueth  to  the  said 
JVattahatlaivants  six  fadoin  of  waoniparnpej^e,  one  wastcoat,  and  one 
breeches,  and  the  said  jYdttahaitawants  dotii  covenant  and  bind  lumself, 
that  hee  nor  any  other  Indians  shall  set  traps  within  this  ground,  so  as 
any  cattle  might  recieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle  shall  receive  hurt 
by  this  ineanes,  lice  shall  be  lyable  to  make  it  good."  [In  the  deed,  JVat- 
tahattawants  is  called  sachem  of  that  laud.] 

JVitnessed  by  The  mark  of  %  Natahattawa-m-s. 

three  whites.  Tlie  mark  of  %  WiiVMPiN,  an  Indian 

that  traded  fur  him.* 

The  name  of  this  chief,  as  appears  from  documents  cnj)ied  l)y  Mr. 
Shattuck,\  was  understood  Tahattawan,  Tahattawants,  Mlnwnn,  Mta- 
toanee,  and  Jlhatawanee.  He  was  sachem  of  Musketaquid,  since  Concord, 
and  a  supporter  and  propagator  of  Christianity  among  his  peoi)le,  and  an 
honest  and  upright  man.  The  celebrated  fVahaii  married  his  eldest 
daughter.  John  Tahattawan  was  his  son,  who  lived  at  Nashoba,  where 
he  was  chief  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians — a  deserving  Indian.  He  died 
about  1670.  His  widow  was  daughter  of  John,  sagamore  of  Patucket, 
upon  the  Merrimack,  who  married  Oonamog,  another  ruler  of  the  praying 
Indians,  of  Marlborough.  Her  oidy  son  by  Tahnltawnn\  was  killed  l)y 
some  white  ruffians,  who  came  upon  tliem  while  in  their  wigwams,  and 
his  mother  was  badly  wounded  at  the  .same  time.  Of  this  atliiir  we  shall 
have  occasion  elsewhere  to  be  more  particular,  JYaanashquaw,m\oi\iQV 
daughter,  married  JVaanishcoiv,  called  John  Thomas,  who  died  at  Natick, 
aged  110  years. 

We  know  very  little  of  a  sachem  of  the  name  of  Wahgumacut,^  except 
that  he  lived  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  Boston  in  1031,  with  a 
request  to  the  governor  "to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country  ;" 
and  as  an  inducement  said  he  would  "  find  them  corn,  and  give  them, 
yearly,  80  skins  of  beaver."  The  governor,  however,  dismissed  him 
without  giving  him  any  encouragement;  doubting,  it  seems,  the  reality  of 
his  friendship.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  he  was  sincere,  as  he  was  at 
this  tijne  in  great  fear  of  the  Pequots,  and  judged  that  if  some  of  the 
English  would  reside  with  him,  he  should  be  able  to  maintain  his 
country. 

There  accompanied  IVahgumacut  to  Boston  an  Indian   named  Jark- 


*  SuiTolk  Records  of  Deeds,  vol.  i.  No.  3k         t  Hist.  Coiicorrl,  Mass,  passim  chap.  i. 

t  Mr.  Gookin  writes  this  name  Tohatootie.r ,  tliat  of  liio  Ihtlior  Taiiatlawarre.  AIi<. 
Hist.  Praiiinn;  Indians,  105. 

^  IVahgiimiicut ,  according  to  Mr.  Savage's  readiii"^  of  Winthrop.  Our  text  is  ar- 
cordiiiq;  to  Prime,  wlio  also  used  Winthrop  in  MS.  It  is  trul}'  (Hvortiiij;^  to  see  how  the 
a^jthor  of  'l\dcs  of  tlw  Indians  has  displayed  his  invention  uf)on  tlie  passag'c  in  H7h- 
throp's  Journal  bringing'  to  our  knowledge  this  chief.  We  will  give  the  passage  of 
Winthrop,  that  the  reader  may  judge  whether  great  ignorance,  or  niisrepresenlalioa 
"  of  set  purjwsc"  be  chargeable  to  him.  "\l.-  [Gov.  Wi'ithrop]  discovered  after 
[Wah'xinniwnt  was  gone,]  that  the  said  sagamore  is  a  very  treacherous  man,  and  at 
war  with  the  I'fkoaih  (a  far  greater  sagamore.")  Now,  every  child  that  has  read  aboia 
the  Indians,  it  seems  to  ns,  ought  to  know  ih.U  the  meaning  of  Pekoath  was  mistaken  bv 
the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a  c\,\ci  than  the  Massasoils  meant  what  tin;  Flinioiitli 
people  first  supposed  it  to  mean.  In  tiie  one  case,  the  name  of  a  tribe  was  mistaken  for 
that  of  a  chief,  and  in  the  other  the  chief  for  the  tribe.  Mistakes  of  this  kind  were  not 
uncommon  before  our  fathers  became  acquainted  wiiii  the  country.  Winthrop  says, 
too,  the  Mohawks  was  a  great  sachem.  Now,  who  ever  thought  there  was  a  chief  of  that 
name  ? 


i 


Chap.  III.] 


jack-straw. 


IS  nr- 

|)\v  (he 

Win- 

hnjo  C>t" 

iiialioa 
ifior 
hnd  at 
1  about 
len  by 
linoiitli 
len  for 
Ire  not 
says. 
3l'  tha» 


straw,*  who  was  iiis  intorpmtcr.t  ^Ve  liave  labored  to  find  some  finther 
jiarlicular.s  ot'liiin,  but  all  tluit  we  can  asccrtaiu  with  ccitaiiity,  is,  that  he 
had  lived  some  time  in  Eiiylaiid  with  Sir  fValler  Rales:h.l  How  Sir 
Ifaltcr  caiiK!  by  him,  does  not  satLsfactorily  appear.  Cai)tains  Jlmidas  and 
Barlow  sailed  to  America  in  his  en)j)loy,  and  on  tiieir  return  carried  over 

*  l'r()t)iibly  j'O  liiimoil  from  tli<;  M;ii(lst()iic  niiiiistor,  v.lio  llourislicil  in  Wat  Tijlrr'x  tc- 
bellioii,  cUkI  whose  rt-al  iiaiiio  was  Ju'ai  Hall,  but  al'lerwarils  nick-uamcd  Jack  iitraiv.  He 
became  chaplaui  to  [Vat's  army,  ihcv  liaviuj^  Ift  him  out  of  prison.  A  text  which  he 
made  great  use  of  in  preacliiiig  to  his  liberators  was  this:  — 


When  Aiiiirn  diilfo  and  Evn  span, 
Wlio  wild  tlitn  a  gunllfiimn.'' 


i.  '157. 


This  we  apprehend  was  ponstrued,  Down  with  the  iwhility  !     See  Rapin's  Eng. 
hi  Keimi-t,  i.  217,  Jnhti  ll'ruw  is  called  Jack  Straw.     He  was  beheaded. 

t  {iaganwre  John  was  also  with  him. 

j;"Tlie  imputation  of  the  first  brini^^ing  in  of  tobacco  into  Ene^land  lies  on  thi.i  heroic 
knight."  IVinstiinlii/s  W'orthii's,  '2b[K  "  IJcsidos  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and 
impairinj^  of  our  inward  parts,  the  immodernte,  vain  and  phanlasiical  abuse  of  the  hellish 
weed,  curruiileth  the  iiuuiral  sweetness  of  the  breath,  sl'ipificdi  the  brain  ;  and  indeed  is 
so  prejudicial  to  the  ijencral  esteem  of  our  country."  lliki.  211.  Whether  Jack-straw 
were  the  servant  who  acted  a  part  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Waller  Ralegh's 
smoking  tobacco,  on  its  first  being  taken  to  England,  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert,  but 
for  the  sake  of  the  anecdote  we  will  admit  the  tact ;  it  is  ^  arionsly  related,  but  is  said  to 
be,  in  substance,  as  follows.  At  one  lime,  it  was  so  very  imi)opular  lo  use  tobacco  in  any 
way  in  England,  that  many  who  had  got  attached  to  it,  used  it  only  privately.  Sir 
Walter  was  smoking  in  his  study,  at  a  certain  time,  and,  being  thirsty,  called  to  his  ser- 
vant lo  bring  him  a  tankard  of  beer.  Jack  hastily  obeyed  the  summons,  and  Sir  Walter, 
forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a  volume  of  smoke  from  his 
mouth  wlien  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  seeing  his  master  smoking  prodigiously  at  the 
mouth,  thought  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  fire  inside,  having  never  seen  such  a  phenome- 
non in  all  England  before ;  da-^hed  the  quart  of  liquor  at  once  in  his  face,  and  ran  out 
screaming,  "  Massa's  a  fire  !  Alassa's  a  fire !" 

Ha.ing  dismissed  the  servant,  every  one  might  reasonably  expect  a  few  words  con- 
cerning liis  master.  Sir  Walter  Rakffh  may  truly  be  said  to  have  livd  in  an  age  fruit- 
ful in  great  and  worthy  characters.  Caj)!.  Jolin  Siuilh  comes  to  our  notice  through  his 
agency,  and  the  renowned  first  English  circumnavigator  was  his  coteniporary.  He,  like 
the  last  named,  was  born  in  the  county  of  Devonshire,  in  1552,  in  the  [)arisli  of  Budley. 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  so  well  ki;o\.'n  in  our  annals,  was  his  half  brother,  his  father 
having  mar'-ed  Sir  Hiimphreij's  mother,  a  widow,*  by  whom  he  had  Walter,  a  fourth 
son.t  The  great  successes  and  discoveries  of  the  celebrated  a<imiral  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  gave  a  new  impetus  lo  the  English  nation  in  maritime  afi'airs,  and  consequent 
thereupon  was  Mie  settlement  of  North  America;  as  great  an  era,  to  say  the  least,  as 
was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more  conspicuous  in  those  un(I<>rtakings 
than  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  After  persevering  a  long  time,  he  established  a  colony  in 
Virginia,  in  lti()7.  He  was  :).  man  of  great  valor  and  address,  and  a  favorite  widi  the 
great  (luecn  Elizabeth,  the  iiromoter  of  his  unib'rlakinjs,  one  of  whose  "  maids  of 
honor'"  he  married.  In  (his  aftair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored  lha(  ladv. 
and  was  for  a  (une  under  (he  queen's  dispK-asure  in  c<)nse(|uenc(\  bu(  marrying  her  re- 
stored him  (o  (avor.  'I"he  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia  was  soname<l  by  his  direc(ion.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Drake  and  Howard  in  the  dos(ruction  of  the  Spanish  armada  in 
\b?>".  On  the  death  of  the  cjuecn,  he  was  imprisoneil  almost  13  years  in  (he  tower  of 
London,  upon  the  charge  of  treason.  I(  was  during  his  imprisonment  (lia(  he  wrote  his 
great  and  learned  work,  the  History  of  the  World.  Tiie  alleged  crime  of  (reason  has 
long  since  been  viewed  by  all  (he  world  as  williou(  foundation,  and  the  punislnnent  of 
/Jij/f^'/i  reflects  all  its  blackness  upon  the  character  oi  Jumes  i.  'J'he  groim<l  of  the  charge 
was,  that  R.xlegh  and  others  were  in  a  conspiracy  against  the  kiji«\  and  were  designing 
to  place  on  the  throne  Arabella  itteiiuirt.\  He  was  never  pardoned.  aUhough  (he  king 
se(  him  at  liberty,  and  permitted  him  to  go  on  an  expedition  (o  South  ;Vm(!rica  in  search 
of  a  ufold  mine  of  whicli  he  had  gained  some  inlMna(ions  in  a  previous  visit  lo  those 
countries.  His  attempt  to  finri  gold  failed,  but  he  took  (lie  (own  of  S(.  'J'homas,and  es- 
tablished in  it  a  garrison,  'i'his  was  a  depredation,  as  Spain  and  Enelanil  wert?  then  at 
peace,  but  RalegL  had  the  king's  commission.      The  Spanish  ambassador  complained 


*"  Of  Otko  Gilhert,  of  tJoiniKoii,  VUq."  Polmhe.le's  ftitt.  Devon,  ii.  5ia 
f  Htith,  Mi^t.  Virginia,  7.  Second  son,  says  Mr.  Poliohelo,  Hevoii,  ii.dl9. 
I  Rupin's  Eng.  ii.  IGl. 


«•  •«  .f  "f 


^t0^:.  ..■  .»*^' 


J 


5t) 


JAMES  PRINTER,  OR  JAMES-THE-PRINTIR  [Hoot  (I. 


two  natives  from  Virfriiiia,  wl.'osc  iiarnrs  were  If'anchctf,  ami  Manteo.* 
It  is  barely  possible  that  one  of  these  was  ixtXvrwiWch  Jack-straw, 

A  Nipiuiiek  Indian,  ot'  no  small  note  in  liis  time,  it  may  in  the  next 
place  be  proper  to  notice, 

James  Pmitei;  or  Jamc^-the-printer,  was  the  son  ofJVaoas,  brother  of 
7\ikapi:willinj  and  Anaweakin.  When  a  child,  he  was  iustrnctcMl  at  the 
Indian  charity  school,  at  Cambridf^e.  In  Ki.)!',  he  was  put  a|)i)ren'.ice  to 
Samuel  Green,  to  learn  the  printer's  bnshies,s;|:  and  he  is  spoken  of  a-:  hav- 
in;j[  v\n\  away  from  his  master  in  lt!75.  it",  after  an  ai)prenticeshi|)  of  1(1 
years,  one  could  not  leave  his  master  without  thi;  cliari;'e  of  absconding', 
at  least,  both  the  master  and  ajjprentice  should  be  ])itied.  In  relation  to 
this  matter,  Mr,  Hubbard  siiys,§  "H(;  had  attained  some  skill  in  printinff, 
and  nii^dit  have  attained  mon;,  had  he  not,  like  a  false  villain,  ran  away 
from  his  master  b(>fore  his  time  was  out."  And  the  same  author  observes 
that  the  ttame  printer  was  superadded  to  distinguish  him  from  others 
named  James. 

Dr.  /.  Mather\\  has  this  record  of  James-printer.  "  July  8,  [1076.] 
Whereas  the  council  at  Boston  had  lately  emitted  a  declaration,  sij^nifying, 
that  such  Indians  as  did,  within  14  days,  come  in  to  the  English,  might 
hope  lor  mercy,  divers  of  them  did  this  day  return  from  amo!ig  the  Nip- 
mucks.  Among  others,  James,  an  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and 
write,  but  had  learned  the  ait  of  printing,  notwithstanding  iiis  apostasy, 
did  ventm-e  himself  upon  the  mercy  and  truth  of  the  Englisii  declaration, 
which  he  had  seen  end  read,  promising  for  the  future  to  venture  his  life 
aga'Mst  the  common  enemy,  lie  and  the  other  now  cotue  in,  afHrni  that 
very  many  of  Hie  Indians  are  dead  since  this  war  began  ;  and  that  more 
havo  died  by  the  hnn  I  of  God,  in  respect  o*'  diseases,  fluxes  and  fevers, 
which  have  been  amo.'gst  them,  than  have  been  killed  witi;  the  sword." 

I\Ir.  Thomas  says,1[  cwus  owing  to  t\\G  c, nor  palrim  of  James-printer 
tha.  he  left  his  master  aad  j.iincd  in  Philip's  war.     But  licw  .'nucli  amor 

loi  'ly  ao-ainsi  the  traiisartinn.  am'  the  miseraMoTciwit.s-,  to  extricate  himself,  and  appease 
the  Spanish  kiiii^,  ordoreil  Riilegh  'o  tie  stizod  on  his  return,  vvlio,  u[)on  the  old  charw  of 
treason,  was  sentenced  to  l)e  heir  '  >!  .  hicli  was  executed  u|)on  him 'JLilh  Oct.  Ibl8.* 
"  I  shall  only  hint,"  .5ays  Dr.  i*o/  r  ■.+  "  that  the  execution  of  this  ffreat  man,  Avhom 
James  was  advised  In  .i-acrifice  to  tt.  lu,  .nccment  of  the  peace  with  tSpain,  hath  left  an 
indelible  stain  on  the  memory  of  that  misg-uidcd  monarch  "  It  appears  from  another 
account^  that  Sir  Walter, on  arrivins^  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoko,  was  taken  "despe- 
rately sick,"  and  sent  Ibrward  a  company  und(?r  one  of  his  captains  in  search  of  the  gold 
mine.  That  they  were  met  by  the  Spaniards,  who  attacked  them,  and  that  this  was  the 
cause  "f  their  assaultinj^  St.  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without 
effecting'  die  object  they  were  upon. 

The  ibllowing  circumstance  respecting  Inc  celebrated  History  of  the  World,  not  being 
genorally  known,  cannot  but  be  acceptable  to  the  reader.  The  first  vilume  (which  is 
what  we  have  of  it)  was  published  before  he  was  imprisoned  the  last  time.  Just  before 
Ills  execution,  he  sent  for  the  publisher  of  it.  When  he  came.  Sir  Walter  took  him  hy 
the  hnnil,  ancl,  "  al^er  some  discourse,  askl  him  how  th.it  work  of  his  sold,  l\Ir,  liurre 
[the  name  of  the  publisher]  r(>'.urned  this  answer,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  that  it  had  un- 
done him.  At  which  worcls  of  his.  Sir  ]\''ii/ter  Raleu^h,  stepping  to  his  (fesk,  reaches  hi,-; 
other  part  of  his  history  to  INIr,  Ihirre.  which  he  had  brought  down  lo  the  times  he  lived 
in  ;  chipplnir  his  hand  on  his  breast,  he  look  the  other  unprinted  part  of  his  works  inlx. 
Ins  hand,  with  a  sigh,  saying,  '  Ah,  Tuy  friend,  hnih  the  first  |)art  undone  thee,  the  second 
volume  shall  inido  no  more  ;  this  un2;Tateful  worUl  is  unworthy  of  it,'  When,  immedi- 
ately goinir  to  the  fire-sidc,  threw  it  in,  and  set  his  foot  on  it  till  it  was  consumed,"^ 

"See  Ciiijlei/.f  Life  Sir  VV.  R:tleo-li,  i.  70,  cd,  Lond.  18Ili,'i  vols,  8vo. 

t  Some  autho  of  Indian  tales  mi^'hl  delight  himself  for  a  long  time  in  ringing  changes 
on  this  Indian  ;,  readier 's  name,  without  inventing  any  new  ones  ;  (or  it  is  not,  as  I  rc- 
'.nember.  spell  twice  alike  in  our  .uithorities. 

1 1'lion.ii'.  Hist.  IViniiug,  ^  Narrative,  %.  \\  P.rief  Hist.  89. 

If  Hist.  1  ruUiiig,  i.  290. 


Chap.  I 

vairifp,  \ 

mentioii 

It  wai 

(•onj|)let 

iiiucit   tl 

James-th 

don,  Mr, 

deep  in  ; 

one  man, 

correct  t 

same,  fla 

gy.     We 

workmer 

one  Engl 

Thi.s  I 

adds,  «  S< 

ton  ;  they 

TJere  ■ 

the  J!;. it  ei 

with  the  ] 

'vjiere  Jie 

Ejiglish  t( 

lation  oft] 

In  a  leti 

poration  ii 

formerly  h 

carpenter, 

follow  the 

tliese.     JVt 

tioned  lett( 

In  urn, 

In  1700,  Ji( 
Jiave  had  s 
titl(!  pages 
iniprint : 
PRINTEI 
1709." 

We  shal 
many  other 
'lot   but  ai- 


W 


e  mean 


*Tind,il's  notes  in  Ripin,  ii,  195, 
J  Winstanley,  Worthiua, 'Jjti. 


t  Hist.  Devonshire,  i.  259. 

$  Ibid.  257 


Kulchmai 

S'tnie  nani(> 

Juore,  a.s,  in 

He  \\a,s  one 

English,  as 

111  16'-i(i, 

heing  the  p; 

some  fieriot 

ipiin,  yet,  ill. 

ill  Ills  count 

<^hri.stia;i. 


'    I! I-,.  Prin 

t  "iift.rinatii 

'ii^iiined  a  plac 


.i#5fr.r.-;;*':>^"' 


'^*.-'„ 


IK' 


ruAP.  III.] 


JAMES-THE-l'IUMTER.— KLTf.HMAKIN. 


h  i» 

n  liy 

furre 

un- 

livf.l 

!iHv. 


fre- 


xmlrifP  he  must  liave  had  to  have  kept  him  an  apprentice  IG  years  is  not 
nieutioiit'd. 

Jt  was  in  l(i8.'  that  the  second  edition  oi"  the  iamous  Indian  JJihle  was 
complelod.  From  the  t'ollowinij  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliol  will  lie  seen  how 
iiiucii  the  success  of  that  iiii(h3rtai<ing  was  considered  to  <lfpcnd  on 
James-tlie-printer.  In  KiHIi,  in  wrilin<;  to  the  Hon.  Robert  lioylt  at  J.oii- 
(lon,  Mr.  ij/io<  says,  "  I  desire  to  see  it  done  Itefore  I  die,  and  1  am  so 
deep  in  years,  that  I  cannot  expect  to  live  long;  besides,  we  have  but 
one  man,  viz.  tiie  Indian  Printer,  that  is  able  to  compose  tlie  sheets,  and 
correct  tiie  press  vvitii  unde; standing."  In  anetiier,  from  the  same  to  tiio 
same,  dated  a  year  after,  In;  says,  "Our  slow  i)rogress  needeth  an  a])olo- 
gy.  We  liave  been  much  hindered  by  tiie  sici<ness  the  last  year.  Our 
workmen  have  been  all  sick,  and  we  have  but  few  hands,  (at  printing,) 
one  Englishman,  and  a  boy,  and  one  Indian,"  &c. 

This  Indian  was  undoubtedly  James-the-printer.  And  Mr.  Thomas 
adds,  "  Some  of  James's  descendants  were  not  long  since  living  in  CJraf- 
ton  ;  they  bon;  the  surname  oi  Printer.''''* 

T'ere  was  an  Indian  nam<'d  Job  JM'esutan,  who  was  also  concerned  in 
\\wfiist  edition  of  the  Indian  Bible.  IJo  was  a  valiant  soldier,  and  went 
with  tiie  English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  first  expedition  to  Mount  Hope, 
where  he  was  slain  in  battle.  "He  was  a  very  good  linguist  in  the 
English  tongue,  and  was  Mr.  ElioVs  assistant  and  interjireter  in  his  trans- 
lation of  the  Uilil(!  and  other  books  in  the  Indian  laiiguage."f 

In  a  letter  of  the  commissioners  of  the  U.  C.  of  N.  England,  to  the  cor- 
poration in  England,  we  find  this  postscript. — "Two  of  the  Indian  youths 
formerly  brought  uf)  to  read  and  write,  are  put  apprentice  ;  the  one  to  a 
carpenter,  the  other  to  Mr.  Green  the  jirinter,  who  take  their  trades  and 
follow  their  business  very  well."  James-the-printer  was  probably  ont  of 
these.  JVesutan,  we  presume,  was  only  an  interpreter.  The  above-m>.n- 
tioned  letter  was  dated  10th  Sept.  10(30. 

In  l(j98,  James  was  teacher  t»  five  Indian  families  at  Hassinammisco.t 
In  1709,  he  seems  to  have  got  through  with  his  apprenticeship,  and  to 
have  had  some  interest  in  carrying  on  the  printing  business.  For,  in  the 
title  pages  of  the  Indian  and  Englisli  Psalter,  printed  in  that  year,  is  this 
imprint:  "BOSTON,  N.  E.  Upprinthomnnnc  an  \i.  Green,  &.  J. 
PRINTER,  tvulche  guhtiantamwe  Chapanukke  iit  JVeiv  E'.igluml,  &c. 
1709." 

We  shall  now  ass  to  notice  a  Massachusetts  sachem,  who,  like  too 
many  others,  does  not  appear  to  the  best  advantage  ;  neverti  oless,  we  doubt 
Jiot  but  as  much  so  as  he  deserves,  as  by  the  sequel  will  be  seen. 
We  mean 

Kutchuiakin,  known  also  by  s'iveral  other  names,  or  variations  oi'  ihe 
same  name ;  as  Kidshamaqidn,  Cutshamoquen,  Cutchamokin,  and  many 
more,  as,  in  difFerent  parts  of  our  work,  extracts  will  necessarily  show. 
He  was  one  of  those  sache;ns  who,  in  1()43 — 4,  signed  a  submission  to  the 
English,  as  has  lieen  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

In  lt);k),  Kutshamakin  sold  to  the  ])eo|)|c  of  Dorchester,  Uncatatjuisset, 
being  the  part  ol'  that  town  since  called  Milton.  This,  it  appears,  was  at 
some  period  his  residence.  Though  he  was  a  sachem  under  i'Voosamc- 
quin,  yet,  like  Caunbitant,  he  was  opposed  to  the  settlement  of  the  English 
in  his  coimtry.  He  soon,  however,  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  liecame  a 
(-'hristiau.     AVhen  Mr.  Eliot  desired  to  know  why  he  was  opposed  to 


'    !!;■•,,  Pnntinjr,  292,  293. 
J  'iifi.rmation  from  Mr.    R.   Ttickermnn,  Jr.- 
lijjiiiUod  a  place  of  stones.     Thomas,  iit  supra. 


t  (jiookin.  Hist.  Pvaifivs;  Indians. 
-Hassinummisco,  Hassaiuunesil,  &c. 


:L 


5)^ 


AlURDKR  OF  MR.  OLDHAM. 


[Book  II. 


(.'hap.  IV 


his  people's  becoming  Cliristiaiis,  he  said,  then  they  would  pay  him  no 
trilnite. 

Wlifii  th(>  English  of  INInssachiisetts  sent  to  Canonicwt,  to  inquire  into 
the  cunse  f)f  the  murder  ot" ,/«/in  Oldham,  Kutshamakin  accoiHpam^;d  them 
us  interpreter,  tighter,  or  whatever  was  required  of  him. 

As  no  satisfaction  could  he  had  of  the  Pequots,  for  the  murder  of  Mr. 
Oldham,  it  was  resolved,  in  Ki-'^fi,  to  send  an  army  into  their  countr/  "to 
i7),dit  with  them,"  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  tiie  English,  as  a  recompense, 
\vere  not  to  be  ()btain(;d  without.  The  fu'mament  consisted  of  about  90 
men.  These  first  went  to  Block  Island,  where  they  saw  a  few  Indians 
before  they  landed,  who,  utter  shooting  a  few  arrows,  which  wounded 
two  of  the  English,  fled.  The  Indians  bad  here  "  two  plantations,  three 
miles  in  sunder,  and  about  (iO  wigwams,  some  veiy  large  and  fair,  and 
aliove  200  acres  of  corn."  This  the  English  destroyed,  "staved  seven 
canoes,"  and  afler  two  days  spent  in  this  business,  and  hunting  for  Indians 
without  success,  sailed  to  the  main  land,  where  Kutshamakin  peribrmed 
his  ]):u-t  in  hastening  on  the  Pequot  calamity.  Having  waylaid  one  of 
that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  he  sent  to  Canonicus, 
who  sent  it  about  among  all  his  sachem  friends;  thus  expressing  his 
approbation  of  the  murder,  and  willingness  to  engage  his  friends  to  fight 
for  the  English.  As  a  further  proof  of  his  approval  of  the  act,  he 
not  oi.ly  thanked  the  English,  but  gave  Kutshamakin  four  fathom  of 
wampum. 

Cajit.  Lion  Gardener  gives  us  some  particulars  of  tlil.':  "flTuir,  which  are 
very  valuable  for  the  light  they  throw  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions 
with  the  Pequots.  The  affair  we  have  just  mentioned  ha|)pened  imme- 
diately after  Emlicott,  Turner  n.nd  Underhill  arrived  at  Saybrook,  from 
Block  Island.  Cr\M.  Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  s[)oke  to 
lliem  as  fi>llows  of  their  undertaking  :  "  You  come  hither  to  raise  these 
wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then  you  will  take  wing  and  flee  av/ay."  It 
so  came  to  pass  ;  ancl  although  he  wap  much  opposed  to  their  going,  yet 
they  went,  agreeably  to  their  instructions.  Gardener  instructed  them 
how  to  jiroceed,  to  avoid  being  siu'prised,  but  the  Indians  played  thom  a 
handsome  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  will  be  heard. 

On  i-oming  to  the  Pequot  town,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wish- 
ing to  parley  with  him:  his  people  said  "he  was  from  home,  but  within 
three  hours  he  would  come  ;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine, 
there  came  none."  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  great  numbers, 
an'  spoke  to  them,  through  the  interpreter,  Kutshamakin,  for  some  tiire. 
This  delay  was  a  stratjigom  which  succeeded  well ;  for  they  rightly 
guessed  that  the  English  had  come  to  injure  them  hi  their  jjcrsons,  or 
property,  or  both.  Therefore,  while  some  were  entertaining  the  Eng- 
lish with  words,  others  carried  oflT  their  effects  and  hid  them.  When 
t,ii-y  i.'iid  done  this,  a  signal  was  given,  and  all  the  Indians  ran  away. 
The  Ki?glish  then  fell  to  burning  and  destroying  every  thing  they  could 
met  t  wii  ii.  Gardener  had  sent  some  of  his  men  with  the  others,  who  were 
unaccoiiv'tably  left  on  shore  when  the  others  reembarked,  and  were 
pursued,  and  two  of  them  wounded  by  the  Indians. 

"The  Bay-men.  killed  not  a  man,  save  that  one,  Kichomiquim,  an  In- 
dium sachem  of  the  Bay,  killed  a  Pequit ;  and  thus  began  the  war 
bet  veen  the  Indians  and  us,  in  these  parts."+  The  Pequots  henceforth 
useci  every  means  to  kill  the  English,  and  many  were  taken  by  them, 
and  some  tortured  in  their  manner.     "Thus  far,"  adds  Gardener,  "I  hud 


i 


U 


*  Sassactis,  says  ^Viiitiirnp,  (i.  l!/4.)  l)ul  being'  told  lie  was  ffo 
gcwerai  clcmaiuli'd  to  sop  ''  ilio  other  sachem,  &.c.''  which  was  dc 
t  3  Col.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  Ml,  &c. 


to  Lon'r  Island,  tlie 
less  MonoHotto. 


written  i 
so  nian^v 
others  CI 
a  Bay  In 

i  o  saj 
eonrclly 
motive  u 

Goveri 
constunti 
W^atertov 
shainekin, 
chapter  ti 

In  104 
witnesses 
Lane  and 
of  Sudbu 
miles  scjui 
tr)  Cato* 


MlANTUNJ 

—Sells  . 

Boston- 

acy  aga 

enemy — 

— Hw  ci 

of  the  wh 

— His  c( 

Mexanc 

Kutshan 

— Chara 

— DesifT 

visHs  ihi 

defends  I 

dians — I 

gret  and 

— Fiirthe 

Miantum 
noniciis,  br 
And  from 
appears  th 
l»rothers. 


*  SufTolk  11 
is  the  piciiirc 

t  This  spel 
rorrcct,  wjiici 
is  retained  in 
another  prom 
Ciillender's  ( 

!  MSS.  of. 

II  failed  al 
"  was  killed  h 
qua,  in  his  tra 
and  were  Iniri 

If  ''lleceai 


Chap.  IV] 


MIANTUNNOMOII. 


5t) 


written  In  a  l)Ook,  tliat  all  tiion  and  posterity  niiglif  know  liow  and  wliy 
so  many  iionest  men  had  their  hlood  siied,  yea,  and  some  ilnyed  alive, 
others  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roasted  alive,  only  hecaiise  Kichainokiii, 
a  Hay  Indian,  killed  one  Pe(|uot." 

To  say  the  least  of  our  author,  he  had  the  best  jtossihle  means  to  he 
conertly  informed  of  these  matters,  and  we  know  not  that  he  had  any 
motive  to  misrepresent  them. 

Governor  Winthrop  mentions,  under  date  1640,  that  Mr.  Eliot  iecinred 
constantly  "one  week  at  the  wifrwam  of  oru;  Wabon,  a  new  sachem  near 
Watertown  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wigwam  of  ('»/- 
shamtkin,  near  Dorchester  mill."  We  fhall  have  occasion  in  another 
chapter  to  speak  of  Kutshnmnkin. 

In  I(i48,  CiUchamekin,  as  he  was  then  called,  and  Jcy'einny  appear  as 
witnesses  to  a  deed  made  by  another  Indian  called  Cato,  alias  Goodman. 
Lane  and  Griffin  were  the  grantees  "in  behalf  of  the  rest  of  the  peopK- 
of  Sudbury."  The  tract  of  land  sold  adjoincjd  Sudbury,  and  was  five 
miles  s(]uare;  for  which  Cato  received  five  pounds.  Jojeuny  was  brother 
to  Cato.* 

CHAPTER  IV. 


wish- 
within 
nine, 
nibers, 
time, 
ightly 
ions,  or 
Eng- 
Wheu 
away, 
could 
o  were 
were 

an  In- 
war 
ce  forth 
them, 
"1  had 


land,  the 
otto. 


JMiANTUNNOMOH — Mis  relations — Aids  the  Enp^lish  in  destroying  the  Peqnots 
— Sells  Bhode  Island — Anecdote — His  difficidties  tvilh  the  Enffiish —  /  isiis 
Boston — His  Magnanimity  and  Independence — Charged  with  a  conspir- 
acy against  the  whites — Mly  repels  it — Waiandancf,  becomes  his  secret 
enemy — His  speech  to  Waiandance  and  his  people — His  xvar  with  Uncus 
— His  capture  and  Death — Circumstances  of  his  execution — Participation 
of  the  whites  therein — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — Traditions — Ninigrf.t 
— His  connections  and  marriage — His  wars  ivith  Uncas — Mf.xam,  alias 
Mexano — JVinigrefs  speech  to  the  English  commissioners — Perfidy  of 
Kutshamakin — Affair  of  Cuttaquin  and  Uncas — Difficulties  about  tribute 
— Character  of  Ascassassotick — JVinigret  plots  to  cut  off  the  English 
— Design  frustrated  by  Waiandance — Account  of  this  chief— jYinigret 
visits  the  Dutch — Accused  by  the  English  of  plotting  with  them — Ably 
defends  himself — Particulars  of  the  affair — JVotices  of  various  other  In- 
dians— fiar  between  JVinigret  and  Ascassassotick — Participation  ofJVirii- 
gret  and  his  people  in  Philip^ s  war — Present  condition  of  his  descendants 
— Further  account  of  Pessacus — His  speech — Killed  by  the  Mohawks. 

Miantunnomoh^  was  the  son  of  a  chief  called  Mascus,  nephew  of  Ca- 
nonicus,  brother  or  brother-in-law  to  JVinigret^l  and  brother  of  Otash. 
And  from  a  manuscript§  among  the  papers  of  the  late  Dj  Vrumbidl,  it 
appears  that  Mosaup,  or  Mosipe,\\  and  CanjanaquondM  were  also  his 
brothers. 

*  Suffolk  Reff.  Deeds.  There  is  no  name  sig-ned  to  the  deed,  but  iii  the  place  thereof, 
is  the  |)icture  of  some  four-legged  animal  drawn  on  liis  back. 

t  This  spelling  is  according  to  Winthrop:  we  prefer  T^VtV/Zams's  method,  as  more 
correct,  which  is  Miantunncmu  :  bvit  having  employed  the  former  in  our  first  edition,  it 
is  retained  in  this.  It  is,  however,  ofleiicr  written  Mijantoniino  now,  which  only  sho'vs 
another  pronunciation.  The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  penultimate  syllable,  Seu 
Cullender's  Cent.  Discourse,  page  1. 

t  MSS.  of  K.  Willinms.  §  Now  published  In  the  Cot.  Mass.  IJist.  Sor 

II  Called  also  Cnssusqitenc.h,  or  ^ncquaneh,  and  P aliens ;  that  is,  I'esstirns.  He 
"  was  killed  by  the  Moqui,  [Mohawks,]  in  Ihe  wihlerncss,  about  20  miles  abo\e  Pisata- 
qua,  in  his  travel  eastwaid,  in  the  time  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  Indians  with  him, 
and  were  buried  by  order  of  I'Major  Wn/dron.''     3  Col.  Mas.  I/ift.  Sor. 

If  '•  lleceaued  this  First  of  luly,  1G59,  of  Majr.  Humfrey  Adtrton,  [Atht:rlon,^A\iA 


(30 


.■MIA.NTUNNO.MOII  AIDS  THE  F-NGLISII. 


[Book  II. 


"This  J/jVin/o/itm/),"  says  Mr.  Huhhard,  "  wna  a  very  pfood  pi^rsonago, 
[that  is,  well  iiiadt',]  of  tall  statui-f,  siihtil  and  ('111111111;,^  in  his  (.•ontrive- 
iiients,  as  wtdl  as  haiitflity  in  his  desi^nis."* 

As  early  as  liKVi,  this  (•hi*,'!' came  with  his  wifh  to  Boston,  whore  he 
st'iid  two  nights.  He  was  then  known  hy  the  name  of"  Mecumeh. 
While  here  he  went  to  chnreli  with  the  En<?lish,  and  in  the  mean  while, 
some  ofliiri  men,  twelve  of  whom  had  .iccompanied  him,  it  seems,  hroke 
into  a  house,  and  eoimnitted  a  llwtl.  Complaint  was  made  to  the  Eng- 
lish <iovernor,  who  "  told  the  saeliem  of  it,  and  with  some  ditHeulty  caused 
lam  to  make  one  of  ids  sarnapsf  beat  them."  The  authors  of  the  mis- 
chief were  immediately  sent  out  of  town,  but  Mimitunnnmnh  and  the 
others,  the  jjovernor  took  to  his  liouse,  "anil  made  much  of  them."|: 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  l)een  more  favoraldy  incdined  to- 
wards othiu-  tribes  than  to  the  Narragansets,  as  appears  from  the  stand 
they  took  in  the;  wars  between  them  and  their  enemies.  And  so  long  as 
other  tribes  succeeded  against  them,  the  English  were  idle  spectators; 
but  whenever  the  scale  turned  in  their  favor,  they  were  not  slow  to 
intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  Cannniciis,  the  part  Miantunnnv.nh  exercised  in  the 
government  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets  is  related. 

In  1().'}4,  Captains  Stone  and  JVorton  were  killed  hy  the  Peciuots,  and  in 
Id'ii),  Mr.  Jolin  Oldham,  hy  the  Indians  "near  Jilock  Island."  Miantun- 
nomoh  did  all  in  his  power  to  assist  in  apprehending  the  mi  rderers,  and 
was  at  much  pains  and  troid)le  in  furnishing  tlie  English  with  facts 
relative  thereto,  from  time  to  time.  And  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that 
there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  Narragansi,?s  and  Pecjuots, 
Miantiinnomoh  was  immediately  ordered  to  appear  there,  vdiich  he  did 
Avithout  delay,  and  agiced  to  assist  them  in  a  war  against  the  Pequots; 
without  whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English  would  hardly  have 
dared  to  engage  in  a  war  against  them  at  that  time. 

Early  in  16^7,  to  show  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  that  he  kejit 
his  promise,  of  warring  against  the  Pequots,  Minntunnomoh  sent  by  some 
of  his  men  a  Pequot's  hand.  The  war  with  them  now  commenced,  and 
though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  ap- 
peared no  more  as  a  nation.  One  hnndred  of  the  Narragansets  joined 
themselves  with  the  English  in  its  acconq)lisliment,  and  received  a  pari 
of  the  ])risoner9  as  slaves  for  their  services.^  When  the  war  was  over, 
Miantiinnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seized  upon  such  of  tne 
Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  from  bondage,  and  returned  them  to 
their  English  masters;  gave  iq)  to  them  his  claim  of  Jilock  Island,  and 
other  places  where  the  English  had  foimd  Pequots,  and  which  they  con- 
sidered as  belonging  to  them  by  right  of  conquest. 

Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  associates  purchased  Shaomet,  aftei-wards 
called  Warwick,  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  of  Miantunnomoh,  but  as 
Gorton  could  do  nothing  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts, 
Pumham  was  instigated  to  claim  said  tract  of  country  ;  and,  although  a 
sachem  mider  Miantunnomoh,\\  did  not  hesitate,  when  supported  by  the 


the  rest  of  liis  Iriciids,  the  sume  of  75  poiiiuls  in  Wiinipain  pca;^  w'li  soiioral  otlior  tliitiffs 
as  gratuity  for  cerlaino  lands  fj'iucii  ye  said  Mr.j''.  Adurtnu  and  his  friends,  as  may  ap- 
peare  by  two  seuerall  deeds  of  gift.  '  I  say  reccaued  l>y  me. 

(.'oGi.vAfiUAN   ^^  Ilix  mark." 
Mii.  Ihruments. 

*  Hist.  Ni'W  Enr;.  AAlo.  t  A  nnnic  thn  siichrms  ("favo  their  attendants. 

t  IViiithrnp's  .loiirnal.         ^  Mhintimnonioli  received  eiffiilv.     Miither'.i  Kclntinn,  39. 

II  "The  law  of  tlie  Indians  in  all  America  is  that  the  inferior  sachems  ajid  subjects 
shall  plant  and  remove  at  the  pleasure  of  the  liitjiiest  lui'i  supreme  sachems."  Roger 
IVilliamn.  This  is  authority,  and  we  need  no  other  coinmontary  on  the  arbitrary  pro- 
ceedings of  llie  court  of  Massachusetts. 


mony. 


griuit 


Chap.  IV.]        MIANTUNNOMOII  SELLS  RflODK  ISLAND. 


fil 


Eiijrlisli,  to  assort  Ills  rlnim  ns  rliicf  sarlictn.  And  tlio  f^ovcnitTiont  of 
MuNSiicliiisctts,  to  give  to  tJirir  iritnliTcnrc  tin-  ait|)oai-uii»'e  of  riisintercst- 
ediK.'ss,  wliicli  it  would  Kicin,  from  tlicir  own  vindication,  they  tlionght 
there  was  a  ehanee  to  doid)t,  "Send  f()r  the  foresaid  suclieirm,  [who  had 
complained  of  Mr.  Gorton  and  others,  through  th<!  instigation  of  the 
f'nglish,]  and  upon  examinntion  find,  l)oth  hy  lOnglish  and  Indian  testi- 
mony, that  Minntonomo  was  only  a  usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the  fore- 
said lands."*  This  is  against  the  testimony  of  every  record,  and  couhi  no 
more  have  been  believed  then,  than  that  Philip  was  not  sachem  of  Po- 
kanoket.  In  all  cases  of  purcliase,  in  those  times,  the  chief  sachem's 
grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  every  instance,  by  the  pur- 
chaser or  grantee.  It  was  customary,  generally,  to  make  the  inferior 
sachems,  and  sometimes  all  their  men,  presents,  but  it  was  by  no  means 
a  law.  The  chief  sachems  often  permitted  those  under  them  to  dispose 
of  lands  also,  without  being  called  to  account.  This  was  precisely  the 
situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  tlie  life  of  Pumham. 

In  March,  16.3/,  Miantunnomoh,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  William 
Coddington  and  others,  the  island  now  called  Rhode  Island,!  also  most 
of  the  othei-s  in  Narraganset  bay,  "  for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of 
white  peag,  to  be  equally  divided"  between  them.  Hence  Miantunnomoh 
received  eight  fathom.  He  was  to  "have  ten  coats  and  twenty  hoes  to 
give  to  the  present  inhabitants,  that  they  shall  remove  themselves  from 
the  island  before  next  winter." 

On  a  time  previous  to  1643,  Roger  Williams  delivered  a  discourse  to 
some  Indians  at  their  residence,  as  he  was  passing  through  their  country. 
Miantunnomoh  was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity. 
Mr.  Williams,  being  much  fatigued,  retired  to  rest,  wliile  Miantunnomoh 
and  others  remained  to  converse  upon  what  they  had  heard.  One  said 
to  the  chief,  "  Our  fathers  have  told  us  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south- 
west;" Miantunnomoh  rejoined,  "How  do  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the 
south-west?  did  you  ever  see  a  soul  go  that  way?"  (Sull  he  was  rather 
inclined  to  believe,  as  Mr.  Williams  had  just  said,  that  they  go  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The  other  added,  "When  did  he  (meaning 
Williams)  ever  see  a  soul  go  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell  ?" 

*  In  manuscript  on  file,  al  the  state  house,  Boston. 

t  From  the  same  7na7iuscript  document.  The  deed  of  this  purchase,  a  copy  of  which 
is  in  my  possession,  is  dated  24th  March,  and  runs  thus  :  "  We,  Cano«icas  and  A/enn- 
tinnmiv,  the  two  chief  sachems  of  Naragansels,  l>y  virtue  of  our  eeneral  command  of 
this  Bay,  as  also  the  particular  subjecting  of  the  dead  sachems  of  Aquednick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  unto  us,  have  sold  unio  Mr.  Coddington  and  his  friends 
*  *  the  great  Island  of  Aqiiidnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence]  eastward  *  *  also  the 
marshes,  grass  upon  Qiuiiionigat  ana  the  rest  of  the  isiands  m  the  bay,  excepting 
Chabalewece,  formerly  sold  unto  Mr.  Winlhrop,  the  now  Gov.  of  Mass.  and  Mr.  Wil- 
liams of  Providence,  also  the  grass  upon  the  rivers  and  coves  about  Kitackamuckqut, 
and  from  thence  to  Paiipasquat." 

"  The  mark  of     «4»      Conomcus. 

The  mark  of     ®     Yotnesh,    [Otash, 
brother  o/" Miantunnomoh.] 
Tlie  mark  of     ^      Meantinomie. 

The  mark  of  , '    Asotamnet. 

Tlie  mark  of  v*^*'    Meihammoh, 

Canon icus  his  son. 
"This  wilnesseth  that  I,  Wanamatanamet,  the  present  sachem  of  the  island,  have 
received  five  fathom  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  contents. 

77(e  mark  of      <jty      Wanamatanamet. 
"  Memorandum.  1,  Osememton,  freely  consent"  that  they  may  "  make  use  of  any  griusx 
or  trees  on  Uie  main  land  on  Pocasicke  side,"  having  rcceiued  five  fathom  of  wampum 
also.  The  mark  of     ^      Osamequen. 

6 


62 


SUANTUNNOMOII  VISITS  lUXSTON. 


[Book  n. 


Wo  liavfi  j,'ivtMi  iIm!  iihovo  iiruu-dotc,  wliicli  Ih  tlioiii^Iit  a  good  illiiHtra- 
tiun  (ifilioitiiiid  of  inuti  uikIhi'  the  iiillueticc  of  u  superstitious  or  pruju- 
diced  education. 

When  it  WHS  reported,  in  KMO,  that  JMianluniiomoU  was  plotting  tf)  cut 
off  the  Kn^dish,  as  will  lie  found  mentioned  in  the  aceoinit  of  A''iiii^r€t, 
aud  several  Kiiglish  \V(!n;  srnt  to  him  to  know  the  truth  of  the  matter,  lie 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a  Peipiot  i;iterpreter,  hecanso  he  'vas 
then  at  war  with  that  nation.  In  otiier  rtsix-crs  ho  complied  with  iU'ir 
wishes,  aud  treated  them  respeetfidly,  agreeing  to  come  to  Hoston,  tor 
the  gratification  of  the  government,  if  they  would  allow  Mr.  Wiliuima  to 
accom|)any  him.  This  they  would  not  conseiii  to,  and  yet  he  came, 
agreeahly  to  tin  ir  d(  sires.  We  shall  pres(;ntly  see  who  actt^d  hest  the 
part  of  civilizid  men  in  this  affair,  lie  had  refused  to  use  a  Pe(pa»t  in- 
terpreter lor  good  reasons,  hut  when  hi;  was  at  Hoston,  and  surrounded 
by  armed  men,  he  was  ohiiged  to  suhmit.  "The  governor  being  as  res- 
olute as  he,  refused  to  use  any  other  interpreter,  thinking  it  a  dishonor  to 
us  to  give  so  much  way  to  them!"  The  great  wisdom  of  the  gov(!rn- 
ment  now  <lisplay<;d  itsi'lf  in  iIh!  person  of  Gov.  Tliomcut  JJmUeij.  It  is 
not  to  he  e\j)etied  hut  that  Miantunnoinoh  should  resent  their  proceed- 
ings; for  to  th(!  above  insult  they  added  others;  "would  show  liim  no 
countenance  nor  admit  him  to  diiu;  at  our  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done, 
till  he  had  ai'knowlcdged  his  failing,  &,c.,  wliieii  he  readily  did."*  IJy 
their  own  folly,  the  English  had  made  themstdves  jealous  of  a  powerful 
chietj  and  they  ajjpeur  ever  roaily  afterwards  to  crt;dit  evi!  reports  of 
him. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to  conform  t(  transitory 
notions  upon  such  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridicidous;  and  the  jiistne8.s 
of  the  following  remark  from  hint  was  tmough  to  have  shamed  good  men 
into  their  sciisl-s.  lie  said,  "  JVken  ymr  people  come  to  me  they  are  per- 
mitted to  use  their  own  fashions,  and  I  expect  the  same  liberty  tvhen  I  co/ne 

to  ?/01i." 

in  K542,  Comiecticut  became  very  suspicious  of  Miantunnomoh,  and 
urged  Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  him.  Their  fears  no 
doubt  grew  out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a  war  with 
Uncas  in  his  favor,  whi(;h  was  now  on  the  point  of  l)reakiiig  out.  Even 
Massachusetts  did  not  think  their  suspicions  well  founded  ;  yet,  according 
to  their  recpiest,  they  sent  to  Miantunnomoh,  who,  as  usual,  gave  them  sat- 
isftctory  answers,  and,  agreeably  to  their  njquest,  came  again  to  Boston. 
Two  days  were  employed  by  the  coint  of  Massachusetts  in  ileliberating 
with  him,  and  we  are  astonished  at  the  wisdom  of  the  gre  f  chief,  even 
as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

That  a  simple  man  of  natm*e,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should 
cause  such  acknowledgments  as  follow,  from  the  civilized  and  wise,  will 
always  bo  contemplated  with  intense  admiration.  "When  he  came," 
says  fVinthrop,  "  the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  admission,  we 
considered  how  to  treat  with  him,  for  we  knew  him  to  be  a  very  subtle 
man."  When  he  was  admitted,  '-he  was  t  down  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  table,  over  against  the  governor,"  but  ^v()lll(l  not  at  any  time  speak 
upon  business  unless  some  of  his  coiinsellois  were  present;  saying,  "he 
would  have  them  present,  that  they  might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  his 
return  home,  of  all  his  sayings."  The  same  author  further  says,  "In  all 
his  answers  he  was  very  deliberate,  and  showed  good  understanding  in 
the  princi|)les  of  justice  and  equity,  and  ingenuity  withal."      ^ 

He  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  th<v  could  not  establish 
their  allegations,  they  ought  to  sufler  what  he  expected  to,  if  they  did ; 


•  iVinthrop's  Jourrul. 


Chap.  I\.]     MIANTI.  NNOMOH  rHAIKJKD  WITH  A  CONSPIRA*  Y 


di 


/(•n 


iild 

will 

lie," 

we 

itle 

of 
[;ak 

he 
liis 

all 


but  the  court  w\'u\  Iheij  knew  of  mmr,  llmt  \s,  tlicy  !<ni  \v  not  wlioni  thcj 
were,  Mini  tlitrcCorc  jriivc  no  credit  to  the  n  ports  iiiilil  they  hiiti  ndviscd 
hitii  according  to  a  forriier  a<;reeine!if.  lit;  theti  wiid,  "  if  yon  did  not 
pive  credit  to  it,  why  then  did  you  disarm  the  Indinns?"  iMassaehiiscttfl 
liavin^rjiist  then  disarmed  some  of  the  Meriiiiiacks  under  some  pretence. 
"lie  gave  divers  reasons,"  snys  d'ov.  lyinlhrop,*  "why  we  siionld  hold 
hitu  free  of  any  such  conspirai-y,  and  why  we  should  conceive  it  was  a 
rcjiort  raised  by  Vnrnn,  &c.  and  therefore  oHi-red  to  meet  Ihiras,  and 
would  prove  to  his  face  his  trejichery  against  the  Mnglisii,  &ir.,  and  told 
us  h(!  would  come  to  us  iit  any  time,"  although  he  said  some  had  tried  to 
dissuade  him,  saying  that  the  Knglish  woidd  ()ut  Inm  to  d(>ath,  yut  ho 
feared  nothing,  as  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges  against  him.t 

The  punishment  duo  to  those  who  hud  raised  the  accusations,  bore 
heavily  upon  his  breast,  aixl  "Ik;  put  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage 
it  had  been  to  him,  in  that  he  was  force<l  to  keep  hi  -  men  at  home,  and 
not  sutFer  them  to  go  forth  on  hunting,  ^v.,  till  he  Iiad  given  the  English 
satisfaction."  AftcT  two  days  spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  sat- 
isfaction of  the  I'itiglish. 

During  the  council,  n  table  was  set  by  itself  for  the  Indians,  which  jW- 
aH/ini/io;«o/j  appears  not  to  have  liked,  and  "  would  not  eat,  until  some 
food  had  l>een  sent  him  from  that  of  the  goveriuir's." 

That  wisdom  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  in  her  answer 
to  Coiuiecticut,  must  be  acknowledged  ;  but  as  justice  to  Mianiunnomoh 
abundantly  dcmatid(Ml  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  due  only  to 
them,  as  to  him  who  does  a  good  act  becaiise  it  was  his  interest  so  to  do. 
Th(!y  lU'ged  (/onnecticut  not  io  conuncnce  war  alone,  "  alleging  how  Mb- 
honorable  it  would  be  to  tis  all,  that,  while  we  wi're  upon  treaty  with  the 
Indians,  they  should  make  war  upon  them  ;  for  they  woidd  accoiuit  their 
act  as  our  own,  seeing  we  had  ti)rmrrly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we 
were  all  as  one  ;  and  in  otir  last  message  to  Miantunnoinoh,  had  remem- 
bered him  again  of  the  same,  ""d  he  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account 
us.  Upon  receipt  of  this  our  answer,  they  for! inre  to  enter  into  a  war, 
but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  as  not  well  ple;is,d  with  us."  The  main 
considerations  which  caused  Massachusetts  to  dei-ide  against  war  was, 
"That  all  those  informations  [furnished  by  Coiuiecticut]  might  arise  from 
a  false  ground,  and  out  of  the  enmity  which  was  between  the  Narruganset 
and  Mohigan"  sachems.  This  was  no  doubt  one  of  the  real  causes,  and 
had  Minntunnomoh  overcome  Uncas,  the  Engiish  woiihl,  from  policy,  as 
gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  latter,  for  it  was  constantly 
plead(;d  in  those  days,  that  their  safety  must  de[>end  on  a  union  with 
some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  on  fairly  examining  the  case,  that  Uncos  used 
many  arts,  to  influence  the  English  in  his  favor,  and  against  his  enemy. 
In  the  progress  of  the  war  bet'-  eeii  the  two  great  chiefs,  the  English 
acted  precisely  as  the  Indi,ans  ha-.;?  been  always  said  to  do — stood  aloof, 
and  watched  the  scale  of  victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors:  and 
we  will  hero  digress  for  a  inoment,  to  introduce  a  character,  more  fully 
to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the  o)>erations  of  the  t^nglish  Jigainst  the  chief 
of  the  Narragansets. 

Miardunnomoh  had  a  wretched  enemy  in  Wniandance,  a  Long  Island 
.sachem,  who  had  assisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  at  their  last 
retreat.     He  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Miantimnomoh ;  and,  says 

*  See  book  iii.  chap.  vii. 

t  Here,  the  reader  may  with  propriety  exclaim,  was  another  Michael  Seri'etus  :— 
"  Pourqnoy,  Messeiscripursje  demande  que  mon/utdx  accusaieur  soil  puiii  poena  lalioiiis," 
die.    Roscoc's  Leo  X.  iv.  457. 


1^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


■tt  Uii    |22 


1.8 


•I 

1 

1-25      1.4   11.6 

=         ^^     11111^= 

^ 

6"     

!»> 

Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STREIT 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MS80 

(716)  873-4503 


<<<^^ 


,<^ 


> 

K^^ 


64 


MIANTUNNOMOH. 


[Book  [|. 


lAon  GnrJeneVy  "lr»  told  me  many  yeai-s  ago,"  as  all  the  plots  of  the  Nar- 
nigunsets  had  heen  discovered,  they  now  concluded  to  let  tJie  Kiiglish 
aluiie  until  they  hud  destroyed  Uncos  and  himself,  then,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Mohawks,  "and  Indians  beyond  the  Dutch,  and  all  the 
northern  and  eastern  Indians,  would  easily  destroy  us,  man  and 
mother's  son," 

Mr.  Gardener  next  relates  that  he  met  with  Miantunnomoh  at  Meanticut, 
Waiandance'a  country,  on  tlie  east  end  of  Long  Liland.  That  Miantun- 
nomoh was  there,  as  fVaiandance  said,  to  break  up  the  intjjrcouree  with 
those  Indians.  There  were  othei-s  with  JiFantunnomoh,  and  what  they 
said  to  Waiandance  was  as  follows : — 

"  1  o«  must  give  no  more  wampum  to  the  English,  for  they  are  no  sachems, 
nor  none  of  their  children  shall  be  in  their  place  if  they  die.  They  have  no 
tribiUe  given  them.  There  is  but  one  king  in  England,  who  is  over  them  all, 
and  if  you  shovid  send  him  100,000  fathom  of  wampum,  he  would  not  give 
you  a  knife  for  it,  nor  thank  you.  Then  said  naiandance,  "  They  will 
come  and  kill  us  all,  as  they  did  the  Pequits ;"  but  replied  the  Narragan- 
sets,  "  JSTo,  the  Pequots  gave  them  icamvum  and  beaver,  which  they  loved  so 
well,  but  they  sent  it  them  again,  and  kdled  them  because  they  had  killed  an 
Englishman;  but  you  have  killed  none,  therefore  give  them  nothing." 

Some  time  ader  Miantunnomoh  went  again  "  with  a  troop  of  men  to  the 
same  place,  and,  instead  of  receiving  presents  as  formerly,  he  gave  pres- 
ents to  fVaiandance  and  his  people,  and  made  the  following  sjmjccIi  : — 

"  Brothers,  we  mu^t  be  one  as  the  English  are,  or  tve  shall  soon  all  be  de- 
stroyed. You  know  our  fathers  hud  plenty  of  deer  and  skins,  and  our  plains 
werefidl  of  deer  and  of  turkeys,  and  our  coves  and  rivers  were  fulc  of  fish. 
Bui,  brothers,  since  these  English  have  seized  upon  our  couiitty,  they  cut 
down  the  grass  with  scytlies,  and  the  trees  with  axes.  Their  cows  and  horses 
eat  up  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  beds  of  clams ;  and  finally  we  shall 
starve  to  deaih !  therefore,  stand  not  in  your  own  light,  I  beseech  you,  but  re- 
solve with  us  to  act  like  men.  Jill  the  sachems  both  to  the  east  and  tvest  have 
joined  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  fall  upon  them,  at  a  day  appointed, 
and  therefore  I  have  come  secretly  to  you,  because  you  can  persuade  the  In- 
dians to  do  what  you  will.  Brothers,  I  will  send  over  50  Indians  to  Manisses, 
and  30  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  100  of  Southampton  Indians  with 
an  100  of  your  own  here.  Jlnd,  when  you  see  the  three  fres  that  will  be 
made  at  the  end  o/*40  days  hence,  in  a  clear  night,  then  act  as  we  act,  aiui 
the  next  day  fall  on  and  kill  men,  women  and  children ;  bi.t  no  cows ;  they 
must  he  killed  as  we  need  them  for  provisions,  till  the  deer  come  again." 

To  this  spec  ii  dl  the  old  men  said,  "  Wurregen"  i.  e.  "It  is  well." 
lint  this  great  piot,  if  the  account  given  l)y  Waiandance  be  true,  was  by 
him  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  so  failed.  "  And  the 
plotter,"  says  Gardener,  "next  spring  after,  did  as  .^/ia6  did  at  Ramoth- 
Gilead. — So  he  to  Mohegan,*  and  there  had  his  fall."t 

The  war  brought  on  he',ween  Uncas  and  Miantunnonwh  was  not  with- 
in the  jurisdiction  of  the  English,  nor  is  it  to  be  expected  that  they  could 
with  certainty  determine  the  justness  of  its  cause.  The  broil  had  long 
existed,  but  the  open  rupture  was  brought  on  by  Uncos'  making  war 
upon  Sequosson,  one  of  the  sachems  under  Miantunnomah.  The  English 
accounts  say,  (and  we  have  no  other,)  that  about  1000  warriors  were 
niised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came  upon  Uncas  unprepared,  having  only 
about  400  men ;  yet,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed 


*  This  goes  to  show  that  Miantunnomoh  was  not  killed  above  Hartford,  as  IVinthrop 
stales ;  for  ihe  country  at  some  distance  from  the  inuuth  of  Fequot  River  was  culled 
Mohegan.     It  probably  included  Windsor. 

t  3  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  8oc.  iii.  165. 


Chap.  I\  .] 


MIANTIN.NO.MOM. 


05 


oil  Ik)11i  siilcs,  tin!  NiirrnKniisctrt  wcit  |)Ut  lo  fliglit,  and  Mianlunnomoh 
taken  prisoner;  tlial  lie  i-iidfuvon;!!  to  hhvi;  iiiiiisult'  hy  flight,  but  huvinjLT 
oil  a  coat  ol*  mail,  was  known  from  the  n^t,  aiitl  s(;i/,i'il  hy  two*  of  hid 
(Avn  men,  who  hopeil  hy  their  treachery  to  save  their  own  lives.  Where- 
upon they  iiKiiiediately  delivered  iiiin  up  to  the  conqueror.  I'ncas  slew 
tlieiii  both  instantly;  probably  with  his  own  hand.  This  specimen  of 
his  braver^  nust  have  had  a  salutary  etfect  on  all  such  as  atlerwards 
chanced  to  think  of  acting  the  ]mrt  uf  traitors  in  their  wars;  at  least 
among  the  Narragaiisets. 

lU'ing  brought  before  Unca<,,  he  remained  without  speaking  a  word, 
until  Uncas  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  "  If  you  had  taken  me,  I  would  liave 
hcsouffht  jfoujor  my  /i/e."  He  then  took  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and  at 
his  rc(|iiest  leil  him  a  prisoner  with  the  English,  until  the  mind  of  the 
United  Colonics  should  be  known  as  to  what  disposition  should  In:  made 
of  him. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies  having  convened  at  Boston,  "taking  into  serious 
consideration,  they  say,  what  was  safest  and  best  to  be  done,  wen;  all  of 
0])inion  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither  had  we 
sullicicnt  ground  for  us  to  put  him  to  death."t  The  awful  design  of  put- 
ting to  death  thtir  friend  they  had  not  yet  fixed  upon,  but  calling  to  tlieir 
aid  in  council,  "_^ve  of  the  most  judicious  elders"  " they  all  agreed  that 
he  ought  to  be  put  to  death."  This  was  the  final  decision,  and,  to  complete 
the  deed  of  darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoined  upon  all.  And  their  deter- 
mination was  to  be  made  known  to  Uncas  privately,  with  direction  that 
lie  should  execute  him  within  his  own  jurisdiction  and  wiliumt  torture. 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  enable  tis  to  jud'^e  of  the 
justness  of  this  matter.  When  the  English  had  determined  that  Uncas 
should  execute  Miantunnomoh,  Uncas  was  ordered  to  be  sent  for  to  ilart- 
foid,  "  with  some  considerable  number  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men," 
to  take  him  to  u  |)lace  for  execution,  "carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of 
his  own  government,  and  there  put  him  to  death:  provided  that  some 
discreet  and  faithful  persons  of  the  English  accompany  them,  and  see 
the  ex(;cution,  for  our  more  full  satisfaction ;  and  that  the  Englisli  meddle 
not  with  the  head  or  body  at  all."| 

The  conunissioncrs,  at  the  same  time,  ordered  "  that  Hartford  furnish 
Uncas  with  a  competent  strength  of  Kiiglish  to  defend  him  against  any 
present  fury  or  assault,  of  the  Nanohiggiinsetts  or  any  other."  And  "that 
in  case  Uncas  shall  refuse  to  execute  justice  upon  Myantenomo,  that  then 
Myantenonut  be  sent  by  sea  to  the  INIassacliusetts,  there  to  be  kcjpt  in  safe 
durance  till  the  commissioners  may  consider  fiirther  how  to  dispose  of 
Iiini."t 

Here  then  we  see  fully  dovclojicd  the  real  state  of  the  case.  The 
Mohegans  had  by  accident  captured  Miantunnomoh,  after  which  event 
th(>y  were  more  in  fear  of  his  nation  than  before ;  which  proves  b(>yond 
doubt,  that  they  would  never  have  dared  to  put  him  to  death,  had  they 
not  been  promised  the  protection  of  the  English. 

No  one  can  read  this  account  without  being  reminded  of  the  fate  of 
.Vapolcon.  We  do  not  say  that  the  English  of  New  England  dreaded 
tlie  jjower  of  Miantunnomoh  tus  viuch  as  those  of  Old  England  did  that  of 
^Yapoleon  allerwards;  but  that  both  were  sacrificed  in  consetjuence  of  the 


•^  In  tlic  riTorfls,  {Iftznrd,  ii.  48.)  hiit  one  person  is  montionrd  as  linviiip  taken  Mimi- 
tinirwmoh,  whose  niimc  was  TivUoqurson.  and  llicrc  he  is  called  a  Moheijan  rapiain. 
'I'hal  ilicrefore  llie  Narrajjansets  tried  to  kill  liini;  came  upon  him  once  in  tnc  night,  and 
•laufrerously  woiiiule<l  liini,  as  lie  lay  in  liis  wig^vnin  aslcc]).  See  note  in  the  Ziyi'  vf 
Aimgn't. 

t   IVinthrop.W.  i3l.  $  Records  of  the  U.  Coiouies. 

G* 


66 


MIANTUNNOMOH. 


[Boor  II. 


fears  of  those  into  whose  power  the  fortune  of  wars  cast  tlicm,  will  not, 
we  presume,  be  denied. 

When  the  determination  of  the  commissioners  and  elders  was  made 
known  to  Uncas,  he  "readily  undertook  the  execution,  and  taking  Mian- 
timnomoh  along  with  him,  m  the  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor, 
(where  Uncas  hath  some  men  dwell,)  Uiicas^  brother,  following  after 
Miantunnomoh,  clave  his  head  with  an  hatchet."*  Mather  says,  they 
"  very  fairly  c«it  off  his  head."t 

Dr.  TrumbuUl  records  an  account  of  cannibalism,  at  this  time,  which 
we  ought  to  caution  the  reader  against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no 
doubt  rests  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer  even 
the  transactions  of  one  continent  to  another.  It  is  this: — "  Uncas  cut  otit 
a  large  |)iece  of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph;"  saying,  "'it 
was  the  sweetest  meat  he  ever  ate  ;  it  made  his  heart  strong.' "§ 

We  arc  now  certain  that  what  Dr.  Trumbull  has  given  us  as  unqiics- 
tionabio  history,  from  a  " manuscript  of  Mr.  Hy(U"  is  only  tradition. 
Having  been  put  in  possession  of  a  cojiy  of  that  manuscript, ||  we  deem  it 
highly  important  that  it  should  be  laid  before  the  world,  that  its  true 
weight  may  be  considered  by  all  who  would  be  correctly  informed  in 
this  important  transaction. 

By  way  of  preliminary  to  his  communication,  Mr.  Hyde  says,  "The  fol- 
lowing facts  l>eing  communicated  to  me  from  some  the  ancient  fathers  of 
this  town,  who  were  contemporary  with  Uncas"  &.c.  " That  before  the 
BCttlement  of  Norwich,  the  sachem  of  t!:e  Narraganset  tribe  [Miantunno- 
moh] hatl  a  personal  quarrel  with  Uncas,  and  proclaimed  war  with  th(^ 
Moheg[an]s:  and  marched  with  an  army  of  900  fighting  men,  equipped 
with  bows  and  arrows  and  hatchets.  Uncas  l)e[ing]  informed  by  s|)if.s 
of  their  march  towards  his  seat,  Uncas  called  his  warriors  together,  about 
(jOO,  stout,  hard  men,  light  of  foot,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow;  and, 
upon  a  conference,  Uncas  told  his  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  y*' 
Narragansets  come  to  their  town,  but  they  must  go  and  meet  them.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  marched,  and  about  three  miles,  on  a  large  plain,  the 
armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  bow-shot.  A  parley  was  sounded, 
and  gallant  Uncas  proposed  a  conference  with  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
who  agreed.  And  being  met,  Uncas  saith  to  his  enemy  word[s]  to  this 
effect :  *  You  have  ent  a  number  of  brave  men  ivith  you,  and  so  have  I.  .Vnt 
it  a  pity  that  such  brave  men  shoiUd  be  killed  for  a  quarrel  between  you  and 
I'}  Only  come  like  a  rnan,  as  you  pretend  to  be,  and  we  will  fght  it  out.  If 
you  kill  me,  my  meii  shall  be  yours ;  but  if  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be 
mine.*  Upon  which  the  Nan'agansct  sachem  replied:  ^ My  men  came  to 
fght,  and  they  shall  fight.* 

*  Winthrop's  Jourwd,\\.  \3\.  .\%  \o  x\w  \t\i\cc  o{  MianlnnnomoJi^s  execution,  W'in- 
tJtrop  seems  to  have  l)een  in  a  mistake.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  lie  was  taken  in  the 
opposite  direption,  from  Uncas's  own  rnuiilry,  as  W'indso.  was  from  llnrlford.  It  is 
also  unlikely  that  Utiras  had  vwn  dwell  so  fur  from  his  country  upon  the  Thames. 

A  irentlcman  who  lately  visited  his  sepulchre,  says  the  wandering  Indians  have  made 
a  iieap  of  stones  upon  his  j^rave.  It  is  a  well-known  custom  of  the  race,  to  add  to  » 
monumental  pile  of  the  ueail  whenever  they  pass  by  it.  See  .3  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii. 
135.  and  Jefferson's  IVntes.  |0'  Some  wrcichei'ly  ignorant  neighbors  to  this  sarred  pilf 
(whites  I  suppose)  have  not  long  since  taken  stones  from  it  to  make  wall !  but  enough 
remain  to  mark  the  spot.     It  is  in  the  cast  part  of  Norwich.     Cols.  Ibid. 

t  Magnalia.  |  History  of  Conncc'I.?ut,  i.  135. 

^  That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circumstance  of  an  eminenthj  ob- 
goirc  writer's  publishing  nearfv  the  same  story,  which  he  says,  in  his  book,  took  place 
upon  the  death  of  Philip,  (ineka.  he  says,  cut  out  a  pound  of  Philip's  bleeding  body 
and  ate  it.  The  book  is  by  one  IJennj  7  nindmll.  and  purports  to  be  a  history  of  the 
discovery  of  America,  the  Indian  wars,  &.r.  The  reader  will  find  it  about  stalls  by  the 
street  side,  hut  rarely  in  a  respectable  book-store.  It  has  been  forced  through  many 
editions,  but  there  is  scarce  a  word  of  true  history  in  it. 

H  Oy  Rev.  Wm.  Ely  of  Connecticut. 


since 


Chap.  IV.J 


NINKJRET. 


67 


I  (0  » 
Soc.  iii. 
C(l  pilf 


$ri. 

thj  ob- 

place 

gr  l)0(!y 

of  the 

by  the 

many 


I    5 


"  Uncas  liaviiig  iHjforc  told  liis  nion,  that  if  liis  cn«;niy  hIioiiIcI  refuse  to 
fifjlit  iiiin,  Ih^  would  full  down,  and  then  tlioy  wt-re  to  dim'liargc  their 
Hitillery  [arrows]  on  tliotn,  and  liill  riplit  on  them  as  fiist  as  thoy  could ;" 
this  was  doiK^,  and  the  Mohcirans  riishfd  n|ion  Miantunnomoli's  army 
"  like  lions,"  juit  them  to  fliyht,  and  killed  "  a  nutnlwr  on  the  spot."  They 
"  iMirsued  the  rest,  driving  sonu;  down  ledfjes  of  roeks."  'I'he  foremost 
ot  Uncases  men  got  ahead  of  Miantunnovwh,nud  impeded  his  flight,  draw- 
ing him  hack  <us  they  passed  him,  "to  give  Uncas  opportunity  to  take  him 
himself." 

"  In  the  ])ursuit,  at  a  place  now  culled  Sachetn's  Plain,  Uncas  took  him 
hy  the  shouider.  He  then  set  down,  knowing  Uncas.  Uncas  then  gave 
a  whoop,  and  his  men  returned  to  him  ;  and  in  u  council  then  held,  'twnn 
coni-liided  hy  them,  that  Uncas,  with  a  guard,  shouhl  carry  said  sachem  to 
Hartford,  to  the  governor  and  magistniti's,  (it  being  before  the  charter,) 
to  advise  what  they  should  do  witli  him."  "  Uncas  was  told  by  them,  as 
there  was  no  war  with  the  English  and  Narragansets,  it  was  not  proper 
for  them  to  intermeddle,  in  the  afliiir,  and  advi.sed  him  to  take  his  own 
way.  Accordingly,  they  brought  said  Narragauset  sachem  bach  to  the 
same  spot  of  ground  where  he  was  took :  where  Uncas  killed  him,  and 
cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  roasted,  and  eat  it ;  and  said, '  // 
was  the  sweetest  7neel*  he  ever  eat ;  it  made  him  have  strong  haii?  There 
they  bury  him,  and  made  a  pillar,  which  I  have  seen  but  a  few  years 
since." 

This  conununication  was  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich, 
9  Oct.  17()J),and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  remark  of  Mr.  Ely  u|)on 
it  I  cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subjecr. 

"  The  above  '■Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde,^  as  n  tradition,  \s  a  valuable 
paper,  and  wortliy  of  preservation  ;  yet,  being  written  125  years  after  the 
event  which  it  describes,  it  is  stirprising  that  Dr.  TVumbuU  .shoidd  have 
inserted  it,  in  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  principal  particulars,  as 
matter  of  fact."f 

In  the  procccHlings  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  the 
main  facts  in  reference  to  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  contained  in  the 
above  account,  are  corrolwrated.  The  n^cords  of  the  commissioners  s<iy, 
that  Uncas,  before  the  battle,  .  '  Miantunnomoh,  ;hal  he  had  many  Avays 
sought  his  life,  nnd  now,  if  he  dured,  he  woultl  figlit  him  in  single  combat ; 
but  that  Miamunnomoh  "presuming  upon  his  numl)ers  of  men,  would 
have  nothing  but  a  battle."| 

It  does  not  appear  froiri  these  record.*",  that  Uncas  had  any  idea  of  put- 
ting Miantunnomoh  to  death,  but  to  extort  a  great  price  from  his  country- 
men, for  his  ransom.  That  a  large  amoiitit  in  wampum  was  collected 
tor  this  purpose,  up[)fars  certain,  ixit  l)elore  it  was  paid,  (7;icas  received 
the  decision  of  the  Knglish,  and  then  pntended  that  he  had  made  no 
such  agrecfnent,  or  that  the  quainity  or  <]unlity  was  not  as  agreed  upon, 
as  will  more  at  length  l)e  seen  in  the  life  of  Uncas.    We  come  now  to 

JVinigref,  often  called  J^nicrafl,  and  sometimes  JVeneknnat,^  J^inifrtud, 
JVcnep^elett,  and  written  almost  as  many  other  ways  as  times  menti<iii(*d, 
by  some  early  writers.  Janemo  was  the  first  name  by  which  he  wa.s 
known  to  the  Knglish.  He  was  generally  styled  sachem  of  the  Niattlicks, 
a  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  whose  j)rineiiial  residence  was  at  Wekapaiig, 
now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.     He  was  cousin  to  Miantunnomoli,\\  and 

*  Tnimbnll  says  meat,  l)iil  iIip  MS.  is  plain,  and  means  meal, 
t  IManiisoripl  Ictlfr,  1  Miir.  1333. 
X  Sen  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  ii.  7,  10. 
^  !<(>  wrillcn  by  Rc^er  WilU'ima. 

II  Prince  says  lie  was  uncle  to  Miantunnomoh,  {Chronology, ii.  59.)  but  that  could  not 
have  been. 


NINIGRET. 


[BOOE  II. 


id  commonly  mentioned  in  history  as  the  chief  sp.chem  of  tl;c  Nianticks, 
wiii(;h  always  made  u  part  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets. 
JVini^ret  married  a  sister  of  Cashawasliettf  otherwise  called  Harmon  (Jarret, 
who  was  his  uncle. 

The  relation  in  whicli  the  Nianticks  stood  to  the  Narragansets  is  plain, 
from  the  n>[>resentation  given  l»y  Miantwmomoh  to  the  government  of 
Masijuchusetts,  in  1(>42.  h\  treating  with  him,  at  that  time.  Gov.  Winthrop 
says,  "Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we 
liad  just  cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,"  he  said,  "as  his  own 
flesh,  being  allied  by  contiiuial  intermarriages,  &;c.  Jktt  at  last  he  conde- 
scended, that  if  they  should  do  us  wrong,  as  lie  could  not  draw  them  to 
give  us  satisfaction  for,  nor  himself  could  satisfy,  us  if  it  were  for  blood, 
&c.  then  he  would  leave  them  to  us." 

In  \ihi7 ,  ^^  Mianiunnomoh  ca\i\e  to  Boston.  The  governor,  denuty  and 
treasurer  treated  whh  him,  and  they  parted  upon  fair  terms.  "  VVc 
gave  him  leave  to  right  himself  for  the  wrongs  which  Janemok  and  /f  e- 
«]uash  Cook  had  done  him ;  and,  for  the  wrong  they  had  done  us,  we 
would  right  ourselves,  in  our  own  time."*  Hence  it  api)ears  that  at  this 
period  they  were  not  so  closely  allied  as  they  were  afterwards. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  complained  of  by  the  Long  Island  Indians, 
who  paid  tribute  to  the  English,  that  he  had  committed  some  robberies 
upon  them.  Capt.  Mason  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  to 
ri.'(iiiire  satisfaction.  Janemo  went  immediately  to  the  English,  and  the 
matter  was  amicably  settled.! 

When  it  was  rumored  that  .Mianlunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 
English,  and  using  his  endeavors  to  uiiite  other  tribes  in  the  enterprise, 
the  English  sent  deputies  to  him,  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  report,  as  will 
be  foujid  elsewhere  fully  stated.  The  de|)uties  were  well  satisfied  with 
the  carriage  of  Mianlunnomoh,  but  ^'■Jancmoh,  the  Niantick  sachem, 
carried  himself  proudly,  and  refused  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any 
thing ;  only,  he  said,  he  would  not  harm  us,  except  we  invaded  him."|; 
Thus  we  caimot  but  form  an  exaited  opinion  of  JVintgrd  in  the  person 
of  Janemo. 

We  heal*  little  of  JVinigret  until  after  the  death  of  Mianlunnomoh.  In 
1G44,  the  NaiTagansets  and  Nianticks  miited  against  the  Mohegans,  and 
for  some  time  obliged  Vncas  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 

This  affair  probably  took  place;  early  in  the  spring,  anil  we  have  else- 
where given  all  tin;  j)articidars  of  it,  both  authentic  and  traditionary.  It 
appears,  by  a  letter  from  Tho.  Peters,  addressed  to  Gov.  IVinthrop,  written 
about  the  time,  that  there  had  been  some  hard  fighting;  and  that  the  Mo- 
hegans had  been  sadly  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.     Mr.  Peters  writes: — 

"I,  with  your  son,  [John  Winthrop  of  Con.,]  were  at  Uncus'  fort,  where 
I  dressed  seventeen  men,  and  left  plasters  to  dress  seventeen  more,  who 
were  wounded  in  Uncus'  brother's  wigwam  before  we  came.  Two  cap- 
tains and  one  common  soldier  were  buried,  and  since  we  came  thence 
two  captains  and  one  common  man  more,  are  dead  also,  most  of  which 
are  wounded  with  bullets.  Uncus  and  his  brother  told  me,  the  Narragan- 
sets had  30  gmis  whicli  won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  care  a  rush 
for  them.  They  drew  Uncas^  forces  out  by  a  wile,  of  40  appearing  only, 
but  a  thousand  [lay  hid]  in  ambush,  who  puit^ued  Uncos'  men  into  their 
own  land,  where  the  battle  was  fought  vario  marte,  till  God  ])ut  fresh 
spirit  into  the  Moheagues,  and  so  drave  the  Narragansets  back  again." 
So  it  seems  that  Uncas  had  been  taken  in  his  own  play.  The  letter  goes 
on : — "1'would  pity  your  hearts  to  see  them  {Uncus'  men]  lie,  like  so  many 
new  circumcised  Sccjiemites,  in  their  blood.    Sir,  whatever  information 


*  WinthToj)'s  JotDTial,  i.  243. 


t  Ibid.  2G7. 


i  Ibid.  ii.  8. 


Chap.  IV 

you  hav 

they  nia( 

tjuieson, 

mio.     So 

quieson^s 

through 

no  hop*; 

"The 

suffer  liii 

for  his  o 

time."    J 

as  they  v 

gnnset   li 

Jlwasequi 

Boston,  s 

lish  shou 

that  they 

that  the 

iiands  of 

After  ren 

their  hear 

they  ende 

stead  of  s 

tJie  Engli 

but  they 

After  the 

ragansets, 

they  stoot 

debt,  their 

than  forni 

terrified  in 

sent  with 

He  at  firs 

only  two  c 

two  or  till 

about  him, 

many  mon 

setting  a  pi 

die,  if  he  c 

a  great  tre 

tudes  of  til 

ready  to  le( 

of  blood  w 

ceeding. 

"Some  i 


*  Winthro 

\  The  edit 

makes  a  gre 

Meika,  Si^t.  \ 

After  the  dep 

sister  of  Nini 

Quaiapen,  ai 

By  some  writ 

sioncd  much  c 

§  A  yearly 

T.  Cobbef,  wl 

II  Twenty,  i 

iI  Relation 


Chap.  IV.] 


NlNIGREr. 


eo 


else- 
.    It 

ritten 
3  Mo- 
L's: — 
vlicre 
,  who 
cap- 
leiire 
vhich 
agan- 
rtish 
only, 
tlioir 
frcsli 
tain." 
fgoes 
many 
Utioa 


you  have,  I  (hire  boklly  say,  tlic  Narragansets  first  brake  the  contract 
they  made  with  tlie  English  la«t  year,  for  1  helped  to  cure  one  Tanti- 
quieson,  a  Molieague  captain,  wlio  rirht  fingered  [laid  hands  on]  MianlinO' 
mio.  Some  cunning  8(|uaws  of  Narraganset  led  two  of  them  to  Tanti- 
quieson^s  wigwam,  where,  in  the  night,  they  struck  liim  on  the  breast 
through  tlie  coat  \yith  an  hutchet,  aiul  had  he  not  fenced  it  with  his  arm, 
no  hojje  could  be  had  of  his  life,"  &.C.* 

"  The  English  thought  it  their  concern,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,}  "  not  to 
sutler  him  to  be  swallowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  lie  had,  (though 
for  his  own  ends,)  a|>proved  hitnself  fuithfid  to  the  English  from  time  Jo 
time."    An  army  was  accordingly  raised  for  the  relief  of  Uncaa.    "But 
as  they  were  just  inarching  out  of  Boston,  many  of  the  principal  Narra- 
ganset Indians,  viz.  Pessecus,  Mexano,\  and   Witawash,  sagamores,  nnd 
i^H'twegimi,  deputy  for  the  Nianticks;  these,  with  a  large  train,  came  to 
Boston,  suing  for  peace,  being  willing  to  submit  to  what  terms  the  Eng- 
lish should  see  cause  to  impose  upon  them.    It  was  dematided  of  them 
that  they  should  defray  the  charges  they  had  put  the  English  to,§  and 
that  the  sacliems  should  send  their  sons  to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  the 
iiands  of  the  English,  until  such  time  as  the  money  should  be  paid." 
After  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragansets  harbored  venom  in 
their  hearts  against  the  English,  Mr.  Mather  proceeds : — "  In  the  first  [>lace, 
they  endeavored  to  lA&v  legerdemain  in  their  sending  hostages;  for,  in- 
stead of  sachems'  children,  they  thought  to  send  some  other,  and  to  make 
tJie  English  believe  that  those  base  papooses  were  of  a  royal  progeny ; 
but  they  had  those  to  deal  wi    ,  who  were  too  wise  to  be  so  eluded. 
After  the  expected  liostages  were  in  the  bunds  of  the  English,  the  Nar- 
ragansets, notwithstanding  Uiat,  were  slow  in  the  ])erformance  of  what 
they  stood  engaged  for.    And  when,  upon  an  impartial  discharge  of  the 
debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  became  more  backward 
than  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  preparations,  again  and  again 
terrified  into  better  obedience.    At  last,  Capl.  Mherlon,  of  Dorchester,  was 
sent  with  a  small  party||  of  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  was  due. 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wig\vam,  where  old  JVinigret  resided,  with 
only  two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  liim, 
two  or  three  dropping  in  at  once ;  when  his  small  company  were  come 
about  him,  the  Indians  in  the  mean  time  supposing  that  there  had  been 
many  more  behind,  he  caught  the  sachem  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and 
setting  a  pistol  to  his  breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  surely 
die,  if  he  did  not  forthwith  comply  with  what  was  required.    Hereupon 
a  great  trembling  and  constemati-jn  surprised  the  Indians ;  albeit,  multi- 
tudes of  them  were  then  present,  with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings 
ready  to  let  fly.     The  event  was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop 
of  blood  was  shed."ir    This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a  high-handed  pro- 
ceeding. 
"  Some  space  after  that,  J^inigret  was  raising  new  trouble  against  us, 

*  Winthrop's  Jour.  ii.  380,  381.  f  Relation,  68. 

{  The  editor  of  Johnson's  Wonder-working'  Providence,  in  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
makes  a  great  mistake  in  noting  this  chief  as  Miantwnnomoh.  Mriksah,  MLvanno, 
Meika,  &c.  are  names  of  the  same  person,  who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Canoniais. 
After  the  death  of  his  father,  he  was  chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets.  He  married  a 
sister  of  Ninigret,  who  was  "  a  woman  of  great  power,"  and  no  other  than  the  famous 
Quaiapen,  ai  one  time  called  Matantiick,  from  which,  probably,  was  derived  Magnus. 
By  some  writers  mistaking  him  for  Miantnunmnoh,  an  error  has  spread,  that  h\s  occa- 
sioned much  confusion  in  accounts  of  their  genealogy. 

^  A  yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.  Manuscript  Narrative  of  the  Rev. 
T.  Cobbef,  which  places  the  ifTair  in  1645. 

II  Twenty,  says  a  MS.  document  among  our  stale  papers. 

TT  Relation  cf  the  Troubles,  &.c.  4to,  1C77. 


70 


NiNif:uF/r. 


[Rook  II. 


Chav.  IV 


amongst  liis  NinntickH  and  ollii;r  IiKiinnn  ;  hut  upon  tlio  spnrdy  Hcndinf; 
up  of  C'lipt.  Davis,  witli  h  parts  of  lioiNt;  to  nMliic*;  liiin  to  tlir  fortncr 
poacc,  who,  upon  the  news  oj"  ihc  niptain's  npproa'rh,  was  pii'  into  such 
a  puuic  fear,  tliut  he  diu'rit  not  conit;  out  of  liis  wi<.Mviiin  to  treat  with  the 
captain,  till  serured  of  liis  life  hy  him,  whit'h  lie  was,  if  he  (piiitly  yield- 
imI  to  hisj  ineHsnge,  alioui  which  he  was  sent  from  th<!  liny.  To  whiith  he 
fie«;ly  eonseniiiig,  that  storm  was  graciously  lilowii  over."* 

Thus  having,  through  these  extracts,  sinninarily  glanecid  at  some  prom- 
inent passages  in  the  life  of  JVinigrd,  we  will  now  go  inor<5  into  partic- 
ulars. 

The  case  of  the  Narragan8er.<«,  at  tin;  pfTi(»d  of  tin;  tn^aty  hefore  spokim 
of,  had  hecome  rather  desperate;  two  years  having  passed  since  they 
ngret!(l  to  pay  2000  fathom  of  "good  white  wampum,"  as  a  remuneration 
for  the  trouhle  and  damage  they  had  caused  the  English  and  JMohegans, 
and  they  were  now  pressed  to  fulHI  thciir  engagements.  JViniti^nt,  then 
called  Janemo,  was  not  at  Boston  at  that  tim(>,  hut  Jiumsaaqnen  was  his 
deputy,  and  signed  the  treaty  then  mad'*,  with  Pessnnis  and  others.  At 
their  meeting,  in  July,  1G47,  Pessaciis  and  oth(>i>i,  chiifs  of  the  Narragnn- 
sels  and  Nianticks,  were  sent  to  hv  the  English  commissioners,  as  will 
be  found  in  the  life  of  Pessacus.  IJeing  warned  to  come  to  Hoston,  P'.s- 
sacua,  not  l)eing  willing  to  get  any  further  into  trouhle  hy  being  obliged 
to  sign  whatever  articles  the  English  might  draw  up,  feigned  himself 
sick,  and  told  the  messeiig  ts  he  had  agreed  to  leave  all  the  business  to 
J^nigret.  This  seems  to  have  been  well  imderstood,  end  we  shall  next 
see  with  what  grace  Ntnigret  acted  his  part  with  the  commissioners,  at 
Boston.     Their  record  runs  thus : — 

"August  lid,  [1047,]  JVinegratt,  with  some  of  the  Nyantirk  Indiatis  and 
two  of  Peasacks  men,  came  to  Boston,  and  desiring  Mr.  Johti  IVinthrop, 
that  came  from  Pequatt  plantation,  mighi  be  present,  they  were  admitted. 
The  commissioners  asked  JS/'inef^att  for  whom  he  came,  whither  as  a 
publick  person  on  the  behalf  of  JPessack^a  and  the  n!st  of  the  Narragan- 
sets'  confederates,  or  only  for  himself  as  a  particular  sagamore?  lie  at 
first  answered  that  he  had  spoken  with  Pessnck,  but  liad  no  such  com- 
mission from  him ;"  and  said  there  had  not  been  so  good  understanding 
between  them  as  he  desired;  but  from  Mr.  Winthrop's  testimony,  and  the 
answer  Thos.  Stanton  and  Benedict  Arnold  brought  from  Pessncus,  and 
also  the  testimony  of  Pcaaacua' two  men,  "it  appeared  to  the  commis- 
sioners that  whatever  formality  might  be  wanting  in  Pessack''s  expressions 
to  J^inegratt,  yet  Pessack  had  fully  eagaged  himself  to  stand  to  whatiio- 
ever  JVinegratt  should  conclude."  Therefore  they  proceeded  to  demand 
of  him  why  the  wampum  had  not  tee:',  paid,  and  why  the  covenant  had 
not  been  observed  in  other  particulars.  J\/inigret  pretended  he  did  not 
know  what  covenants  had  been  made.  He  was  then  reminried  that  his 
deputy  executed  the  covenant,  and  that  a  copy  was  carried  into  his 
country,  and  his  ignorance  of  it  was  no  excuse  for  him,  for  Mr.  Williams 
was  at  all  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  had  taken  the  pains  to  request 
it  of  him.     "  There  could,  therefore,  be  no  truth  in  his  answere." 

Ninigret  next  demanded,  ^'■For  what  are  the  JVarragansets  to  pay  so 
much  wampum'?  I  know  not  that  iheii  are  indebted  to  the  English  r  The 
commissioners  then  repeated  the  old  charges — the  breach  of  covenant, 
ill  treating  messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  the  English 
messengere,  namely,  that  he  Imew  the  English  would  try  to  bring  about  a 
peace  at  their  meeting  at  Hartford,  but  ho  was  resolved  on  war,  nor 
would  he  inquire  who  began  it — that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw' 
their  men  from  assisting  IJncas,  he  would  kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c. 

*  Cobbet's  MS.  Nai/ative. 


Accord  ill 

llicsi'  elm 

provoki d 

III  ordi 

nieiits;  n 

against  h 

Engli.sh  a 

pum  at  o 

"which  li 

suid,  "  'I'll 

liru.si<  r  in 

(not  altog 

came  to 

.\li\  K^.'irim 

their  iieci 

man  attac 

Indian." 

JSfinigrct 

nor  wainp 

Htoilcn  the 

due.     "  Tl 

iiiit  reckoi 

the  rccj'ipt 

self  to  the 

not  occepti 

should  he  i 

of  the  debt 

it.     It  was 

Culshamoki 

HO  fatlir.m  < 

sliamokin  w 

produced  t 

rated  at  45  i 

lie  had  us( 

qiiestione(', 

at  first  t)er 

convinced  [ 

the  present, 

futlioin  as  I 

wampum  si 

JVinign  t  wa 

he  answcrec 

".l/y  tonf> 

intewled  it  a, 

it  is  un|)lt 

kin  and  A\V 

civilized  iiei 

where  he  sa 

bill  as  it  is  i 

decline  goin/ 

What  we 

and  douhtlei 

'I'he  next  di 

and  ppoke  to 

*  S'jniufl  Sh 

brasior,  situato'. 

)  ilcnce  4£. 


rnAi*.  IV.] 


NLN'KiKET. 


n 


I  pay  I 


80 

?hc 

lovenant, 

"  English 

al>out  a 

hvar,  nor 

lilhdraw' 

[ttle,  &c. 


According  to  Uio  rcoordn  of  tlio  rommiHsioncra,  J^inigrtt  did  not  deny 
llicH<'  clinrffcs  with  a  vtry  >f«tod  liirc.  lie  said,  lioweve  r,  ihfir  nic.iscngens 
provoki  d  liiin  to  sny  what  li»'  did. 

Ill  (ti'dtr  to  waivf  tin;  «Timiiintiiig  diwourso,  JS/inif^et  cnllrd  for  docu- 
riiciits;  or  wished  tlio  Kiiglisii  to  make  a  Ktatt'tiient  of  their  account 
ngniiist  him,  that  hn  migiit  know  "how  tho  reckonings  Btood."  The 
I'ln^'lirtli  aii>wer»!d  tliat  llicy  liad  received  of  Pessacus  \70 fathom  of  wajn- 
pum  at  one  time: — AllerwiirdH  some  ktttlea  and  ahout  15 /aMom  more, 
"  which  hiiii^'e  a  conkmpliile  somi;  wus  refused."  As  to  the  kettles,  tliey 
Kuid,  "TIjc  Narragaiisel  meHsengei-s  hud  Honid  them  to  Mr.  Shrimplon,*  u 
l)ru.si<  r  in  lioHton,"  for  a  shilling  a  pound.  Their  weight  was  &U5 /!).«., 
(iKit  ailogether  so  cvlemplible  iis  one  might  be  led  to  imagine,)  which 
caiiie  to  1 1£.  rtg.,  and  die  wampum  to  4£.  4s.  (x/.f  Of  the  amount  in 
Mr.  S!tnmj)lun''s  hands,  the  messtngtrs  took  np  1£.  prohabi,' to  defray 
their  nect  ssary  expenses  while  ut  lioston.  The  remainder  an  English- 
iiuiii  attached  to  a^ilisfy  "  for  goods  stolieu  from  htui  by  a  Narraganset 
Indian." 

jVini'grel  caid  the  nttachment  was  not  va  "d,  "for  that  i  T  the  I  ettleif 
nor  wampiuii  did  belonge  to  Pessacks  himself,  nor  to  the  indian  that  had 
MtulUn  the  goods/'  and  therefore  nmst  be  deducted  from  the  amount  now 
due.  "The  cnnimii^sioners  tlioiight  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachn^ent," 
hut  reckoned  the  kettles  and  wampum  at  70  tatliom,  and  acunowledged 
the  receipt  of  240  fathom,  [in  all,]  Im  sides  a  parcel  sent  by  JVinigret  him- 
scir  to  the  governor ,  and  t  loiigh  this  was  sent  as  a  present,  yet,  as  it  was 
not  accepted  by  the  governor,  they  lefl  it  to  JSTinigrd  to  say  whether  it 
ijliould  be  now  so  considered,  or  whether  it  shouhl  be  taken  in  payment 
of  the  debt.  JVinifcct  sjiid  the  governor  shuidd  do  as  he  pleased  about 
it.  It  was  tlien  inipiired  how  much  he  had  sent;  (it  being  deposited  in 
Cutshamokiii's  hands,  as  we  have  els(,'wh(!re  stated  ;)  he  said  he  had  sent 
JIO  fathf.m  of  black,  and  45  of  white,  in  value  together  105  fathom.  CtU- 
sliumokin  was  sent  for  to  state  what  he  had  received  in  trust.  lie  had 
produced  two  girdles,  "  with  a  string  of  wam|)um,  all  which  himself 
ruled  at  45  fathom,  aflirming  he  hail  received  no  more,  except  8s.  which 
he  had  used,  and  would  repay.  He  was  brought  before  Ninigret  and 
questione(1,  as  there  a|)peared  a  great  ditli;rence  in  their  accounts.  "  He 
at  fu'st  persisted,  says  our  record,  and  added  to  his  lyes,  but  was  at  last 
convinced  [confronted]  by  JVin'grft,m\\\  his  messengers  who  then  brought 
tlie  present,  and  besicU  s  Culshamofrin  had  sent  him  ut  the  same  time  10 
luthuin  as  a  present  also.  It  still  remained  to  be  settled  whether  this 
wainpu'n  should  be  received  as  a  part  of  the  debt,  or  as  a  present,  and 
^Vi/itg-n  i  was  urged  to  say  how  it  should  be.  With  great  magnanimity 
he  niiswcred : — 

^^Mi)  tongue  shall  not  belit  my  heart.  Hliether  the  debt  be  paid  or  not,  / 
intended  it  as  a  present  to  the  governor.''^ 

h  is  unpleasant  to  contrast  the  characters  of  the  two  chiefs,  Cutshatno- 
kin  and  JVinigretf  because  the  fornn'r  had  long  had  the  advantage  of  a 
civilized  neighborhood,  and  the  latter  was  from  the  depths  of  the  forest, 
where  he  saw  an  Englishman  but  seldom.  We  could  say  much  upon  it, 
bill  as  it  is  thought  by  many  that  such  disquisitions  are  unprofitable,  we 
decline  going  into  them  here. 

What  we  have  related  seems  to  !iave  finished  the  business  of  the  day, 
and  doubtless  the  shades  of  night  were  very  welcome  to  CtUshamokin. 
The  next  day,  JS/inigret  came  into  court,  with  the  deputies  of  Pessacus, 
and  ppoke  to  the  following  effect: — 

*  Samuel  Shrimpton,  prol)al)iy,  who  bouglil  u  tiouiic  and  lands  of  Ephrulm  Ihirner, 
brasior,  silualn'l  in  Hoston,  in  IG7I. 
t  Hence  4£.  4*.  Gd.  -{-  lo--5*.  7Srf.  rvalue  of  a  fiiihom  of 'vampum  in  1G47. 


79 


NINIOUKT. 


rnooK  II. 


"  Be/ore  I  came  here  I  expected  the  tntrdrn  had  been  throxtn  upon  me,  Pes- 
sacit3  not  havina;  done  what  he  <urretd  to  dn.  However,  /  have  considered 
upon  the  treaty  of  KM;'),  and  am  rcvdvcd  to  f^ive  the  Enfrlish  satisfaction  in 
all  thin^f.  I  will  send  some  of  my  men  immediatclif  to  JsTarragansd  and 
yiantick,  to  raise  the  wampum  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  tvhai  they 
will  do  in  three  days.  In  ten  days  I  think  the  wampum  will  arrive,  and  I  will 
stay  here  until  it  comes.  I  will  tell  this  to  the  JVarraeanset  confederates. 
Bui  if  there  shoidd  not  enough  at  this  time  be  raised,  I  desire  some  forbear- 
ance as  to  time,  as  I  assure  you  that  the  remainder  shall  be  shortly  paid,  and 
you  shcUl  see  me  true  to  the  Lnglish,  henceforth." 

Thid  speech  gave  the  cointtiissiuncni  great  satisfaction,  and  they  pro- 
ceeded to  other  hiisincsa. 

The  messengers  sent  out  by  J^inigret  did  not  return  so  soon  as  was 
expected,  but  on  the  1(5  August,  notice  was  given  of  their  arrival ;  sadly, 
liowover,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  commissioners,  for  they  brought 
only  200  fatlioin  of  wam|)um.  The  feelings  of  the  court  were  somewhot 
changed,  and  they  ratJier  sternly  demanded  "what  the  reason  was,  rhat, 
so  much  being  due,  so  little  was  brought,  and  from  whom  this  200  futhom 
came."  J\/imgrei  answered  that  he  was  disappointed  that  more  had  not 
been  Iirought,  but  said,  if  he  had  i)een  at  home  more  would  have  been 
obtained :  Uiat  100  fathom  was  sent  by  Pessacus,  and  tlie  other  100  by  his 
people. 

The  commissioners  say,  that  "not  thinking  it  meet  to  begin  o  present 
war,  if  satisfaction,  (though  with  a  little  forlM-arance,  may  be  had  otluT- 
wise,)"  told  JVinigret,  that  since  he  had  said  the  wampimi  woidd  have 
been  gathered  and  paid  if  he  had  boon  at  home  himself,  they  would  now 
give  him  20  days  to  go  and  got  it  in ;  and  if  he  could  not  procure  enough 
by  500  fathom,  still  they  would  not  molest  him  until  "next  spring  plant- 
ing time."  That  as  so  much  was  still  due,  they  would  reckon  the  pres- 
ent before  mentioned,  but  if  they  did  not  bring  1000  fathom  in  twenty 
days,  the  commissioners  would  send  no  more  inesscngers  into  his  country, 
"  but  take  course  to  right  themselves."  That  if  they  were  "  forced  to 
seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  he  and  his  confederates  must  not  expect  to 
make  their  peace,  as  lately  they  had  done,  by  a  little  wampum.  In  the 
mean  time,  though  for  breach  of  covenants  they  might  put  their  hostages 
to  death,  yet  the  commissioners  would  forthwith  deliver  the  children  to 
JS/tnigret,*  expecting  from  him  the  more  care  to  see  engagements  fully 
satisfied.  And  if  they  find  him  real  in  his  performance,  they  will  charge 
all  former  neglects  upon  Pejsacus,"  and  "in  such  case  they  expect  from 
JVinigret  his  best  Jissistance,  when  he  shall  be  required  to  recover  the 
whole  remainder  from  him.  All  which  JVimgi'et  cheerfully  accepted,  and 
promised  to  perform  accordingly." 

Notwithstanding  all  their  protniscs,  the  Narragansets  had  not  discharged 
their  debt  at  the  end  of  two  ycai"s  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had 
paid  about  1100  fathom  of  wam|)um.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  l«i4l>, 
at  Boston,  "the  commissioners  were  minded  of  the  continued  complaint 
of  Uncas"  against  the  Narragansets,  that  they  were  "  still  vndermining 
liis  peace  and  seeking  his  mine,"  and  had  lately  endeavored  "  to  bring  in 
the  Mowhaukes  vppon  him,"  which  failing,  they  next  tried  to  take  away 
his  life  by  witchcraft.  A  Narraganset  Indian,  named  Cuttaquin,  "in  an 
-English  vessel,  in  Mohegan  River,  ran  a  sword  into  his  breast,  wherby 
nee  receeved,  to  all  appearance,  o  mortal  wound,  which  murtherus  acte 


*  Glad,  no  doubt,  to  rid  themselves  of  the  expense  of  keeping  them  ;  for  it  must  be 
remembered,  that  the  Enghsh  took  them  upon  tlic  condition  tiiat  tliey  should  support 
tbem  at  their  own  expense. 


noK  II. 


C'Hvr.  IV.] 


NINIGRET. 


73 


f,  Pes- 

sulered 

dion  in 

sd  and 

id  they 
d  I  wUl 

derates. 

forbear- 

tid,  and 

ey  pro- 

as was           ? 

;  sadly, 

broucht 
incwTmt 

^ 

'as,  tVmt, 

)  fathom 

had  not 

ve  been 

0  by  his 

I  present 

. 

d  otber- 

1" 

ild  have 

I  * 

uld  now 

i  enougli 

ng  plant- 

• 

iho  pves- 

1  twenty 

i 

country, 

■f 

"orced  to 

ixpcct  to 

'.'( 

In  the 

;l 

hostages 

lUdren  to 

1 

3nts  fully 

-O 

U  charge 

' ,  ' 

lect  from 

■•' 

over  the 

M 

jted,  and 

1 
■•it 

scharged 

1 
1 

they  had 

sar,  US4i), 

()mi)laint 

1 

ennining 

f 

bring  in 

1 

ike  away 

K 

I,  "  in  an 

K' 

wherby 

W' 

irus  acte 

K 

it  must  be 

1 

Id  support 

V 

tlie  nssalant  then  ronfi'ssod  hoe  wns,  for  a  rnnsiderablo  sum  of  wnmpum, 
Ity  the  Nnrra^niisett  and  iNiaiiticke  sachciiis,  liired  to  attriii|it." 

Meanwhile  .Viulfi^rit,  uiKleiHtaiidiiig  what  was  to  be  urged  agaiiiHt  him, 
appeared  KUil.lenly  at  Honton  befiire  the  eoiiunisNiouers.  The  old  eata- 
lojru(!  *)f  deliin|ueneies  was  read  over  to  hirii,  with  .several  new  onen 
appended.  As  it  n'speete<l  ('HUanHin\i  attempt  U|)on  the  life  of  L'lirnit, 
,\'niii;ret  said  that  neither  In;  nor  l't:ss(irtiii  had  any  hand  in  it,  but  that 
"he  [OtMrtf/imi]  was  drawn  tli(>remito  by  tortiu'c;  from  the  IMohegaus;" 
"but  he  was  told,  that  the  assailant,  before  he  eame  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mohegans,  presently  arter  the  fact  was  eonimitted,  layed  the  charge  upon 
him,  with  the  rest,  which  he  confirmed,  the  day  following,  to  Capt.  Ma- 
son, in  the  presence  of  the  liiiglish  that  were  in  the  bark  with  him,  and 
oflen  reiterated  it  at  Hartford,  though  since  he  hath  denied  it :  that  ho 
was  presented  to  Uncos  under  the  notion  of  one  appertaining  to  I'ssame- 
qiiin,  whereby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend,  an«l  no  provocation 
given  him."  Cultaqmn  had  atlirmed,  it  was  said,  that  hi.s  desperate  con- 
dition caused  him  to  attempt  the  life  of  Unras,  "through  his  great 
engagement  to  the  said  Hachems,  having  received  u  considerable  quantity 
of  wHm])mn,  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  away 
his  life.;' 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  wo 
next  find  them  engoged  in  settling  the  olil  account  of  wampum.  JVini- 
s;rel  had  got  the  comnfissioners  debited  more  than  they  at  first  Avero 
willing  to  allow.  They  say  that  it  apr>"ared  by  the  auditor's  account, 
that  no  more  than  15'29i  fathom  hath  becii  credited,  "  nor  could  JWnif^et 
by  any  evidence  make  any  more  to  appear,  only  he  alleged  that  about 
(100  fathom  was  paid  by  measure  which  he  accounted  by  tale,  wherein 
there  WJis  considerable  difierence.  The  commissioners,  not  willing  to 
adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  particular,  (and  though  by  agreement  it 
was  to  be  paid  by  measure  and  not  by  tale,)  were  willing  to  allow  (j2 
fathom  and  half  in  that  respect,  so  that  there  remains  due  408  fathom. 
Ihit  JVintf^et  |)ersisting  in  his  former  afiirmation,  and  not  endeavored  to 
give  any  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  commissioners  in  the  premises,  a 
small  inconsiderable  parcel  of  beaver  being  all  that  wos  tendered  to 
Jhem,  though  they  understood  ho  was  better  provided."  They  therefore 
gave  him  to  understand  that  they  were  altogether  dissatisfied,  and  that 
he  might  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  detennined  to  protect  Uncas 
according  to  their  treaty  with  him. 

The  commissionen.  now  expressed  the  opinion  among  themselves, 
that  affairs  looked  rather  turbulent,  and  advised  that  each  colony  should 
hold  its(!lf  in  readiness  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require,  "  which 
they  the  rather  present  to  consideration,  from  an  information  they 
received  since;  their  sitting,  of  a  marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  JVini- 
greCs  daughter,  and  a  brother  or  brotJier's  son  of  SassaquaSf  the  malig- 
nant, furious  Pequot,  whereby  probably  their  aims  are  to  gather  together, 
and  reunite  the  scattered  conquered  Pequates  into  one  body,  and  set  them 
up  again  as  a  distinct  nation,  which  hath  always  been  witnessed  against 
by  the  English,  and  may  hazard  the  peace  of  the  colonies." 

The  four  years  next  succeeding  are  full  of  events,  but  as  they  happened 
chiefly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  difficult  to  learn  the 
particidars.  JVinigret  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a  part  of  Long 
Island,  as  did  his  predecessors ;  but  those  Indians,  seeing  the  English 
domineering  over  the  Narragansets,  became  ahogether  independent  of 
tlicm,  and  even  waged  wars  upon  them. 

.^scassasotick  was  at  this  period  the  chief  of  those  Indians,  a  wailike 
and  courageous  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbarous  as  he  was  lu-ave. 
TJjese  islanders  had  from  the  time  of  the  Pequot  troubles  been  protected 
7 


74 


NINUiUFT— WAIANDANi  n. 


[BuoK  II 


by  the  Kngli.th,  wliicli  iiiiicli  inrrmHrd  their  iiiHoIrnPC.  Not  only  linii 
.Vinlt^rrt,  niiil  tlin  rest  of  tlui  Nnrriiffiuiwts,  :u(li'n'<l  iVoiii  \m  iiiMiiltn,  but 
tlic  J\loli(>pniis  IiikI  iiIho,  ns  \vc  sliiill  iiiorf  fully  nmk);  nnpt^ar  li«Tcnl\i>r. 

WIm'ii  tlu!  Kn^'I'iHli  roiiiiiiissioiK'i-s  iitul  met  nt  IIiirtli)ril  in  U'M,  Unctia 
rnitio  with  a  romplaiiit  to  th(!iii,  "that  tiie  IMoliaiisick  Hariicin,  in  Loni; 
Island,  had  killed  hoiii  oI*  his  men  ;  hewitehed  (liiiei'H  othei'H  and  iiiniHelf 
also,*  and  desired  the  eommissioncrs  that  het;  mi^ht  Ito  righted  therin.  liut 
I)eeau80  the  HJiid  saeliem  of  honj,'  Island  was  not  there  to  answer  Car 
Jiimself,"  Heverul  Hnglishnien  w<!re  appointed  to  examine  into  it,  and  it' 
they  foimd  him  guilty  to  let  him  know  that  they  "  will  bring  troublu  upon 
themselves." 

At  the  same  inoetin<;  an  order  was  passed,  "that  20  men  well  nrmoil  bo 
sent  out  of  the  jiirisdietion  of  tlu;  Mnssaehiisetts  to  Pesaicus,  to  demand 
the  said  wampum,  [then  in  arrears,]  wiiich  is  308  fathom ;"  but  in  case 
they  could  not  get  the  wampum,  tliey  were  ordered  "  to  take  the  same, 
or  the  vallew  therof,  in  the  best  and  most  euitabh?  goods  they  ran  lind." 
Or,  if  they  could  not  find  enou<rh  to  satisfy  all  demands,  they  were 
ordered  to  seize  and  "  bring  away  either  Pcsaacits  or  his  ehiltlren,  or  such 
other  considerable  sachem  or  i)erson8,  us  they  prize,  and  may  more  prob- 
ably bow  them  to  reason." 

From  Pessaeu.i,  they  were  onlercci  to  go  to  JVinifi^ret,  and  inform  him 
that  tho  commissioners  had  heard  ^^thct  he  hail  frlven  his  daufi^hter  in  mar- 
riagr.  to  Sasecoa  his  brother,  who  gather.'!  Pequota  under  him,  aa  if  either  he 
tcoutd  become  their  sachem,  or  again  pcsaess  the  Penuol  countnj,^^  which  was 
contrary  to  "engagements,'' and  what  they  woulil  not  allovv,  and  ho  must 
inform  them  wliether  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  IVequaah 
Cook  "complains  of  sundry  wrongs."  And  that,  ns  to  liis  hunting  in  the 
Pcquot  coimtry,  to  inform  him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  that  coimtry 
belonged  to  the  English.  The  termination  of  this  expedition,  in  which 
JViniff)-et  was  taken  "  by  the  hair,"  has  been  previously  mentioned  in  our 
extract  from  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  given  some  account  of  the  acts 
of  u  chief  called  Waiandance,  especially  relating  to  the  disorganization 
of  tho  plans  of  that  great  chief.  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a  parallel 
act  in  relation  to  JVinigret.  About  a  year  after  the  death  of  Miantunno- 
nioh,  JVinigrct  imdertook  to  organize  a  plan  for  expatriating  the  English ; 
and  sent  u  messenger  to  ft'aiandance,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  to  engage 
iiim  ill  it.  Instead  of  listening  to  his  message,  IVaiandance  seized  upon 
JVinigreVs  messenger,  bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  £!a|>t.  Gardener  at 
Saybrook  fort.  From  thence  he  was  sent,  under  a  guard  of  10  men,  for 
Hartford.  Hut  they  were  wind-bound  in  their  jjassage,  and  were  obliged 
to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where  an  old  sachem  lived,  who  was  Waian- 
dancc's  elder  brother.  Here  they  let  NinigreVa  ambassador  escape,  and 
thus  he  had  knowledge  that  his  plan  was  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  Waiandance,  we  will  add 
the  account  of  hij  last  acts  and  death.  One  William  Hammond  being 
killed  "  by  a  giant-like  Indian"  near  New  York,  about  1637,  Capt.  Gardener 
told  Waiandance  that  he  must  kill  that  Indian ;  but  this  being  against  tho 
advice  of  the  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  and  told  tho 
captain  that  that  Indian  was  a  mighty  great  man,  and  no  man  dared 
meddle  with  him,  and  that  he  had  many  friends.  Some  time  after,  ho 
killed  another,  one  Thomas  Farrington,  and  in  the  mean  time,  Waiandance's 
brother  having  died,  he  undertook  his  exeoition,  which  he  accomplished. 
This  was  his  last  act  in  the  service  of  tiie  English ;  "for  in  the  time  of  a 
great  mortality  among  them,  he  died,  but  it  was  by  poison ;  also  two 


*  This  was  doubtless  as  true  as  were  most  of  his  charges  against  the  Narragansets. 


Chap.  IV. | 


MNHiUrr— MKXAM. 


75 


o 
o 


acts 
zution 

iiUel 
unno- 

lish ; 

gage 

upon 

ner  at 

3n,  for 

:>liged 

'aian- 

,and 

I  add 
being 

rdener 

ist  tho 
d  tho 
dared 
er,  ho 

lance's 
ishcd. 

le  of  a 
two 


tliiniM  of  tli*^  liiiliuiiH  ii|M>ii  liOiii;  IhIiuuI  died,  el:su  the  NaiTugnnsuta  Lad 
not  iinuU'  Niicli  liuvKC  htTf  IIS  tlii-y  liiivc." 

.Viiiffirl  piifsoil  tim  winter  of  Km^  — '{ iiinonp  tlm  Dutcli  of  Now-York. 
Till-  caiiHfd  iIh"  l',iiu;lisii  jjrcnt  MiM|iii'ioii,  csiHTially  as  lliry  wrro  rnnnics 
to  till-  Diitrli  at  that  time;  and  sivrral  sa^rnnKircs  wiin  resided  near  tlio 
Diiteli  liad  reiiorttul  tluit  tlio  Dutcli  governor  was  trying  to  liin;  them  to 
rut  olf  tli<(  1  Miglish ;  coiiseiiuently,  then' was  u  special  ineetiiig  of  the 
J'lnKlisii  coiiiniissionei-s  at  Hostoii,  in  April,  KmH,  <iccasi(uied  l>y  a  rumor 
that  the  iN'arragansets  had  leagued  with  the  Dutcli  to  hreak  ujithe  lliig- 
lisli  settlements.  Whereupon  u  letter  was  sent  by  them  to  their  agent  at 
Narragunset,  Thomas  .S'^mi/wh,  containing  "divers  i|iieiies,"  hy  him  to  ho 
interpreted  "to  .Vinefrnlt, /'issicus  and  .Meeksam,  \\\\v(',  of  the  chiefest 
Narragansef  sachems,"  and  their  answers  to  ho  immcdiutely  ohtained 
and  reported  to  the  commissioiiei-s. 

The  (|uesiioiis  to  he  put  i)  the  sachems  wero  in  suhstance  as  fol- 
lows:—  i.  Whether  the  J)utch  had  engaged  tlitMii*  to  fight  against  thu 
Kngtish. — y.  Whether  the  J)utch  governor  did  not  endeavor  such  a 
(onspiracy. — 'I.  Whether  they  had  not  recei\ed  arms  and  munitionti 
of  war  from  the  Dutch. — 4.  What  other  Indians  are  engaged  in  the 
plot. — 5.  Whether,  contrary  to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to 
light  against  the  English. — G.  If  they  are  so  resolved,  it'W  thry  think  the 
Eufrliihtcill  do. — 7.  Wli(!ther  they  had  not  hetter  he  true  to  the  English. 
— 8.  Similar  to  Uic  first. — 1).  What  were  their  grounds  of  war  against  the 
English. — 10.  Whether  they  had  not  better  come  or  send  messengers  to 
treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they  had  hired  the  Alohawka  to 
help  them. 

"The  an.sware  of  the  sachems,  viz.  JS/'imigrdt,  Pessccus  and  Mixam, 
vnto  the  (|ueri(!s  and  letters  sent  hy  the  nu<ssengers,  Sarjeaut  Ifaite  and 
Sarjcant  John  Barrdl,  the  18th  of  th<!  second  month,  KJoiJ." 

Mcxam  seems  to  have  been  the  iirst  that  answered  ;  and  of  the  first 
query  he  said : — 

'^  1  speak  unfa ffnedly,  from  my  heart,  and  say,  without  dissimulation,  that 
I  know  of  no  such  plot  against  the  English,  my  friends ;  implicating  either 
the  Dutch  governor  or  any  other  person.  Tlio'ugh  I  he  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
guns,  powder  nor  shot,  that  shall  draw  me  to  such  a  plot  as  this  against  the 
English,  my  friends.\  If  the  Dutch  governor  had  made  known  any  such 
intention  to  me,  I  would  have  told  it,  without  delay,  to  the  English,  my  friends. 
With  respect  to  your  second  question,  I  answer,  jVb.  fVhat  do  the  English 
sachems,  my  fnends,  think,  qf  us  9— do  they  think  we  should  prefer  goods, 
guns,  potvaer  aiul  shot,  before  our  lives'^  our  means  of  living"}  both  of  us 
and  ours'?  Jls  to  the  4/A  query,  I  speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  I  know  of 
no  such  plot  by  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  false  news  and  reports 
against  us ;  let  them  say  what  they  tvill,  they  are  false.  Jt  is  unnecessary  to 
say  more.  But  in  answer  to  the  10th  query  I  will  say,  It  is  just  messengers 
shoidd  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  English  sachems,  but  as  for  myself,  I  am  old, 
and  cannot  travel  two  days  together,  but  a  man  shall  be  sent  to  speak  with  the 
sachems.     I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Smith,  and  \  oll|  his  man,  to  spuik  to  Mr.  Brovvii, 


*  The  third  person  sin^lar,  he,  is  used  throiighotit,  in  liie  originnl,  as  it  was  supposed 
l)y  tiie  propounders  liinl  each  riiief  would  ho  iiuestioned  separately. 

t  Every  one  must  i>e  tbrcihiy  reminded  of  the  answer  ffivcn  by  one  of  our  revolution- 
ary worthies,  Joseph  Reed,  Es(|.,  to  a  British  agent,  on  reading  tliis  answer  of  the  ehief 
Me.ram  though  not  under  circuinslances  exactly  similar.  Mr.  Reed  was  promised  a 
fortune  if  he  would  exert  himself  on  the  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  it  in  the  light  of  a 
bribe,  he  tnplied  :  "  I  am  not  worth  j>nrchasin<; ,  hut,  sucii  as  I  am,  the  kirig  ^  Great 
Britain  is  nut  ridi  enough  to  do  it."  Dr.  Gordon's  America,  iii.  172.  ed.  Londou,  4 
vols.  8  vo.  1788, 

t  Vallentine  IVliitman,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  named. 


76 


NINIGRE  T.— PESS  ACUS. 


[Book  11. 


and  to  say  to  him,  that  I  love  the  English  sachems,  and  nil  Englishmen  in 
the  Bay :  jhid  desire  Mr.  Brown  to  tell  the  sachems  of  the  Bay,  that  the 
child  that  is  now  born,  or  that  is  to  be  bom  in  time  to  come,  shall  see  no  war 
made  by  us  against  the  English." 

Ptssacus  spoke  to  this  purpose  : — 

"  /  am  very  thankful  lo  these  two  men  that  came  from  the  Massachusetts,  and 
to  you  Thomus,  and  to  you  Poll,*  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith,  you  that  are  ome 
so  far  as  from  the  Bay  to  bnng  -".is  this  message,  and  to  inform  us  cf  thtse 
thiAgs  we  knew  Jiot  of  before.  As  for  the  governor  of  the  Dutch,  xve  are  loath 
io  invent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  ive  be  far  from  him,  to  please  the 
English,  or  any  others  that  hting  these  reports.  For  what  I  speak  with  my 
mouth  J  speak  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch,  governor  did  never  propound 
any  such  thing  unto  lis.  Do  you  think  ive  are  mad?  and  that  we  have  for- 
gotten our  ivriiing  that  we  had  in  the  Bay,  which  doth  bind  us  to  the  English, 
our  friends,  in  a  ivay  of  friendship  }  Shall  tve  throw  away  that  ivriting  and 
ourselves  too '}  Have  we  not  reason  in  iis ')  How  can  the  Dutch  shelter  us, 
being  so  remote,  against  the  power  of  the  English,  our  fncruls — lue  living 
close  by  the  doors  of  the  English,  our  friends  i  Jr'e  do  profess,  wc  abhor 
such  things." 

Lastly,  we  come  to  the  chief  actor  ia  this  affair,  J^lriigret.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  order,  and  answei-s  it,  which,  for  brevity's  sake,  we  will  give 
in  a  little  more  condoiisod  form,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  can  in 
any  degree  add  to  our  acquaintance  with  the  great  ciiief.  He  thus  com- 
mences : — 

**  I  utterly  deny  that  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  between  the  Dutch 
governor  and  myself,  to  fight  against  the  English.  I  did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  say  they  would  go  and  fight  against  the  English  ;  neither  did  I 
hear  the  Indians  say  they  would  join  with  them.  But,  while  I  tvas  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  that  told  me  there  was  a  ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  tvere  fighting 
together  in  their  own  country,  and  there  ivere  several  other  ships  cotning  with 
ammunilion  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a  great 
blow  given  to  the  English  ivhen  they  came.  But  this  I  had  from  the  Indians, 
and  how  true  it  is  I  cannot  tell.  I  know  not  of  any  wrong  the  English  have 
done  me,  therefore  vf  hy  should  I  fight  against  themJ  Why  do  the  English 
sachems  ask  me  the  same  questions  over  and  over  again  ?  Do  they  think  we 
are  mad — and  ioould,for  a  few  guns  and  sivo)-Us,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  lives 
of  our  wives  and  children  ?  As  to  their  tenth  question,  it  heh  -^^  indij'erently 
spoken,  whether  I  may  go  or  semi,  though  I  know  nothing  my.  If,  tvhcrein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  prevent  my  going ;  yet,  as  I  said  before,  it 
being  left  to  my  choice,  that  is,  it  being  indifierent  to  the  commissioners, 
whether  I  ivill  send  some  one  to  sptak  with  them,  I  will  send."\ 

To  the  letters  which  the  P'nglish  messengers  carried  to  the  sachems, 
Mexam  and  Pessacus  said,  "  JVe  desire  there  may  be  no  mistake,  but  that  we 
may  be  understood,  and  that  there  may  be  a  true  understanding  on  both  sides. 
fVe  desire  to  know  ivhcv  you  had  this  news,  that  th're  tvas  such  a  league 
made  betwixt  the  Dutch  and  us,  and  also  to  know  our  accusers." 

,Yinigret,  though  of  the  most  importance  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned 
in  the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  liim  by  the  commis- 
sioners is  as  follows : — 


*  So  printed  in  Hazard,  but  probably  means  tiio  same  as  Voll ;  V,  in  the  latter  case, 
having  been  taken  for  P.     \Vc  liave  known  such  nistances. 

t  The  preceding  sentence  of  our  text,  the  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  thinks.  '■  woulrl 
puzzle  the  most  ?«|/s/!/'j/?«o-.pohtician  of  modern  times."     Indeed!  What!  a  Philadel- 


phia/oic;/*'/' ?  Really,  we  cannot  conceive  that  it  oun-Jit  in  the  least  to  ])uzzle  even  a 
Bostim  lawyer.  If  'A  puzzle  exKi.  any  where,  wc  apprehend  it  is  iu  eome  wijsti/ijing 
word. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MMGRET— AWASIIAW. 


lachems, 
that  we. 

\lh  sides, 
league 

[ntioncd 
toiuinis- 


lller  case, 

•  woul'i 
iFhiliulel- 
■e  even  a 

IfijstifijiiiS 


cliusitts  that  they  should  think  o, 
in<juired  of  concerning  this  matter. 


nd  I  kindly  thank  the  sachems  ofMassn- 
me  as  one  of  the  sachems  worthy  to  be 
Had  any  of  the  other  sachems  been  at 
the  Dutch,  I  should  have  feared  their  folbj  ight  have  done  some  hurt,  one 
way  or  other,  but  thky  have  not  been  tht  .  I  am  the  man.  J  have  been 
there  myself.  I  alone  am  answerable  for  tvhat  I  have  done.  And,  as  I  have 
already  declared,  I  do  utterly  deny  and  protest  that  I  know  of  no  such  plot  as 
has  been  apprehended.  Jf'hat  is  the  stonj  of  these  great  rumors  that  I  hear 
at  Pocalocke — that  I  shoidd  be  cut  off,  and  that  the  English  had  a  quarrel 
asainst  me ")  I  know  of  no  such  cause  at  all  for  my  part.  Is  it  because  I 
u'int  thither  to  take  physic  for  my  health  ?  or  what  is  the  cause  ?  I  found  no 
such  entertainment  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I  was  there,  as  to  give  me 
any  enrovragement  to  stir  me  up  to  such  a  league  against  the  English,  my 
friends.  It  teas  tointer  time,  and  I  stood,  a  great  part  of  a  winter  day, 
knocking  at  the  governor's  door,  and  he  would  neither  open  it,  nor  suffer  others 
to  open  it,  to  let  me  in.  I  was  not  wont  tofiiui  such  carriage  from  the  Eng- 
lish, my  fiends." 

Not  long  after  the  return  of  the  English  messengers,  who  hronght  the 
above  relation  of  their  mission,  Jlwashaw  arrived  at  Boston,  as  "  messen- 
ger" cit'  JVinigret,  Pessacus  and  Meram,  with  "tin'ee  or  four"  others.  An 
iiKjuisitiou  was  immediately  held  over  hiin,  and,  from  his  cross-examina- 
tion, we  gather  the  following  answers : — 

"Niiiigrct  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  be  cured  of  his  disease,  hear- 
ing there  was  a  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him ;  and  Mr.  John  Winthrop 
knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  'SO  fathom  of  tvampum,  gave  the  doctor  10, 
and  the  Dutch  governor  15,  tvho,  in  lieu  thereof,  gave  him  coats  wilh  sleeves, 
but  not  one  gun,  though  the  Indians  there  gave  him  two  guns.  That,  while 
Ninigret  was  thera,  he  crossed  Hudson^s  River,  and  there  an  Indian  told  him 
about  the  arrivri  of  the  Dutch  ships.  As  to  the  com  sent  to  the  Dutch  by 
Ninigret,  if  nus  only  to  pay  his  passage,  the  Dutch  having  brought  him  home 
in  a  vessel.  Five  men  toent  ivith  Ninigret.  Four  came  home  with  him  in 
the  vessel,  and  one  came  by  land  before.  One  of  his  company  was  a  JMohegan, 
and  one  a  Conecticott  Indian,  who  lived  on  the  other  side  of  Hudscni's  River. 
A  canoe  was  furnished  unth  GO  fathom  of  icampum,  ajler  Ninigret's  return 
from  Monhatoes,  to  be  sent  there  to  pay  for  the  two  guns,  but  six  fathom  of  it 
was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  umch  was  then  due  to  him.  There  ivere 
in  it,  also,  tivo  raccoon  coats,  and  two  braver  skins,  and  seven  Indians  to  go 
with  it.     They  and  the  canoe  were  captured  by  Uncas." 

An  Indian  named  "  JVcwcom-JMatuxes,  sometitnes  of  Rhode  Island," 
was  one  that  accompanied  Awashaw.  "One  John  Lightfoot,  of  Boston," 
said  Matuxes  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  SouthhoM, 
and  learned  their  language,)  that  the  Dutchmen  would  "cut  off "  tlie 
English  of  Long  Island.  ^^JVewcom  also  confesseth  [to  him]  that  A  uii'- 
gret  said  that  he  heard  that  some  ships  were  to  come  from  Holland  to  tho 
flfonhattoes  to  cut  off  the  English."  ''That  an  Indian  told  him  that  tJKi 
Dutch  would  come  against  the  English,  and  cut  them  off,  but  they  wo-.ild 
save  the  women  and  children  and  guns,  for  themselves.  But  Capt.  Sim- 
kins  and  the  said  I/ightfoot  do  both  affirm  that  the  "said  J^ewcom  told  them 
that  the  Dutchmen  toldl.im,  as  before  [stated,]  though  he  now  puts  it  off, 
and  s.iith  an  Iiulian  told  him  so."  Simkins  affirmed  also  that  JVewcom 
told  him  that  if  lie  would  go  and  serve  the  Dutch,  they  would  give  him  a 
100£  a  year. 

On  examining  JVewcom,  tho  commissioners  gave  if  as  their  opinion  that 
ho  was  guilty  of  perfidy,  and  that  thoy  should  not  have  let  him  escape 
witlio\it  punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  amlmF^ador. 
They,  therefore,  desired  Awashaw  to  inform  A7)i)*jrrf/  of  it,  that  he  miglit 
send  him  to  them  again,  "the  better  to  clear  iiiniself."    This  we  appro 


78 


NIMGRET— UNCASS  PERFIDV. 


[Book  II. 


liend  was  not  done.  Awashaw  next  notified  the  court  that  he  had  not 
done  with  them,  "  whereupon  lie  was  sent  for  to  speak  wiiat  he  had 
further  to  |)ropound."  He  demanded  how  they  came  by  their  informa- 
tion "of  all  these  things  touching  JVinigret."  They  said  from  several 
Indians, ;jar<tcM/ar/y  "the  Monheage  Indian  and  the  Narraganset  Indian, 
which  were  both  taken  by  Uncos  his  men,  who  had  confessed  the  plot 
before  Mr.  Haines  at  Hartford."  Awashaw  also  demanded  restitution  of 
the  wampum  taken  by  Uncos.  The  commissioners  told  him  that  they 
had  not  as  yet  understood  of  the  truth  of  that  action,  but  when  they 
had  thoroughly  examined  it,  he  should  have  an  answer. 

So,  all  this  legislating  was  about  JVinigret^s  going  to  the  Dutch ;  for  as 
to  a  i)lot  ilicre  appeare  no  evidence  of  any ;  but  when  Uncos  had  com- 
mitted u  great  de{)redation  upon  JVinigret,  why — "  that  altered  the  case" 
— they  must  inquire  into  it,  which  doubtless  was  all  right  so  far,  but  if  a 
like  complaint  had  been  preferred  against  JVinigret  by  Uncas,  we  have 
reason  to  think  it  would  have  been  tbrthwith  "  inquired  into,"  at  least, 
without  an  if. 

A  story,  it  cannot  be  called  evidence,  told  by  Uncas,  relating  to  JVYjii- 
gret^s  visit  to  the  Dutch,  is  recorded  by  tiie  commissioners,  and  which, 
if  it  amount  to  any  thing,  goes  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  indeed  an 
acknowledgment  of  his  own  perhdy  in  taking  JVinigreVs  bo  t  and  goods 
as  charged  by  Jlwashaw.     It  is  as  follows : — 

"  Uncas,  the  Mohegan  sachem,  came  lately  to  Mr.  Hains'  house  at  Hart- 
ford, and  informed  him  that  JVinnigreU,  sachem  of  the  Niantick  Narra- 
gansetts,  went  this  winter  to  the  Monhatoes"  and  made  a  league  with  the 
Dutch  governor,  and  for  a  large  present  of  wampum  received  '20  guns 
and  a  great  box  of  powder  and  bullets.  J\''inigret  told  him  of  the  great 
injuries  he  had  sustained  from  Uncas  and  the  English.  That  on  the 
oilier  side  of  Hudson's  River,  JVinigret  had  a  conference  with  a  great 
many  Indian  sagamores,  and  desired  their  aid  to  cut  olf  the  Mohegans 
and  English.  Also,  that,  about  two  years  since,  JVinigret  ^^  sent  to  the 
Monheage  sachem,  and  gave  him  a  present  of  wainpuiii,  pressing  him 
to  procure  a  man  skilful  in  magic  workings,  and  an  artist  in  |)oisoning, 
and  send  unto  him ;  and  he  should  receive  more  one  hundredth  fathom 
of  wam})um,  which  was  to  have  been  :;onveyed  to  the  Monheage  sachem, 
and  the  powaugh  at  the  return  of  him  that  was  to  bring  tlie  poison. 
Uncas  having  intelligence  of  these  things,  caused  a  narrow  watch  to  be 
.'Ct,  by  sea  and  land,  tcr  the  apprehending  of  those  j)ersons :  and  accord- 
i.igiy  took  them  returning  in  a  canoe  to  the  number  of  seven:  whereof 
four  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangers  and  one  Pcquatt.  Tliis 
'.vas  (lone  in  his  absence,  while  he  was  with  Mr.  Haines,  ai  Conecticott, 
and  cjirried  by  those  of  his  men  that  took  them  to  Mohegen.  liciiig 
theic  examined,  two  of  them,  the  [Wanipeage*]  sachem's  brother,  and 
one  Narraganset  freely  confessed  the  whole  plot  formerly  expressed,  and 
that  one  of  their  company  was  that  powaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  out 
the  man.  Upon  this,  his  men  in  a  rage  slew  him,  fearii'g,  a.)  he  said, 
least  he  should  make  an  escape,  or  otherwise  do  either  mischief  to  Uncas 
or  the  English,  in  case  they  should  carry  him  with  the  rest  before  them, 
to  Conecticott  to  be  further  examined.  And  being  brought  to  Conecticott 
before  Mr.  Haines,  and  examined,  did  assert  these  particulars." 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  "an  inhabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that 
the  Dutch  ajid  Indiaiis  generally  were"  confederating  to  cut  ofl"  the 
English,  and  that  election  day,  [1054,]  was  the  time  set,  "because  then  it 
is  apprehended  the  j)lantatioiis  will  be  left  naked  and  unable  to  defend 
themselves,  the  strength  of  the  English  colonies  being  gathered  from  tho 


*  See  (Jcclaraiiou  onward  in  tlie  records,  (//a:,  ii,  322.) 


Chai'.  IV.] 


NIMGRKT.— AUDAM. 


79 


gaiis 

to  tlie 

hitu 

ouing, 

ithoiii 

lein, 

oison. 

to  be 

:ord- 

!reof 

This 

ticott, 

lil'illg 
,  and 

I,  and 

g  «i't 
said, 

Uncus 

tlieni, 

jticott 

that 

■  the 

iicn  it 

lelend 

In  tho 


several  towns.  And  the  aforesaid  scjuaw  advised  the  said  inhabitants  to 
ac(Hiaiut  tlie  rest  of  the  EngHsh  with  it,  desiring  tlicy  would  remember 
liow  dear  their  shghting  of  her  former  information  of  the  Pequots  com- 
ing upon  tlie  English  cost  them."* 

It  would  seem,  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  records,  that  some- 
thing had  been  suggested  either  by  the  Dutch  or  Indians,  about  "cutting 
oti'  the  English,"  which  justice  to  JVinigret  requires  ua  to  state,  might 
have  been  the  case  without  his  knowledge  or  participation.  For,  the 
testimony  of  the  messengers  of  "  nine  Indian  sagamores  who  live  L-^/Out 
the  Alonhatoes"  no  how  implicates  him,  and,  therefore,  cannot  be  token 
into  account,  any  more  than  what  an  Indian  named  Ronnessoke  told 
.yicholas  7'«?i ner,  as  interpreted  by  another  Indian  called  Addam;  the 
latter,  though  relating  to  A'inifrrel^s  visit,  was  oidy  a  hearsay  afiair.  Roil' 
ressoke  was  a  sagamore  of  Long  Island. 

Jlddam  also  inter[)reted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Poioanege, 
"  who  saith  he  came  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  over 
against  the  Monhatoes,  where  the  ])lot  is  a  working,  that  was  this :  that 
the  Dutchmen  asked  the  Indiaijs  whether  they  would  leave  tliem  at  the 
last  cast,  or  stand  up  with  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  should  fear 
nothing,  and  not  be  discouraged  because  the  plot  was  discovered,"  &c. 

Addam  the  interpreter  had  also  a  story  to  tell.  He  said,  "this  spring 
[1(j53,  O.  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aurania,  [since  Ali»any,] 
and  first  went  to  a  place  called  Ackicksack,  [llackinsack,]  a  great  place 
of  Indians,  from  thence  to  IMonncsick,  [Minisink,]  thence  to  Opingona, 
thence  to  Warranoke,  thence  to  Fort  Aurania:  And  so  far  he  went  in 
his  own  persoiu  From  thence  he  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [Deerfield,  on  tho 
Connecticut,]  and  he  carried  with  him  many  note  of  sewan,  that  is,  bags 
of  wamj  im,  and  delivered  them  to  the  sagamores  of  the  places,  and 
tiiey  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their  men ;  and  withal  he  carried 
powder,  shot,  cloth,  lead  and  guns ;  and  told  them  he  would  get  all  the 
great  Indians  under  him,  and  the  English  should  have  the  scum  of  the 
Indians,  and  he  would  have  those  sagamores  with  their  men  to  cut  oft* 
the  English,  and  to  be  at  his  command  wlienever  he  had  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  to  Und  tliem  powder  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them. 
Turther,  he  sent  one  Govt.'rt,  a  Dutchman,  to  INIarsey,  on  Long  Island,  to 
A''iltanaho)n,  the  saganiore,  to  assist  him  and  to  do  for  him  what  he  would 
have  [iiim]  do :  But  the  sagamore  told  him  he  would  have  nothing  to 
[do]  with  it:  whereupon  Govert  gave  the  sagamore  a  great  kettle  to  be 
silent.  A'illanaham  told  him  he  had  but  '.'0  men,  and  the  English  had 
never  done  him  wrong,  [liixd]  he  had  no  cause  to  fight  against  them. 
Fiu-ther,  he  saith  that  ^VumeirrcU,  tho  fiscal,f  and  the  Dutch  governor 
were  up  two  days  in  a  close  room,  with  other  sagamores  ;  and  there  was 
no  speaking  with  any  of  them  e.\cei>t  when  they  came  for  a  coal  of  fire,}: 

*  Ilefcrrin^  to  an  alVair  of  lliCT,  which  Dr.  /.  TI/a/ZitT  relates  as  follows:  "In  tiio 
interim,  [wiiilo  Cai)t.  3!ii.ton  was  prolcrting  Savbrook  fort.]  many  of  the  I'equods  went 
to  a  ])lafc  now  callcil  Wi'lherajkld  on  Connecticut  River,  and  having  confeil(!ralC(I  with 
the  Inilians  of  that  ))lacc,  (tis  it  was  fconerallv  ihou£;ht,)  they  laid  in  ambush  for  the 
Kiii;li.sli  people  of  that  jilacc,  and  divers  of  them  goiufr  to  their  labor  in  a  larffc  field 
adjoining'  to  the  town,  were  set  upon  in'  the  Indians.  Nine  of  the  English  were  slain 
U))on  the  place,  and  some  horses,  and  two  young  women  were  taken  captive."  Rclalion 
I'J'lh,'  Troubles,  Ike.  'J(i. — Dr.  Tnunhttll  says  this  happened  in  April.     Hist.  Con.  i,  77. 

'I'lic  cause  of  this  act  of  the  Pequols,  according  to  Wintlirop,  i.  2()0,  was  tiiis.  An 
Indian  called  t^niiiin  had  given  the  English  lands  at  Wcthcrsfield,  that  he  might  live 
liy  iliem  and  be  proteeled  frinii  oUier  Jndians.  Rut  when  he  came  there,  and  liad  set 
donn  his  wigwam,  the  liUgtish  drove  him  away  bv  force.  And  hence  it  was  supposed 
tiiat  ho  had  nlolted  their  destruction,  as  above  related,  with  the  Peciuots. 

t  A  Dntcli  orticcr,  whose  duty  is  similar  to  that  of  treasurer  among  the  English. 

t  To  I'glit  tlieir  pipes,  doubtiossi — llic  Dutch  agreeing  well,  iu  the  particular  of  sniokiug, 
with  the  Indians. 


80 


NINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'S  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


Chap.  II 


or  the  like.  And  much  sewan  was  seen  at  tliat  time  in  JVinneicret's  liand, 
and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ;"  and  that  Ronnesseoke  told  him  that 
the  governor  hid  liim  fly  for  his  hte,  for  the  plot  was  now  (hscovcred. 

Nevertheless,  as  for  any  positive  testimony  that  J^inifrret  was  plotting 
against  the  English,  there  is  none.  That  he  was  in  a  room  to  avoid  com- 
pany, while  his  ])hysician  was  attending  him,  Is  very  prohahle. 

In  a  long  letter,  dated  2()th  Rlay,  1(>53,  which  the  governor  of  New 
Amsterdam,  Peter  Shnjvesaiit,  wrote  to  the  English,  is  the  following  pas- 
Bajre : — "  It  is  in  part  true,  as  your  woreliips  conclude,  that,  ahout  January, 
there  came  a  strange  IncUan  from  the  north,  called  JVinnigrett,  com- 
mander of  the  Narragansets.  But  lie  came  hither  with  a  pass  from  Mr. 
John  Winthrop.  Upon  which  pass,  as  we  rcmemhor,  Mie  occasion  of  his 
coming  was  e.xpresseil,  namely,  to  be  cured  and  healed ;  and  if,  upon 
tin!  other  side  of  tlie  river,  there  hath  been  any  assembly  or  meeting 
of  the  Indians,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not  [of  it.]  We  heard 
that  lie  hath  been  upon  Long  Island,  about  Nayacke,  where  he  hath  been 
for  the  most  part  of  the  winter,  and  hath  had  several  Indians  with  him, 
but  what  he  hath  negotiated  with  them  remains  to  us  unknown :  nly 
this  we  know,  that  what  your  worehips  lay  unto  our  charge  are  false 
reports,  and  feigned  informations." 

The  war  with  JlscassasOtic,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  particulars  in 
our  possession,  was  the  nexi  affair  of  any  considerable  moment  in  the 
lil'e  of  JVinigret. 

In  1(554,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  communicated  to  Massachu- 
setts, that  the  last  simuner  JVinhmi,  vvithout  any  cause,  "that  he  doth  so 
much  as  allege,  fell  uj)on  the  Long  Islan.-I  Indians,  our  friiinds  and  tributa- 
ries," and  killed  many  of  them,  and  took  others  prisoners,  and  would  not 
restore  them.  "This  summer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  them ;  in 
one  whereof  Ire  killed  a  man  and  woman,  that  lived  upon  the  land  of  the 
liUglish,  and  within  one  of  tlu^ir  townships ;  and  another  Inclian,  that 
kept  the  c()ws  of  the  ViUglish."  lie  had  drawn  many  of  the  foreign 
Indians  dow  n  from  Connecticut  and  Hudson  Rivers,  who  rendezvoused 
upon  Winthrop's  Island,  where  they  killed  some  of  his  cattle.*  This 
war  began  in  1(553,  and  continued  "several  years."t 

The  commissionei's  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  blind  to  all  complaints 
against  Uiicas ;  but  the  Narragansets  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of  those 
times,  the  fact  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  of  the  writers  of  the  history 
of  that  period  copy  froui  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  which  ac- 
counts for  their  making  out  a  good  case  for  the  English  and  Mohegans. 
The  spirit  which  actuated  the  grave  commissioners  is  easily  discovered, 
and  I  need  only  refer  my  n  aders  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Despe- 
rate errors  nKjuire  othtu'S,  oftentimes  still  more  desiierate,  until  the  hrst 
appear  small  compared  with  the  magnitude  of  the  last!  It  is  all  along 
discoverable,  that  those  venerable  records  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of 
evidence,  and  that  when  a  Narragausot  appciarcd  in  his  own  defence,  so 
many  of  his  enemies  stood  ready  to  give  him  the  he,  that  his  indignant 
Hpirit  could  not  stoop  to  contradict  or  park^y  with  them ;  and  thus  his 
assumed  guilt  jiassed  on  for  history.  The  long-silenced  and  bonie-down 
friend  of  the  Indians  of  Moosijhausic,}:  no  longer  sleeps.  Amid.st  his 
toils  and  jiorils,  he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in  their  defence;  and 
though  hit  letters  for  a  season  slept  with  him,  they  are  now  awakuig  at 
the  void!  of  (lay. 

When  till!  ICiiglish  had  resolved,  in  1054,  to  send  a  force  against  the 
Narragansets,  l)eciiiise  tiiey  had  had  diliiculties  and  wars  with  Jlscassasn- 


tic,  as  \\ 

in  a  Ictt' 

root  f)f  t 

tick,  tilt 

foniicr  i 

^<een  hin 

1st.  lliat 

English, 

rliallcng 

roii.s(ilt(  ( 

i\laj.  Em 

pli<'it  coi 

lisli  have 

upon  the 

tlieiii  ('lii( 

and  (lesir 

Isiandei-s 

Jiis  Nam 

note,  e.spe 

In  the  |)i( 

to  his  assi 

ceediiigs, 

The  grf 

being  cnti 

occasional 

against  tin 

"The  c 

credible  in 

coin-t,  [of 

unarmed  |i 

four  wonii 

cliiisetts  gf 

relief  to  tin 

to  send,  (It; 

ton,!  to  del 

iiisolenr.     ( 

f^ince  this  d 

7.  The  poc 

were  pl(>as( 

tlicy  sh()ul( 

!'.  .VinecroJ 

•his  matter. 

This  nie 

fi;"m  whicl 

distressed  b 

make  reiruii 

In  nm,' 

to  tlio  coinii 
an  intoh'rai 
^vas  now  c( 
J^lohcgan,  vi 
eight  hulleb 
l-nglislMMci) 
have  so  Ijir  t 


*  Manuscnpl  documents. 


t   Wood's  Ilist.  Long'  Island. 


I  Provitleiicc. 


*  Froiii  tl 
t  Sun  uf  ( 


Chap.  IV.] 


MMGRKT— ASCASSASOTICKS  W.\R. 


81 


(iV,  IIS  w<!  liavo  relntod,  ^^^.  IfilUams  <'xprcs.se(l  his  views  of  the  matter 
ill  a  IcttiT  to  tlie  governor  of  Mii.ssac^hiisctts  as  lollowa: — "Tiie  cause  and 
root  olull  the  present  mischiefs  is  the  pridi;  of  two  l)arl)arians,  yisraMrtAti- 
iick,  the  Long  Island  saeiiem,  and  JVenekunat  of  the  Narigenset.  The 
former  is  proud  and  fooiisli,  tlie  hitter  is  prouil  and  fieree.  I  have  not 
seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  fi'om  their  sober  men,  I  iiear  he  pleads, 
1st.  that  .lura^sanutick,  a  very  infi'rior  saeliem,  (bearing  himself  upon  the 
I'liglish,)  hath  slain  three  or  four  of  his  people,  and  sinee  that  sent  him 
elialieiiges  and  darings  to  fight  and  mend  liimself'.  2<l.  lie,  JVenekunat 
eonsiiltcd  by  soh'iiin  niessengei-s,  with  the  chief  of  the  English  governors, 
]\[aj.  Endicot,  then  governor  of  the  IMassaehusetts,  who  sent  him  an  im- 
plicit consent  to  right  himself:  u|)on  w  hich  they  all  plead  that  the  Eng- 
lish have  just  occasion  of  dis]»leasure.  'M.  After  Ik^  had  taken  revenge 
iiljoii  the  Long  Islanders,  and  brought  away  about  14  eajnives,  (divei-s  of 
fliem  chief  women,)  yet  he  restored  them  all  again,  U])on  the  mediation 
and  desire  of  the  English.  4tli.  After  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Long 
Islaiulei-s  pretending  to  visit  JVenekunat  at  Itlock  Island,  slaughtered  of 
his  Narragansets  near  30  persons,  at  midnight ;  two  of  them  of  great 
note,  especially  Wtpileammock^s  son,  to  whom  ,YcHeAuna<  was  uncle.  5th. 
Ill  the  pio.sccution  of  this  war,  although  he  had  drawn  down  the  inlanders 
to  his  assistance,  yet,  upon  protestation  of  the  English  against  his  pro- 
ceedings, he  retreated  and  dissolved  his  army."* 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into  these  particulars, 
being  entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians ;  but  yet  we 
occasionally  meet  with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence 
against  the  proceeding  of  Uncos,  and  his  friends  the  commissioners: 

"The  ruise  of  the  Nipmiik  Indinn!^,  so  far  ns  by  tlie  beat  and  most 
credible  intelligence,  I  have  understood,  presented  to  the  honored  general 
court,  [of  Massachusetts,]  1.  Uncns  his  men,  at  imawares,  set  upon  an 
unarmed  poor  people,  and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty- 
fi)ur  women  and  children.  2.  Some  of  these  were  subjects  to  Mossa- 
eluisetts  government,  by  being  tlie  subjects  of  Josias.\  3.  They  sued  (or 
relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and  magistrates.  4.  They  were  pleased 
to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a  commission  to  Capt.  Denison,  [of  Stoning- 
toii,]  to  demand  these  captives.  5.  Uncas  his  answer  was,  (as  I  heard,) 
insolent.  0,  They  did  not  only  abuse  the  women  bv  filthiness,  but  have, 
since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  I  hear)  some  or  all  of  those  captives. 
7.  The  ])oor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to  do.  8.  Yon 
were  jjleased  to  tell  them,  you  would  jiresent  it  to  the  free  court,  and 
they  should  ex])ect  their  answer  from  them,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
!>.  .Vcnecroft,  yea,  all  the  Indians  of  the  country,  wait  to  see  the  issue  of 
this  matter."}: 

This  memorial  is  dated  12tli  May,  1G59,  and  signed  by  John  Eliot ; 
from  which  it  is  evident  there  had  been  great  delay  in  relieving  those 
distressed  by  the  haughty  Uncas.  And  yet,  whether  he  was  caused  to 
make  remuneration  in  any  way,  we  do  not  find. 

In  1()()0,  "the  general  court  of  Connecticut  did,  by  their  letters  directed 
to  the  commissionei-s  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  summer,  represent 
an  intolerable  affront  done  by  the  Narragaiiset  Indians,  and  the  same 
was  now  complained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a  new  plantatipn  at 
I\Uiliegaii,  viz:  that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  lime  of  the  night,  shoot 
eight  bullets  into  an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same;  wherein  five 
Eiiglishinen  were  aslec|).  Of  which  insolcMicy  the  Narraganset  sachems 
Iiiue  so  far  taken  notice,  as  to  send  a  slight  excuse  by  Maj.  Atherton,  that 


From  tlic  orisinol  Utter,  in  mimtiscript,  ainoiig[  the  files  in  our  sta'.c-liouse. 


t  Son  of  Chikalmtbut. 


\  Manuscript  state  pctiier. 


8S 


NIMGRET. 


[Book  II. 


they  ilid  neither  consent  to  nor  allow  of  such  praoticos,  l)ut  nmke  no  ten- 
der of  satisfaction."*  But  they  asited  the  ])riviiege  to  meet  tliC  comiii!»- 
sioners  at  tlieir  next  session,  at  wliicJi  time  tliey  gave  them  to  understand 
that  satisfaction  should  be  made.  Tiiis  could  not  have  been  other  than 
a  reasonable  request,  l»ut  it  was  not  granted ;  and  messengers  were  forth- 
with ordered  to  "repair  to  Minigret,  Pessicus,  tVoqxiacanoost,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,"  to  'amand  "at  least  four  of  the  chief 
of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house."  And  in  case  they  should  not 
be  delivered.,  to  demand  five  hundred  ttithoms  of  wampum.  They  v»cre 
directed,  in  particular,  to  "  charge  JVinigret  with  breach  of  covenant,  and 
high  neglect  of  their  order,  sent  them  by  Maj.  Willard,  six  years  since, 
not  to  invade  the  Long  Island  Indians;  and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
siu'|)rising  tlie  Long  Island  Indans  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of 
them,  to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the  English,  and  a  barbarous  and  in- 
Innnan  act."  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  prominent  charges,  and 
five  hundred  and  nLnety-fivef  fathoms  of  wampum  was  the  ■prict  demand- 
ed for  them ;  and  "  the  general  court  of  Conneciicut  is  desired  and  em- 
I lowered  to  send  a  convenient  company  of  men,  under  some  discreet 
eader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the  same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of 
recovering  the  same ;  and  in  case  the  persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be 
sent  to  Barbadoes,"t  and  eold  for  slaves. 

It  appears  hat  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut  coidd  not  collect  the 
wampum,  nor  secure  the  ofii3nders ;  but  for  the  paytnent,  condescended 
to  take  a  mortgage  of  all  the  Narraganset  countiy,  with  the  provision  that 
it  should  be  void,  if  it  were  paid  in  four  mont'xs.  Quissoquus,§  JVeneglud, 
and  Scuttup,\\  signed  the  deed. 

JVinigret  did  not  eneage  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  Philip's 
war.  Dr.  Mather^  calls  nim  an  "  old  crafty  sachem,  who  had  with  some 
of  his  men  withdrawn  himself  from  the  rest."  He  must  at  this  time  have 
been  "an  old  sachem,"  for  we  meet  with  him  as  a  chief,  as  early  as 
1G32. 

Although  Ninigret  was  not  personally  engaged  in  Philip's  war,  still  he 
must  have  suffered  considerably  from  it;  often  being  obliged  to  send 
his  people  to  the  English,  to  gratify  some  whim  or  caprice,  and  at  other 
times  to  appeal*  himself.  On  10  Sept.  1()75,  eight  of  his  men  came  as 
ambassadors  to  Boston,  " having  a  certificate  from  Capt.  Smith"**  who 
owned  a  large  estate  in  Narraganset.  After  having  finished  their  business, 
they  received  a  pass  from  the  authorities  to  return  to  their  own  country. 
This  certificate  or  pass  was  fastened  to  a  staff  and  carried  by  one  in  front 
of  the  rest.  As  they  were  going  out  of  Boston  "a  back  way,"  two  men 
met  ihem,  and  seized  u{)on  him  that  carried  the  piiss.  These  men  were 
brothers,  who  had  Jmd  a  brother  killed  by  Philip's  men  some  time  before. 
This  Indian  they  accused  of  killing  him,  and  in  court  swore  to  his  identi- 
ty, and  he  was  in  a  few  days  hanged.ff 

Notwithstanding  these  att'airs,  another  enibagsy  was  soon  atTor  sent  to 
Boston.  On  the  15  Sept.  "the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a  party"  to  order 
JVinigret  to  appear  there  in  person,  to  give  an  account  of  his  sheltoring 

*  Record  of  the  United  Colonics,  in  Hazard, 

t  The  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  offence,  viz.  '•  for  the  insolcnries  coni- 
rnitted  at  Mr.  Brewster's,  in  killing  an  Indian  servant  ^  I  Rlrs.  Brrwstcr's  feet,  to  her 
great  aflrightment,  and  stcaline'  corn,  &c.,  and  other  affronts."      Hazard,  ii.  4'33. 

J  Records  oft!'.  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

^  The  same  called  Queqw<^iine7it,i\ie  son  of  Magnus.  Neuroin  and  Awasliars  were 
witnesses.    The  deed  itself  may  be  seen  on  file  among  our  Slate  Papers. 

II  Grandson  of  Canonicus,  son  of  Magnus,  and  brother  of  Qiiequegunent. 

ir  Brief  History,  20. 

**  Capt.  Richard  Smith,  prubably,  who  settled  quite  early  in  that  country.  Wo  find 
liiin  there  13  ycaxs  before  thi.«.  ft  rrcscul  State,  &c.,  H. 


Chap.  IV.  I 


NINIGRET. 


83 


Qiiaiapen,  ^\''  squaw-snchem  of  Narrngansct.  lie  sent  ".vord  that  lie 
uoiild  eoiiic,  "  nrovidod  lie  might  be  safely  returned  back."  l*lr.  Smith, 
"  fiviiig  Jiear  !iim,  oftercd  himself,  wife  and  children,  and  I'o'.ute,  as  hos- 
tages" (i)r  his  safe  return,  and  the  embassy  forthwith  departed  for  Hoston. 
A  son,*  however,  of  Ninigret,  was  deputed  prime  minister,  "he  himself 
being  very  aged." 

Capt.  Smith  accompanied  them,  and  when  they  came  to  Roxbury  tliey 
were  met  by  a  company  ol  English  soldiers,  whose  martial  aj)pear- 
unce  so  frightened  them,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  Mr. 
S'nili>,  they  vvoidd  have  escaped  as  fi-ctm  an  enem)'. 

Tiiey  remained  at  IJoston  several  days,  until  "  by  degrees  they  came  to 
tills  agreement:  Tiiat  they  were  to  deliver  the  squaw-sachem  within 
«i)  many  days  at  Boston ;  and  the  league  of  peace  was  then  by  them  con- 
finned,  which  was  much  to  the  general  satis^faction  ;  lait  many  had  hard 
tlioiiiilits  of  them,  fearing  they  will  at  last  prove  treacherous."! 

JS'inifrret  was  opposed  to  Christianity ;  not  perhaps  so  much  from  a 
(lisl)i'licf  of  it,  as  from  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who  professed  it. 
^Vlien  3!r.  Mayhciv  desired  JVinigret  to  allow  him  ♦o  pre.lch  to  his  people, 
tlie  sagacious  chief  "bid  him  go  and  tnake  the  English  good  first,  and 
chid  iMr.  Mayheiv  for  hindering  him  from  his  business  and  labor."! 

There  were  other  Niantick  sachem^i  of  this  name,  who  succeeded 
^n'^nii^ret. 

According  to  the  author  of  the  "  Memoir  of  the  Mohegans§,"  one 
would  suppose  ho  was  alive  in  171G,  as  that  writer  himself  si(/>/7o.9frf;  but 
if  the  anecdote  there  giv(!n  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Charles  JVini- 
gret, who,  I  suppose,  'vas  his  son.  lie  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  his- 
tory of  the  Pecpiol  war,  as  having  received  a  ])art  of  the  goods  taken  from 
Cai)t.  Slone,  at  the  time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots,  in  1G34.  The  time 
of  liis  death  has  not  been  ascertained. 

The  burying-placcs  of  the  family  ofJViiugret  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I. 
It  13  said  that  the  old  chief  was  l)uried  at  a  place;  called  Rurying  Hill,  "a 
mile  from  the  street."  A  stone  in  one  of  the  places  of  interment  has 
tiiis  inscription : — 

"  Here  Icth  the  Body  of  Georfre,  the  son  of  Charles  JVinis;rct,  King;  of  the 
^''ativcs,  and  of  Hannah  his  Wife.  Died  Dccemh>:  ?/".  22, 1732 :  aired  (i  mo." 
''  (leorfre.  the  last  king,  was?  brother  of  Man/  Sachem,  who  is  now,  [1882,] 
solo  hf  ir  to  the  crown.  Man/  does  not  know  her  age ;  but  from  data 
given  by  her  husband,  John  Jiarry,  she  must  be  al)out  0(5.  Her  mothtr's 
liitlier  v.iis  Geovfre  J^nnigret.  Thomas  his  son  was  the  next  king. 
Esther,  sister  of  Thomas.  George,  the  brother  oi'  Maiy  above  named,  and 
tlie  la.U  king  crowned,  died  aged  about  20  years.  George  was  son  of 
Esther.    Manj  has  daughters,  but  no  sons."|| 

On  a  division  of  the  captive  Petpiots,  in  1G37,  JVinigret  was  to  have 
twenty,  "when  he  should  satisfy  for  a  mare  of  Eltwecd^  Pomroye's  killed 
by  his  men."  This  remained  unsettled  in  1059,  a  space  of  twenty-two 
years.  Tins  debt  certainly  was  outlawed!  Poquin,  or  Poquoiam,  was  tlie 
name  of  the  man  who  killed  the  mare.** 

He  was  a  Pcquot,  and  brotlnn'-in-law  to  Miantunnomoh,  and  was  among 
lliosc  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when  the  Pequot 
war  was  ended  ;  at  which  time  Pomeroy  states  "  all  sorts  of  horses  were 
at  an  high  jirice."  Miantunnomoh  had  agreed  to  pay  the  demand,  but 
his  death  ]ireventcd  him.  JVinigret  was  called  upon,  as  he  inherited  a 
considerable  part  of  Miantunnomoh'' s  estate,  especially  his  part  of  the 


*  I'iol)al)ly  Catapaziit. 

X  Dong-Ias's  .Summary,  ii,  118. 

II  IMS.  commiiiiiratioii  ofllev.  Wvi.  Ely. 

IF  Familiarly  called  Eltij,  probably  from  ElUoood 


t  I'refonf  State,  id  supra. 

§1  In  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  83. 


**  Hazard,  ii.  KS,  189. 


84 


PESSACUS. 


[Book  II. 


Chap. 


{ 


Pequots,  of  whom  Poqnoiam  w  as  one.    Ho  was  afterwards  called  a  Nian- 
tick  and  brother  to  Vinj^r/.* 

Pessacus,  ollcii  in»Mitioii'"d  in  the  precedinj^  paires,  though  under  a 
variety  of  names,  wns  l>orn  about  UU>i,  and,  consefiucntly,  was  about  20 
years  of  age  wiieu  bis  brother;,  Miavtnnnomoh,  was  killed.f  The  same 
arbitrary  course,  as  we  have  seen  already  in  tlic;  present  ehapter,  was 
pursued  towards  him  by  the  English,  us  had  been  before  to  Miantunno- 
viohy  and  still  co.itinued  towards  ^Vinigret,  and  other  Narraganset  chiefs. 
Mr.  Cohbetl  makes  this  record  of  him :  "  In  the  year  1645,  proud  Pesaa- 
CHS  witlj  his  Narragansets,  with  whom  J^inigret  and  his  Niantigs  join  ; 
80  as  to  provoke  the  Knglish  to  a  just  war  against  them.  And,  accord- 
ingly, forces  were  sent  from  all  the  towns  to  meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so, 
and  had  a  party  of  fifty  horee  to  go  with  them  under  Mr.  Leveret^  as  the 
captain  of  the  horse."  Edward  Gibbons  was  commander  in  chief,  and 
Mr.  T/M)7n/7»oji,  pastor  of  the  churcl;  in  IJraintrce,  "  was  to  sound  the 
silver  trumpet  along  with  his  army."§  liut  they  were  met  by  deputies 
from  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  an  accommodation  took  place,  as 
mentioned  in  the  account  of  Ninigrtt. 

The  commissioners,  having  mot  at  New  Haven  in  Sept.  1G4G,  expected, 
according  to  the  treaty  jjiade  at  Boston  with  the  Narragansets,  w 
particularized  in  the  life  of  Uncos,  that  they  would  now  meet  them  here 
to  settle  the  reiiiaiising  difficulties  with  that  chief.  But  the  time  having 
nearly  expired,  and  none  appearing,  "  the  commissionera  did  seriously 
consider  what  course  should  be  taken  with  them.  They  called  to  minde 
their  bretch  of  coucnant  in  all  the  articles,  that  when  aboue  1300  fadome 
of  wampan  was  due  they  sent,  as  if  they  woidd  put  a  scorne  vpon  the 
[English,]  20  fathome,  and  a  finv  okl  kettles."  The  Narragansets  said  it 
was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of  the  Nianticks  that  the  wampum  had 
not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it  to  the  Narragansets.  One  huri- 
dred  fathom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  as  a  present 
I  V  the  Nianticks,  they  jiromising  "to  send  what  was  due  to  the  colonies 
ueiy  speedily,"  but  he  would  not  accept  of  it.  He  told  them  they  might 
leave  it  with  Cixhamakin,  and  wnen  thoy  had  performed  the  rest  of  their 
agreement,  "he  would  consider  of  it."  The  commissioners  had  under- 
stood, that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Narraganset  sachems  had  raised  wam- 
pum among  their  men,  "and  by  good  euidence  it  appeared,  that  by 
presents  of  wampum,  they  are  practisinge  with  the  Mohawkes,  and  with 
the  Indyans  in  those  parts,  to  engage  them  in  some  designe  against  the 
English  and  Vncus."  Therefore,  "the  commissioners  haue  a  cleare  way 
open  16  right  themselues,  accordinge  to  iustice  by  war;  yet  to  shew  how 
highly  they  prize  peace  with  all  men,  and  particularly  to  manifest  their 
forl)earance  and  long  sufferinge  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that 
first  the  forementioned  present  should  be  returned,"  and  then  a  declara- 
tion of  war  to  follow. 

At  the  same  court,  complaint  was  brought  against  the  people  of  Pessa- 
ctis  by  " Mr.  Pelham  on  behalf  of  Richard  Woody  and  Mr.  Pincham" 
[Pinchon,]  that  they  had  committed  sundry  thefts.  Mr.  Brown,  on  be- 
half of  nm.  Smith  of  Rehoboth,  preferred  a  similar  charg;; ;  but  the 
Indians  having  no  knowledge  of  the  procedure,  it  was  suspended. 

Thus  the  Narragansets  were  suffered  to  remain  unmolested  until  the 
next  year,  and  we  do  not  hear  that  the  story  about  their  hiring  the  Mo- 
liawks  and  others  to  assist  them  against  Uncos  and  the  English,  turned 
out  to  be  any  thing  else  but  a  sort  of  bugbear,  probably  invented  by  the 

•  See  Hazard,  ii.  152. 

t  IMS.  letter,  subscribed  with  the  mark  of  the  sachem  Pumha.n,  on  file  at  our  capital, 
(Mass.) 
X  Z  3.  iJarralive.  $  luathcr's  Relation,  and  iiazard. 


CHAP.  IV,] 


PESSACU8, 


85 


iht 


Mohegana.  "One  prlncipall  cause  of  the  comiseioners  meetingo  to- 
gether Qt  this  time,  [2(5  July,  K>47,]  being,"  sny  the  records,  "to  consider 
wliat  course  sh.  u.  I  oc  held  with  the  Narraganset  IndyauH  ;"  the  charges 
being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as  at  the  previous  meeting.  It  was 
thorofore  ordered  that  Thomas  Stanton,  Benedkt  Arnold,  and  Sergeant 
iVaite  should  l)e  sent  to  Pessacks,  J^enegrate  and  Web'damuk,  to  know 
why  they  had  not  paid  the  wampum  as  tliey  agreed,  and  why  they  did 
not  come  to  New  lla"en ;  and  that  now  they  might  meet  Uncasai  Boston ; 
and  therefore  were  advised  to  attend  there  without  delay ;  but  "  yf  they 
refuse  or  delay,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,"  and  they  must  abide  the 
consequences.  When  ihe  English  messengers  had  delivered  their  mes- 
sage to  Pessacus,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"  The  reason  I  did  not  meet  the  English  sachems  at  JVeto  Haven  last  year, 
is,  they  did  not  notify  me.  It  is  tni^  I  have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  that  now  is,  and  constants j  has  been,  the  gri^ofmy  spirit.  And 
the  reason  I  do  not  meet  them  now  at.  Boston  is  because  1  am  sick.  If  I  ivere 
but  pretty  well  I  icoidd  go.  I  have  sent  my  mind  in  full  to  Ninigret,  and 
what  he  does  I  will  abide  by.  I  have  sent  towpynamett  and  Pomumsks  to 
go  and  hear,  and  testify  that  I  have  betrusted  my  fvU  mind  with  Nenegratt. 
You  know  well,  however,  that  when  I  made  that  covenant  two  years  ago,  I 
did  it  in  fear  of  the  army  that  I  did  see ;  and  though  the  English  kept  their 
covenant  with  me,  yet  they  were  ready  to  go  to  .N'arraganset  and  kill  me,  and 
the  commissioners  said  they  would  do  it,  if  I  did  not  sign  tvhat  they  had 
written." 

Moyanno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  business  with  JVinigrei 
last  spring,  and  would  now  abide  by  whatever  he  should  do. 

When  the  EngUsh  messengers  returned  and  made  known  what  had 
been  done,  the  commissioners  said  that  Pessaais*  speech  contained  "  seu- 
erall  passages  of  vntruiu  and  guile,  and  [they]  were  vnsatisfyed." 

What  measures  the  English  took  "  to  right  tnemselues,"  or  whether  any, 
immediately,  is  not  very  distinctly  stated ;  but  the  next  year,  1648,  there 
were  some  military  movements  o<^  *Iie  English  towards  his  country,  oc- 
casioned by  the  non-payment  of  the  tribute,  and  some  other  less  important 
matters.  Pessaciis,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach,  fled  to  R.  Island. 
"J^nicrajl  entertained  them  courteously,  (there  they  staid  the  Lord's 
day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  Williamsi',  and  then  PesscKtis  and 
Canonicits*  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them  ;  and  being 
demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks  against  Uncas,  they  solemnly 
denied  it ;  only  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a  great  sachem, 
and  their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some 
20  fathom  of  wampum  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians 
is."*  The  matter  seems  to  have  rested  here ;  Pessactts,  as  usual, 
having  promised  what  was  desired. 

This  chief  was  killed  by  the  Mohawks,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  life  of 
Canonicus.  His  life  was  a  scene  of  almost  perpetual  troubles.  As  late 
as  September,  1668,  his  name  stands  fii-st  among  others  of  his  nation,  in  a 
complaint  sent  to  them  by  Massachusetts.  The  messengers  sent  with  it 
were  Rich''^.  fVayt,  Capt.  W.  Wright,  and  Capt.  Srn.iK  Mosely ;  and  it  was 
in  terms  thus : — 

"  Whereas  Capt.  fVm.  Hudson  and  John  Viall  of  Boston,  in  the  name 
of  themselves  and  others,  proprietors  of  lands  and  farms  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  have  complained  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mass.,]  of  the  great  inso- 
lencies  and  injuries  offered  unto  them  and  their  people  by  several,  as 
burning  their  hay,  killing  sundry  horees,  and  in  special  manner,  about 
one  month  since,  forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labors  in  mowing 


8 


Winthrop's  Journal, 


8G 


UNCAS. 


[Book  II. 


j,'infl8  upon  their  own  Iniul,  nnd  nsHnnltcd  otiiprs  in  the  high  wny,  fis  they 
rodo  nhoiit  their  occasions ;  l»y  tin  ig  tnnny  HtonoH  at  tluun  and  tlieir 
horHCH,  nnd  heating  tlioir  liorses  as  -  -(Hie  n|)on  tliPtn,"  &c.  Tlio  re- 
nionHtnincc  tlion  gooH  on  wariiing  tl.  t  dcsiHt,  or  otli(n-wiHo  tlioy  niigiit 
expect  Hcverity.  Had  Mosvbj  l)een  iw  vvoll  iinowi.  tlien  among  tlic  In- 
dians, (18  lie  was  afterwards,  iiis  presenee  woidd  (kinlitless  have  l)een 
enougli  to  have  caused  (juietness,  lis  periiups  it  did  even  at  tliis  time. 


CHAPTER  V. 


""^'>-fri"4-^' 

^^^t^^~~  ~     —         w^'  ^ 

Pi 

t*^Ft»  ~  ~dr'' 

..    r,^-"^   ~    -'-' 

-'  -       IK    K 

Wm  I-"--      ■"  —  --fjuL 

V    '^ 

if^^vir    A 

-^■^V« 

i^  '  ^^^^J®  .^fi 

? 

\\M 

■      -      =-        '"l 

rJ®83 

^- 

^9 

f"      -f            ■—,.--.— "-J* 

SyNffV^P 

m^    ^"\  Ir^sS 

skJ 

m/^HuH 

^ 

jS^ 

iIhk 

TjtrV^MH 

Mffl 

M 

W^M 

^a 

H^K  > 

Bm 

K 

g 

mm 

<'  So  Bwifl  and  black  a  storm  behind  them  low'rd, 
On  wings  of  foar  thro'  dismal  wastoa  they  soar'd. 

DMtruclian  of  Vie  Peguots." 


UiNCAS — His  character — Connections — Geography  of  the  Mohegan  co\mlry 
— General  account  of  that  nation — Uncas  joins  the  English  against  the 
Pequots — Captures  a  chief  at  Sacherti's  Head — Visits  Boston — His 
speech  to  Gov.  JVinthrop — Specimen  of  the  Mohegan  language — Sequas- 
son — The  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh — Examination  of  its 
cause — The  JVarragansets  determine  to  avenge  their  sachem^s  death — 
Forces  raised  to  protect  Uncas — Pessacus — Great  distress  of  Uncas — 
Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  lti45 — Frequent  complaints 
against  Uncas —  Wequash —  Obechickwod —  Woosamequin. 

IJncas,  sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  of  whom  we  have  ah-eady  had  occa- 
sion to  say  considerahle,  has  left  no  very  favorahle  character  upon  record. 
His  life  is  a  series  of  changes,  without  any  of  those  hrilliant  acts  of  mag- 
nanimity, which  tlirow  a  veil  over  numerous  errors.  Mr.  Gookin  gives 
us  this  character  of  him  in  the  year  1674:  (Mr.  James  Fitch  having  been 
sent  about  this  time  to  preach  among  the  Mohegans :)  "  I  am  apt  to  fear, 
says  he,  that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  labors  is  in  tlie  sachem  of  those 
Indians,  wiiose  name  is  Unkas ;  an  old  and  wicked,  wilful  man,  a  drunk- 
ard, and  otherwise  very  vicious ;  who  hath  always  been  an  opposer  and 


K  11. 


Chap.  V.l 


UNCAS. 


87 


tlicy 
their 
5  re- 
light 
In- 
Ixjen 


rounmj 

inst  the 

n—His 

"iequas- 

i  of  it9 

leatli— 

^■•'vT 

JncaS' — 

tl 

plaints 

I  occa- 

ife 

recorcl. 

f  mag- 

^  gives 

ig  been 

to  fear, 

f  those 

drunk- 

ier  and 

undonnincr  of  praying  to  Cod."*  Noverthcloss,  tho  charitable  Mr.  Hiib- 
Imrd,  when  ho  wrote  his  Narrative,  seems  to  have  liad  some  hopes  that 
lie  was  a  Christian,  witii  aliout  the  same  grounds,  nay  l)ett(;r,  perhaps, 
tlian  those  on  wliii-h  Hishop  If'arlnirton  (h;clared  Pope  to  be  sucii. 

Uncns  hved  to  a  great  age.  He  was  a  sarhein  Ijefore  tiie  I'ccpiot  wars, 
and  was  alive  in  KJHO.  At  this  time,  Mr.  HiOAxtrd  makes  this  remark 
upon  him:  "  lie  is  aliv<!  and  well,  and  may  probai)ly  Uvo  to  see  ail  his 
enemies  buried  before  him."t 

Fmm  an  epitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Collections, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  there  s<!eni8  to  liave  done,  "that  tho  race 
of  Uncns"  was  "  ol)noxiou3  in  collonial  history  ;"  but  rather  attribute  it  to 
some  waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making 
ipurt  for  himself  and  others.    It  is  upon  his  tomb-stoue,  and  is  as  follows: 

Here  lies  the  body  of  Snnseeto 

Own  son  to  Uuruf  f^rniidson  to  Oiifko^ 

Who  were  tlie  famous  s.iclicnis  of  Mohfoan 

But  now  they  are  all  dead  I  think  it  is  werlieegen,"^ 

The  connections  of  Uncas  were  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names 
of  several  of  them  will  be  found  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  luid  else- 
where.    Oneko  his  son  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

Uncas  was  originally  a  Peqnot,  and  one  of  the  26  war  captains  of  that 
famous  but  ill-fated  nation.  IJpcm  some  intestine  commotions,  he  revolted 
against  his  sachem,  and  set  up  for  himself.  This  took  place  about  the 
time  that  nation  became  known  to  the  English,  perhaps  in  1(J34  or  5. 

By  the  revolt  of  Uncas,  the  Pequot  territories  became  divided,  and  that 
part  called  Moheag,  or  Mohegan,  fell  generally  under  his  dominion,  and 
extended  fi*om  near  tho  Connecticut  River  on  the  south  to  a  space  of 
disputed  country  on  the  north,  next  the  Narragansets.  By  a  r  irrence 
to  our  account  of  the  dominions  of  the  Pequots  and  Narraj  onsets,  a 
pretty  clear  idea  may  be  had  of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  English, 
which  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  was  occasioned  by  the  fear  he  was  in 
from  his  potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  on  the 
south.  In  May,  1(537,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their 
war  upon  the  Pequots.  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them, 
the  English  at  first  were  nearly  as  afraid  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they 
were  of  the  Pequots.  But  when,  on  the  15  of  the  same  month,  they  had 
arrived  at  Saybrook  fort,  a  circumstance  happened  that  tended  much  to 
remove  their  s\ispicions,  and  is  related  by  Dr.  Mather  as  follows :  "  Some 
of  Uncas  his  men  being  then  at  Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisdng  the  English 
against  the  Pequots,  espied  seven  Indians,  and  slily  encompassing  them, 
slew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  prisoner,  and  brought  him  to  the  English 
fort,  which  was  great  satisfaction  and  enc  ouragement  to  the  English ; 
who,  before  that  exploit,  had  many  feare  touching  the  fidelity  of  the 
Moheag  Indians.  He  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a  perfidious  villain, 
one  that  could  speak  English  well,  having  in  times  past  lived  in  the  fort, 


Moheek,  since  MontviUe,  Ct.,  about  10  miles  north  of 
Uitkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Wanuho,  are  sachems." 


*  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  208 
New  London,  is  the  place  "  w  lie 
Ibid. 

t  Hist.  New.  Eng.  464.—"  Although  he  be  a  friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  his 
men  continue  pagans  still,"  1676.   Dr.  /.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  45. 

t  The  writer  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  tho  contrary  of  this,  if  indeed  he  may  be 
said  to  have  meant  any  thing. 

6  A  genuine  Indian  word,  and,  as  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  well.  "  Then  they 
bid  me  stir  my  instep,  to  see  if  that  were  frozen :  I  did  so.  When  they  saw  that,  they 
«aid  that  was  wurregen."     StockweU's  Nar.  of  his  Captivity  among  the  Indiana  in  1677. 


88 


(JNCAS. 


[Book  II. 


and  knowing  nil  tliR  Ktiglitih  tii*>n>,  hud  lH>on  at  tlio  slnuglitnring  of  all 
the  KngliHJi  tliut  witc  Hluiigiitcred  tlicrcahuulH.  lie  whh  u  cotitiiiiial  spy 
ul>out  ttio  fitrt,  informing  Sassnciis  of  wliut  lu;  could  hnirn.  When  tins 
bloody  traitor  waH  exocutcd,  \m  linilM  vvrro  by  violence  pulled  t'runi  ono 
onotiiur,  and  bnrniMl  to  aslicu.  Sonm  of  the  Indian  executione rH  barlia- 
rounly  taking  IiIh  tlt.-sh,  they  guvo  it  to  onu  another,  uiul  did  cat  it,  withal 
Hinging  about  the  fire."* 

NotwitliNtanding,  both  Uncn3  and  Miantunnomoh  were  accused  of  Imr- 
l>oriiig  fugitive  Pe(juots,  after  the  MyHtic  fight,  us  our  uccoinits  will  abun- 
dantly prove.  It  ia  true  they  iiud  agreed  not  to  harbor  tiieni,  but  pcrhupa 
the  philanthropist  will  not  judge  theui  harder  for  erring  on  the  score  of 
mercy,  than  their  English  friendti  for  their  strictly  religious  {jurseveranco 
ui  revenge. 

A  traditionary  story  of  Uncas  pursuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  a 
Pequot  sacdicin,  as  given  in  the  Historical  Collections,  may  not  be  un- 

aualiiiedly  true.  It  was  after  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  follows :  Most  of 
H!  English  forces  pursued  the  fugitives  T»y  water,  westward,  while  some 
followed  by  land  with  Uncas  and  his  Indians.  At  a  point  of  land  in 
Guilford,  they  (;ume  upon  a  great  Pecjuot  sachem,  and  a  few  of  his  men. 
Knowing  they  were  pursued,  they  hud  goue  into  an  adiacent  peninsula, 
•' hoping  their  pursuers  would  have  passed  by  them.  But  Uncas  knew 
Indian's  craft,  and  ordered  some  of  his  men  to  search  that  point.  The 
Pequots  perceiving  that  they  were  pursued,  swam  over  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor,  which  is  narrow.  But  they  were  waylaid,  and  taken  us  they 
landed.  The  sachem  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  to  death.  Uncas  shot 
him  with  an  arrow,  cut  off  his  head,  and  stuck  it  up  in  the  crotch  of  a 
large  oak  tree  near  the  harbor,  wliero  the  skull  remained  for  a  great  many 

{rears."f  This  was  the  origin  of  Sachem's  Head,  by  which  name  tlie 
mrbor  of  Gi'ilford  is  well  known  to  coasters. 

Dr.  Mather  records  the  expedition  of  the  English,  but  makes  no  men- 
tion of  Uncas.  He  says,  they  set  out  from  Saybrook  fort,  and  "sailed 
westward  in  pursuit  of  the  Pequots,  who  were  fled  that  way.  Sailing 
along  to  the  westward  of  Mononowuttuck,  the  wind  not  answering  their 
desires,  they  cast  anchor."  "  Some  scattering  Pequots  were  then  taken 
and  slain,  as  also  the  Pequot  sachem,  before  expressed,!  hud  his  head  cut 
off,  whence  that  place  did  bear  the  name  of  Sachem's  Head."^ 

Uncases  fear  of  the  Pequots  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  his  hostilitv  to 
them  ;  and  when  he  saw  them  vanquished,  he  probably  began  to  relent 
his  unprovoked  severity  towards  his  countrymen,  many  of  whom  were 
his  near  relations ;  and  this  may  account  for  his  endeavors  to  screen 
some  of  them  from  their  more  vindictive  enemies.  The  next  spring 
after  the  war,  "  Unkus,  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegan  sachem  in  the  twist 
of  Pequod  River,  came  to  Boston  with  37  men.  He  came  from  Connecti- 
cut with  Mr.  Haynes,  and  tendered  the  governor  a  present  of  20  fathom 
of  wampum.  T^his  was  at  court,  and  it  was  thought  fit  by  the  council  to  ^ 
refuse  it,  till  he  had  given  satisfaction  about  the  Pequots  he  kept,  &c. 
Upon  this  he  was  much  dejected,  and  made  account  we  would  have 
killed  him;  but,  two  days  after,  having  received  good  satisfaction  of  his 
innocency,  &c.  and  he  promising  to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English, 
touching  the  Pequots  he  had,  and  the  differences  between  the  Naragan- 
setts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present.  And  about  half  an  hour  after, 
he  came  to  the  governor,"  and  made  the  following  speech.  Laying  his 
hand  upon  his  breast,  he  said, 

"  This  heart  is  not  mine,  but  yours.    I  have  no  men :  they  are  all  yours. 


*  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  46. 
t  Hist,  Guilford,  in  1  €oly  Mass.  Hist, 


^  Relation,  49. 


Soc.  100.  t  His  name  is  not  meqUoned. 


Chap.  V] 


UNCAS. 


Cominnml  me  an;i  dSffiniH  Ikinsc,  '  tvill  do  it.  I  will  not  hvllrvf  niuj  Indians* 
word,i  (ti^ninst  the  Uni^llsh.  If  antf  man  shall  kill  an  Engliahinan,  I  will 
put  him  to  death,  were  he  never  so  elear  to  mc." 

"So  tlio  ^)vuriiur  ^iivo  hill)  n  fair  rc<l  runt,  luul  drfrnycd  Ii'im  mid  his 
liuMiV  diet,  and  gavo  tli«;iii  forii  to  r<-li(!vu  tlicm  lionieward,  and  a  lott(!r  of 
|mit(<ctioii  to  all  iiitMi,  &n'.  and  li»i  departed  vtTV  joyful."* 

For  the  Kratifiratioii  of  the  curioiiH,  wo  ffive,  fronj  Dr.  Edwards^s  "Ol)- 
servations  on  thoMuhkekuniMsw  [iMohepinJ  l.anjj;iia>;e,"tho  Lord's  prayer 
in  that  dialeet.  ".Vo/r//-;iii/i,  ;je  snummuck  oi-c-on,  taui^h  mnu-weh  wneti 
utu-ko-se-auk  ne-an-ne  an-nu-woi-c-on.  Taugh  ne  ann-chu-wut-am-uiun 
wn-weh-lu-seek  ma-weh  noh  pum-meh.  JVe  ae-noi-hil-teeh  inau-weh  aw- 
au-neek  noh  hkei/  oie-cheek,  nc  nun-chu-wut-am-mun,  ne  au-noi-hit-teet 
neek  suuin-muk  oie-cheek.  Men-e-nau-nuh  noo-nooh  wuh-ham-auk  tijuofrh 
nuh  nh-hmj-u-lain-auk  nfrum-mau-weh.  Ohq-u-ut-a-moii-ioe-nan-nuh  an- 
neh  iiiH-ina-choi-e-au-keh.  he  anneh  ohii-u-ut-a-mou-tvoi-e-auk  num-pek 
neek  vui-nin-chek  an-neh-o-qnau-keet.  Clieen  hqu-uk-finau-cheh-si-u-keli 
an-neh-c-hcnau-nuh.  Pan-nce-wch  hlou-ive-nau-nuh  neen  mnum-teh-keh, 
Ke-nh  ng-weh-cheh  kwi-ou-wau-wch  mau-weh  noh  pum-mch;  kt-an-woi; 
es-tnh  a 
noi-een. 


es-tnh  aw-aun  w-tin-noi-yu-wun  ne  au-noi-e-yon ;  han-wee-weh  ne  kt-in 


fl    VI 

;  he 


Uncus  was  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  all  the  wars  against  his  coiiii- 
trynien,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  during  liiH  life-tinicf  He  ehielded 
some  oi'  the  infant  sottloments  of  Connecticut  in  tinica  of  troubles,  espe- 
rially  Norwich.  To  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  the  Mohegans  seemed 
more  particularly  attachcid,  prol)al)ly  from  the  circumstance  of  some  of 
its  si.'ftlers  having  reiicived  them  when  besieged  by  JVinigret,  as  will  bo 
foinid  related  in  the  ensuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  Moheguns,  in 
17(i8,  was  settled  in  the  north-east  corner  of  New  London,  about  five  miles 
eouth  of  Norwich ;  at  whicli  place  they  had  a  reservation. 

The  Mohegans  had  a  burying-place  called  the  Royal  buryinfr-irround, 
and  this  was  set  a{>art  f«)r  the  family  of  Uncas.  It  is  close  by  the  falls  of 
the  stream  called  Yantic  River,  in  Norwich  city ;  "  a  beautiful  and  romantic 
spot."  The  ground  containing  the  grave  of  tineas  is  at  present  owned 
by  C  Goddard,  Esq.  of  Norwich.  This  gentleman  has,  very  laudably, 
caused  an  enclosure  to  be  set  about  it.t 

When  the  commissionere  of  the  United  Colonies  had  met  in  1043, 
complaint  was  made  to  them  by  Uncas,  that  Miantunnomoh  had  employed 
a  l*e(iuot  to  kill  him,  and  that  thid  Pequot  was  one  of  h*s  own  subjects. 
11(!  shot  Unca^  with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  that  he  had  accom- 
plished his  purpose,  "  fled  to  the  Nanohiggansets,  or  their  confederates," 
and  proclaimed  that  ho  had  killed  hitn.  "  Rut  when  it  was  known  Vncas 
was  not  dead,  though  wounded,  the  traitor  was  taught  to  say  that  Uncut 
hud  cut  through  his  own  arm  with  a  flint,  and  hired  the  Pequot  to  say  he 
had  shot  and  killed  him.  Muantinotno  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of 
tiie  Massachusetts  upon  another  occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  with  him : 
but  wiien  this  disguise  would  not  serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  his 
ftlie  Pequot's]  own  mouth  found  him  guilty,  and  would  have  sent  him  to 
Uncus  his  sagamore  to  be  proceeded  against,  Mijantinomo  desired  he 
might  not  be  taken  out  of  his  hands,  promising  [that]  he  would  send  [him] 
himself  to  Vncus  to  lie  examined  and  punished ;  but,  contrary  to  his 
promise,  and  fearing,  as  it  appears,  his  own  treachery  might  be  discoucr- 
ed,  he  witliin  a  day  or  two  cut  oft'  the  Peacott's  head,  that  he  might  tell 
no  talcs.  After  this  some  attempts  were  made  to  poison  Vncus,  and,  as  is 
rci)oited,  to  take  away  his  life  by  sorcery.    That  being  discovered,  some 


*   1 1 7w//i /■(!/) ,  Jour.  i.  2(!5-fi. 

{  3t'ol.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  135. 

8* 


t  JIS.  conimunicalion  of  llev.  Mr.  Elij, 


90 


UNCAS. 


[Book  II. 


of  Scqunssoii's  company,  an  Indian  sagamore  allied  to,  and  an  intimate 
confueicrate  with  Myanlinomo,  shot  at  Uncus  as  he  was  going  down 
Conectacutt  River  with  a  arrow  or  two.  Vncus,  according  to  the  foresaid 
agreement,"  which  was,  in  case  of  difficulty  between  them,  that  the  Eng- 
lish should  be  applied  to  as  umpires,  complained  to  them.  They  en- 
deavored to  bring  about  a  peace  between  Uncos  and  Set]uasson;  but 
Sequasson  would  hear  to  no  overtures  of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he 
should  be  borne  out  in  his  resolution  by  Miantunnomoh.  The  result  was 
the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an  account  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh. 
We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the  agency  of  the  English  in  the  affair  of 
Miantunnomoh'' s  death ;  but  that  no  light  may  be  withheld  which  can  in 
any  way  reflect  upon  that  important  as  well  as  melancholy  event,  we 
will  give  all  that  the  commissioners  have  recorded  in  their  records  con- 
cerning it.  But  firstly,  we  should  notice,  that,  after  JWia7i/unnof?ioA  was 
taken  prisoner,  the  Indians  afiirmed,  (the  adherents  of  Uncos  doubtless,) 
that  Miantunnomoh  had  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his  wars, 
and  that  they  were  then  encamped  only  a  day's  journey  from  the  fron- 
tiers, waiting  for  him  to  attain  his  liberty.     The  record  then  proceeds: — 

"  These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered,  the  commissioners 
apparently  see  that  Vncus  cannot  be  safe  while  Myantenomo  lives ;  but 
that,  either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  life  will  be  still  in  dan- 
ger. Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood- 
thirsty enemy  to  death  ;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English 
plantations.  And  advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and 
moderation  be  showed,  contrary  to  the  practice  of  the  Indians  who  ex- 
ercise tortures  and  cruelty.  And  Vncus  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a 
fiieud  to  the  English,  and  in  this  craving  their  advice ;  [therefore,]  if  the 
Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others  shall  unjustly  assault  Vncus  for  this 
execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the  English  promise  to  assist  and 
protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such  violence." 

We  presume  not  to  commentate  upon  this  aflair,  but  we  would  ask 
whether  it  does  not  appear  as  probable,  that  Uncos  had  concerted  the 
plan  with  his  Pequot  subject  for  the  destruction  of  Miantunnomoh,  rs  that 
the  latter  had  plotted  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did 
Miantunnomoh  put  the  Pequot  to  death  ?  The  commissioners  do  not  say 
that  the  Pequot  had  by  his  confession  any  how  implicated  Miantunnomoh. 
Now,  if  this  Pequot  had  been  employed  by  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all 
likely  that  he  would  have  put  him  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  not  ac- 
cused him.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  if  he  had  acknowledged  himself 
guilty  of  attempting  the  life  of  his  own  sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged 
upon  othei-s,  it  is  to  us  a  plain  reason  why  Miantunnomoh  should  |)Ut  him 
to  death,  being  fully  satisfied  of  his  guilt  upon  his  own  confession.  It 
may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  plot  against  Uncos  was  of  his  own 
or  his  Pequot  subject's  planning.  The  Pequot's  going  over  to  Miantun- 
nomoh for  protection  is  no  evidence  of  that  chief's  participation  in  his  plot. 
And  it  is  highly  probable  that,  after  they  had  left  the  English  court,  his 
crime  was  aggtwated,  in  Miantunnomoh^  view,  by  some  new  confession 
or  discoveiy,  which  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  though  v/ell  assured  that  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
called  in  question,  the  commissioners  shortly  after  added  another  clause 
to  their  records,  as  much  in  exoneration  of  their  conduct  as  they  could 
find  words  in  which  to  express  themselves.  They  argue  that,  "  whereas 
Uncos  was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh 
whose  lawfid  captive  he  was,  they  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  under- 
stand that  this  is  without  violation  of  any  covenant  between  them  and 
us ;  for  Uncos  being  in  confederation  with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently 
observed  his  coveuanLs  before  mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  requir- 


Chap.  V.] 


UXCAS. 


91 


rould  be 

claiiao 

ly  could 

Ivliereas 

\nnomoh 

under- 

^m  and 

[ligently 

requir- 


ing advice  from  us,  upon  serious  consideration  of  the  premises,  viz.  his 
treaclierous  and  murderous  disposition  against  Uncos,  Sec.  and  how  great 
a  disturber  he  iiath  been  of  tiie  coimnon  peace  of  the  whole  countiy,  we 
could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  case,  safety  of  the  country,  and 
faitlifidnetJS  of  our  friend,  do  otherwise  than  approve  of  the  lawfulness  of 
his  (lentil ;  which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians'  own  manners,  and 
concurring  with  the  practice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we  are  acquaint- 
ed ;  we  persuaded  ourselves,  however  his  death  may  be  grievous  at 
jircscnt,  yet  the  peaceable  fruits  of  it  will  yield  not  only  matter  of  safety 
to  the  Indians,  but  profit  to  all  that  inhal)it  this  continent." 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  put  in  possession  of  every  thing 
that  the  English  could  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  of  Mian- 
tunnomoh.  He  will  therefore  he  able  to  decide,  whether,  as  we  have 
stated,  their  judgment  was  made  up  of  one  kind  of  evidence ;  and 
whether  the  Narrag!«nscts  had  any  lawyers  to  advocate  their  cause  before 
the  commissioners. 

After  Miantunnomoh  was  executed,  the  Narragansets  demanded  satis- 
faction of  Uncos  for  the  money  they  liad  raised  and  paid  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  their  chief.  This  demand  was  through  the  English  commission- 
ers ;  who,  when  they  were  met,  in  Sejjt.  1G44,  deputed  Thomas  Stanton 
to  notify  both  parties  to  appear  before  them,  that  they  might  decide  upon 
the  case  according  to  the  evidence  which  should  be  produced. 

It  appears  that  Kienemo,*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immediately  deputed 
fVeetowisse,  a  sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummumshe,  captains,  from  the 
Narragansets,  with  two  of  their  men,  to  maintain  their  action  before  the 
commissioners,  and  to  complain  of  some  insolences  of  Uncos  besides.f 
On  a  full  hearing,  the  commissionera  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated 
by  them.  "  Though,"  they  say,  "  several  discourses  liad  passed  from  Uncos 
and  his  men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  parcels  of  other 
goods  to  a  great  value,  there  might  have  been  some  j)rob  bility  of  sparing 
his  life."  Hence  it  appears  that  Unca^  had  actually  entered  upo'  a  ne- 
gotiation with  the  Narragansets,  as  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  has  been 
stated ;  and  it  does  not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a  slight  acquaintance 
with  the  general  drill  of  these  affairs,  to  discern,  that  Uncos  had  encour- 
aged the  Narragansets  to  send  wampum,  that  is,  their  money,  giving  them 
to  understand  that  he  woidd  not  be  hard  with  them  ;  in  so  far,  that  they 
had  trusted  to  his  generosity,  and  sent  him  a  considerable  amount.  The 
very  face  of  it  shows  clearly,  that  it  was  a  trick  of  Uncos  to  leave  the 
amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  the  chance,  (that  a  knave 
will  always  seize  upon,)  to  act  according  to  the  caprice  of  his  own  mind 
on  any  pretence  afterwards. 

The  commissioners  say  that  "  no  such  parcels  were  brought,"  though, 
in  a  few  lines  after,  in  their  records,  we  read :  "  And  for  that  wampums  and 
goods  sent,  [to  Uncas,'\  as  they  were  but  small  parcels,  and  scarce  consid- 
erai)le  for  such  a  purpose,"  namely  the  redemption  of  their  chief:  and 
still,  they  add  ;  "But  Uncos  denieth,  and  the  Narraganset  deputies  did 
not  alledge,  much  less  prove  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  mucfi 
as  any  treaty  begun  to  redeem  their  imprisoned  sachem."  Therefore  it 
appeai-s  quite  clear  that  Uncos  ^lad  all  the  English  in  his  favor,  who,  to 
preserve  his  friendship,  caressed  and  called  him  their  friend ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  agents  from  the  Narragansets  were  frowned  upon, 

*  The  same  afterwards  called  Ninigret.  Jaitemo  was  dnulitless  the  pronunriation,  / 
being'  at  that  time  proiiounced_/i;  ilierefore  Jianemo  miglil  have  been  suinctinies  under- 
stood Kiaiienw. 

t  The  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  seems  dismally  confused  in  attempting  to  nar- 
rate these  aiTairs,  but  sec  Hazard,  ii.  25  and  "ZG, 


92 


UNCAS. 


[Book  II. 


and  no  doubt  labored  under  the  disadvantage  of  not  being  personally 
known  to  the  Englisli. 

As  to  the  goods  which  Uncus  had  received,  the  commissioners  say,  "A 
part  of  them  [were]  disposed  [of  J  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  to  Uncos' 
counsellors  and  captains,  for  some  favor,  either  past  or  hoped  for,  and 

f)art  were  given  and  sent  to  Uncus,  and  to  his  squaw  for  preserving  his 
ife  so  long,  and  using  him  courteously  during  his  imprisonment." 

Here  e'lded  this  matter ;  but  before  the  Narraganset  deputies  left  the 
court,  tlu!  English  made  them  sign  an  agreement  that  they  would  not 
nmke  war  upon  f7?ica5,  "  vntill  after  the  next  planting  of  corn."  And 
even  then,  that  they  should  give  30  days'  notice  to  the  English  before 
commencing  hostilities.  Also  that  if  "any  of  the  Nayantick  Pecotts 
should  make  any  assault  upon  Uncus  or  any  of  his,  they  would  deliver 
them  up  to  the  English  to  be  punished  according  to  their  demerits.  And 
that  they  would  not  use  any  means  to  procure  the  Mavvhakes  to  come 
against  Uncus  during  this  truce."  At  the  same  time  the  English  took 
due  care  to  notify  the  Narraganset  commissiouera,  by  way  of  awing  them 
into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the  fliohegans,  all  the  English  would 
be  upon  them. 

The  date  of  this  agreement,  if  so  we  may  call  it,  is, "  Hartford,  the  xviijth 
of  September,  1644,"  and  was  signed  by  four  Indians  ;  one  besides  those 
named  above,  called  Chimougk. 

That  no  passage  might  be  left  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  was 
also  mentioned,  that  "  proof  of  the  ransom  charged"  must  be  made  satis- 
factory to  the  English  before  war  was  begun. 

The  power  of  Pessacus  and  JVinigret  at  this  time  was  much  feared  by 
the  English,  and  they  were  ready  to  believe  any  reports  of  the  hostile 
doings  of  the  Narragansets,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Pequots,  had 
made  themselves  masters  of  all  their  neighboi*s,  except  the  English,  as 
the  Pequots  had  done  before  them.  The  Mohegans  were  also  in  great 
fear  of  them,  as  well  after  as  before  the  death  of  Miuntnnnomoh ;  but  for 
whose  misfortune  in  being  made  a  prisoner  by  a  stratagem  of  Uncus,  or 
liis  captains,  the  English  might  have  seen  far  greater  troubles  from  them 
than  they  did,  judging  from  the  known  abilities  of  that  great  chief. 

There  was  "a  meeting  extraordinary"  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  in  July  1645,  at  Boston,  "  concerning  the  French  busi- 
ness, and  the  wars  between  Pissicus  and  Vncus  being  begun."  Their 
fii-st  business  was  to  despatch  away  messengers  to  request  the  app.oarance 
of  the  head  men  of  the  belligerents  to  appear  themselves  at  Boston,  or  to 
send  some  of  their  chief  men,  that  the  difficulties  between  them  might 
be  settled. 

These  messengers.  Sergeant  John  Dumes,  [Duv{s9]  Benedict  Arnold, 
and  Frupcis  Smyth,  on  their  first  arrival  at  Narraganset,  were  welcomed 
by  the  sachems,  who  offered  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncus; 
hnt,  either  having  understootl  their  intentions,  or  judging  from  tiioir  ap- 
pearance that  the  English  messengers  meantthem  no  good,  changed  tlieir 
deportment  altogether,  and  in  the  mean  time  secretly  despatched  mosson- 
gcrs  to  the  Nianticks  before  them,  giving  them  to  understand  what  was 
going  forward.  After  this,  say  the  messengers,  "  there  was  nothing  but 
proud  and  insolent  passages  [from  jS/'inigrd.]  The  Indian  guides  which 
tli(!y  had  brought  with  tliem  from  Pumhum  and  Sokukunoco  were,  by 
frowns  and  threatening  speeches,  discouraged,  and  returned ;  no  other 
guides  could  be  obtained."  The  sachems  said  they  knew,  by  what  was 
done  at  Hartford  last  ycai,  that  the  English  would  urge  peace,  "■hut  (hcif 
tvcre  resolved,  they  said,  to  huve  no  peuce  ivithout  Uncus  his  hend."  As  to 
who  began  tlie  war,  they  cared  not,  but  they  were  resolved  to  continue 
it ;  that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  soldiers  from  Uncos,  they 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


03 


should  consider  it  a  breach  of  former  covenants,  and  would  procure  aa 
many  Moliawks  aa  the  English  had  soldiers  to  bring  against  them.  They 
reviled  Uncaa  for  having  wounded  himself,  and  then  charging  it  upon 
them,  and  said  he  was  no  friend  of  the  English,  but  would  now,  if  he 
durst,  kill  the  English  messengers,  and  lay  that  to  them.  Therefore,  not 
beuig  able  to  proceed,  the  English  messengers  returned  to  the  Narragan- 
sets,  and  acquainted  Pessacus  of  what  had  passed,  desiring  he  would  fur- 
nish them  with  guides ;  "  he,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)  offered 
them  an  old  Peacott  sqi'aw." 

The  messengers  now  thought  themselves  in  danger  of  being  massacred  ; 
"three  Indians  with  hatchets  standing  behind  the  interpreter  in  a  suspi- 
cious manner,  while  he  was  speaking  with  Pessacus,  and  the  rest  frowning 
aiwJ  expressing  much  distemper  in  their  countenance  and  carriage."  So, 
without  much  loss  of  time,  they  began  to  retrace  their  steps.  On  leaving 
Pessacus,  they  told  him  they  should  lodge  at  an  English  trading  house 
not  far  off  that  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English, 
he  might  send  to  them.  In  the  morning,  he  invited  them  to  return,  and 
said  he  would  furnish  them  with  guides  to  visit  Uncos,  but  he  would  not 
suspend  hostilities.  Not  daring  to  risk  the  journey,  the  messengers  re- 
turned home.  Arnold,  the  interpreter,  testified  that  this  was  a  true  rela- 
tion of  what  had  passed,  which  is  necessary  to  be  borne  in  mind,  as 
something  may  appear,  as  we  proceed,  impeaching  the  veracity  o^  Arnold. 

Meanwhile  the  commissioners  set  forth  an  armament  to  defend  Uncas, 
at  all  hazards.  To  justify  this  movement,  they  declare,  that,  "considering 
the  great  provocations  offered,  and  the  necessity  we  should  be  put  unto  of 
making  war  upon  the  Narrohiggin,  &c.  and  being  also  careful  in  a  matter 
of  so  great  weight  and  general  concernment  to  see  the  way  cleared  and 
to  give  satisfaction  to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  fit  to  advise  with  such  of 
the  magistrates  and  elders  of  the  Massachusetts  as  were  then  at  hand, 
and  also  with  some  of  the  chief  military  commanders  there,  who  being 
assembled,  it  was  then  agreed :  First,  that  our  engagement  bound  us  to 
aid  and  defend  the  Mohegan  sachem.  Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not 
be  intended  only  to  defend  him  and  his,  in  his  fort  or  habitation,  but,  (ac- 
cording to  the  common  acceptation  of  such  covenants  or  engagements 
considered  with  the  ground  or  occasion  thereof,)  so  to  aid  him  as  hee 
might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thirdly,  that  this  aid  must 
be  speedy,  least  he  might  be  swallowed  up  in  the  mean  time,  and  so  come 
too  late." 

"According  to  the  counsel  and  determination  aforesaid,  the  commis- 
sioners, considering  the  present  danger  of  Uncas  the  Mohegan  sachem, 
(his  fort  having  been  divert?  times  assaulted  by  a  great  army  of  the  Nar- 
rohiggansets,  <fec.)  agreed  to  have  40  soldiers  sent  with  all  expedition  for 
his  defense."  Lieut.  Athcrton  and  Sergeant  John  Davis  led  this  company, 
conducted  by  two  of  "  Cutchamakhi's"  Indians  as  guides.  Atherton  was 
ordered  not  to  make  an  "  attempt  upon  the  town  otherwise  than  in  Uncas^ 
defence."  Cajjt.  Mason  of  Connecticut  was  to  join  him,  and  take  the 
chief  command.  Forty  men  were  ordered  also  from  Connecticut,  and  .30 
from  New  Haven  under  Lieut.  Seal}/.  In  their  instructions  to  Mas...,  the' 
commissioners  say,  "  We  so  now  aim  at  the  protection  of  the  Mohegans, 
that  we  would  have  no  opportunity  neglected  to  weaken  the  Narragansets 
and  their  (confederates,  in  their  number  of  men,  their  cane  canoes,  wig- 
wams, wampum  and  goods.  We  look  upon  the  Nianticks  as  the  chief 
incendiaries  and  causes  of  the  war,  and  should  be  glad  they  might  first 
feel  the  smart  of  it."  The  Nianticks,  therefore,  were  particularly  to  be 
had  in  view  by  Mason,  and  he  was  informed  at  the  same  time  that  I\Ias- 
sachusetts  and  Plimoutli  were  forthwith  to  send"ai!olher  army  to  invado 
the  Narragansets." 


94 


UNCA8. 


[Book  II. 


Chai 


The  commissioner  now  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  a  commander 
in  ciiief  of  the  two  armies.  Mnj.  Edward  Gibbons  was  unanimously 
elected.  In  liis  instructions  is  this  passage:  "Whereas  the  scope  and 
cause  of  this  exj)edition  is  not  only  to  aid  the  Mohegans,  but  to  offend 
tlie  Narraganscts,  Niunticks,  and  other  their  confederates."  He  was  di- 
rected also  to  concludo  a  peace  with  them,  if  they  desired  it,  provided  it 
were  made  with  special  reference  to  damages,  &c.  And  they  say,  "  But 
withal,  according  to  our  engagements,  you  are  to  provide  for  Uticas' 
future  safety,  that  his  plantations  be  not  invaded,  that  his  men  and  squaws 
may  attend  tlieir  planting  and  tishing  and  other  occasions  without  fear  or 
injury,  and  Vssamequine,  Pomhavi,  SokctJconoco,  Cutchaviakin,  and  other 
Indians,  rriends  or  subjects  to  the  English,  be  not  molested,"  &c. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Miantimriomoh,  which  was  in  September,  1643, 
his  brother  Pessacus,  "the  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  then  "a  young 
man  about  20,"  sent  to  Governor  IVinthrop  of  Massachusetts,  as  a  present, 
an  otter  coat,  a  girdle  of  wampum,  and  some  of  that  article  besides,  in 
value  about  £15.  The  messenger,  named  fVashose,*  also  a  sachem,  told 
the  governor  that  his  chief  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  the  English ; 
but  that  he  wa?  about  to  make  war  upon  Uncos,  to  avenge  the  death  of 
liis  brother,  and  hoped  they  would  not  interfere,  nor  aid  Uncas.  The 
governor  said  they  wished  to  be  at  peace  with  all  Indians,  and  that  all 
Indians  would  be  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  that  they  must  agree  to 
this,  or  they  could  not  accept  their  present.  Washose  said  he  was  in- 
structed no  further  than  to  make  known  his  mission  and  leave  the  present^ 
which  he  did,  and  returned  to  his  own  country.  This  was  in  Feb.  1644, 
N.  S.  Within  the  same  month,  the  same  messenger  appeared  again  at 
Boston;  and  "his  errand  was,  (says  Gov.  Winthrop,)  that,  seeing  they,  at 
our  request,  had  set  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  we  would  grant 
tlieir  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with  Onkiis,  with  many  arguments." 
But  he  was  answered,  that  the  English  would  not  allow  such  a  proceedmg, 
and  if  they  persisted,  all  the  English  would  fall  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  30  days  besides,  had  passed  before  the  English  sent 
an  army  to  invade  the  Narraganscts.  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs  had 
done  all  they  could  do  to  cause  the  English  to  remain  neutral,  but  now 
determined  to  wait  no  longer,  and  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both 
sides. 

The  traditionary  account  of  Uncases  being  besieged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Narraganscts  will  very  properly  be  looked  for  in  this  connection,  as  it 
has  not  only  adorned  many  tales  of  the  Indians,  but  has  been  seriously 
urged  as  truth  in  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  about  to  give  is 
contained  in  a  letter,  dated  at  New  Haven,  1.)  Sept.  1796,  by  /Fm.  Leffing- 
well,  aiid  directed  Dr.  Trumbidl. 

"  At  the  tiiTie  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indian.^  were  besieged  by  the  Nar- 
raganset tribe,  in  a  fort  near  the  River  Thames,  between  Norwich  and 
New  London,  the  provisions  of  the  besieged  being  nearly  exhausted 
Uncas,  their  sachem,  found  means  to  inform  the  settlers  at  Saybrook 
of  their  distress,  and  the  danger  they  would  be  in  from  the  Narraganscts, 
if  the  Mohegan  tribe  win-e  cut  off  Ensign  Thomas  Lejingivell,  one  of 
the  first  settlers  there,  loaded  a  canoe  with  beef,  corn  and  peas,  and  in 
the  night  time  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the  Thames,  and  had  the 
address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  besieged ; — received  a  deed 
from  Uncas  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  made  his  escape  that  very  night. 
In  consequence  of  which,  the  besiegers,  finding  Uncas  had  procured 
relie.,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  saved,  and  have  ever 
proved  strict  friends  to  tl'.e  N.  England  settlers."t 

*  Perhaps  the  siiiiic  as  Awaslwrs. 

t  Copied  from  the  original,  for  the  autlior,  by  Rev.  Win.  Ely,  who  thus  remarks  upon 


Tl 
and 
on  a 
Thos 
secre 
cneiii 
dry  d 
At 
tioncf 
ainon. 
iish 
this  s) 
Amok 

it :  "  Tl 
ill  some 
been  sti 
*Son 
•o  wliicl 
among- 
roned  bj 
of  IJnca. 
ihe  folio 


t  MS.  lell 


»^^-:;- 


by  the 
|n,  as  it 

jriously 

jf'.ve  is 

.effing- 

Le  Nar- 
dil and 
iaustpd 
ly brook 
Tansets, 
lone  of 
land  in 
lad  the 
fa  deed 
night, 
[•ocured 
jQ  ever 


Irks  upon 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


95 


1 


The  above  agrees  very  well  with  Mr.  Hyde's  account.  "  When  Uncas 
and  tribe  were  attacked  by  a  potent  enemy,  and  blocked  up  in  their  fort 
on  a  hill,  by  the  side  of  the  great  river,  and  almost  starved  to  death,  Lieut. 
Thos.  Leffingwell,  Capt.  Benj.  Brewster,  of  said  Norwich,  and  others, 
secretly  carried  their  provision,  in  the  night  seasons,  upon  which  the 
enemy  raised  the  siege."*  In  consideration  of  which,  "  tineas  gave  sun- 
dry donations  of  land,"  &c.t 

At  the  congress  of  the  commissioners  at  Boston,  in  1G45,  above  men- 
tioned, it  was  ascertained  that  tlie  present  from  Pessactts  still  remained 
among  them,  and  therefore  he  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  Eng- 
lisli  had  complied  with  their  desires,  as  they  hud  not  returned  it.  Lest 
this  should  be  so  understood,  Capt.  Harding,  Mr.  JVelbome  and  Benedict 
Arnold  were  ordered  and  conmiissioned  to  repair  to  the  NaiTaganset 

it :  "  This  tradition,  frcni  a  highly  respectable  source,  Ti-umbull  states  as  history;  ycl, 
in  some  minor  points,  at  least,  it  would  seem  obvious  that  the  tradition  could  not  have 
been  strictly  preserved  for  150  years."    ^^8.  letter. 

*  Some  very  beautiful  verses  appeared  several  years  since  in  the  Connecticut  Mirror, 
to  which  it  seems  the  above  had  given  rise.  They  were  prefaced  with  the  following 
among  oilier  observations  :  "  In  the  neighborhood  of  Mohegan  is  a  rude  recess,  envi- 
roned by  rocks,  which  still  retains  the  name  of  the  '  chair  of  uncas ;'  "  and  that  the  people 
of  Uncas  were  perishing  with  hunger  when  Lejj'wgwell  brought  him  relief.  We  give 
ihe  following  stanzas  from  it : — 

"  The  monarch  sat  on  his  rocky  throne, 
Before  him  the  waters  lay ; 
His  guards  were  shapeless  columns  of  stone, 
Their  lofty  helmets  with  moss  o'ergrown, 
And  their  spears  of  the  bracken  gray. 

"  His  lamps  were  the  fickle  stars,  that  beamed 
Through  the  veil  of  their  midnight  shroud, 
And  the  reddening  flashes  that  fitfully  gleamed 
When  the  distant  fires  of  the  war-dance  streamed 
Where  his  foes  in  frantic  revel  screamed 
'Neath  their  canopy  of  cloud,"  &c. 

"  Behind  him  his  leaguercd  forces  lay 

Withering  in  famine's  blight, 
And  he  knew,  with  the  blush  of  the  morning  ray. 
That  Philip  would  summon  his  fierce  array 
On  the  core  of  the  warrior's  heart  to  prey, 

And  quench  a  nation's  light. 

"  It  come? !  it  comes  '.—that  misty  speck 
Which  over  the  waters  moves  ! 
•  It  boasts  no  sail,  nor  mast,  nor  deck ; 

Yet  dearer  to  him  was  that  nameless  wreck 
Than  the  maid  to  him  who  loves,"  &.c. 

"  The  eye  of  the  king  with  that  rapture  blazed 
VVhich  the  soul  in  its  rapture  sends ; 
His  prayer  to  the  Spirit  of  good  he  raised, 
And  the  shades  of  his  buriea  fathers  praised, 
As  toward  his  fort  he  wends. 

"  That  king  hath  gone  to  his  lowly  grave ! 

He  slumbers  in  dark  decay ; 
And  like  the  cr^st  of  the  tossing  wave. 
Like  the  ru=h  of  the  blast,  from  the  mountain  cave, 
Like  the  groan  of  the  niurdered,  with  none  to  »ave, 

His  people  have  passed  away,"  &c. 

t  MS.  letter  to  Dr.  TrumbuU  before  cited  and  life  of  Miantunnomoh. 


36 


UNCAS. 


[Book  II. 


i 


country,  and  to  see,  if  possible,  "  Piscus,  Canownacus,  Janemo,^^  and  otlier 
sachems,  and  to  return  the  present  before  mentioned,  and  to  inform  them 
that  tiie  English  were  well  aware  of  their  beginning  and  prosecuting  a 
war  upon  Uncos,  and  their  "  iiaving  wounded  and  slain  divers  of  his  men, 
seized  many  of  his  canoes,  taken  some  prisoners,  spoiled  much  of  hia 
corn,"  refused  to  treat  with  him,  and  threatened  the  English.  Neverthe- 
less, if  they  would  come  themselves  forthwith  to  Boston,  they  should  be 
heard  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none  except  themselves 
would  be  treated  with,  and  if  they  refused  to  come,  the  English  were  pre- 
pared for  war,  and  would  proceed  immediately  against  them. 

Harding  and  fVelbome  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  Arnold  was  to 
join  them.  But  he  was  not  there,  and  they  were  informed  that  he  dared 
not  venture  atnong  the  Narragansets.  Whether  he  had  been  acting  the 
traitor  with  them,  or  something  quite  as  much  to  merit  condemnation,  we 
will  leave  the  reader  to  judge  Irom  the  relation.  The  two  former,  there- 
fore, made  use  of  Rev.  Mr.  fVUliams  as  interpreter  in  their  business,  but 
were  reprimanded  by  the  commissioners  for  it  on  their  return.  On  going 
to  the  Narroganset  sachems,  and  opening  their  business,  it  appeared  that 
all  they  were  ordered  to  charge  them  with  was  not  true ;  or,  at  least, 
denied  by  them.  These  charges,  it  appears,  had  been  preferred  by 
.^rnoZrf,  and  sworn  to  upon  oath.  The  chiefs  said  "that  lanemo,  the 
Nyantick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divers  days,  but  had  now  sent  six  men  to 
present  his  respects  to  the  English,  and  to  declare  his  assent  and  submis- 
sion to  what  the  Narrohiggenset  sachems  and  the  English  should  agree 
upon." 

It  was  in  the  end  agreed,  that  the  chiefs,  Pessacus,  Mexam,  and  divers 
others,  should  proceed  to  Boston,  agreeably  to  the  desire  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Harding  and  Wdhome,  who  brought 
back  the  old  present,  and  fcr  which  they  also  received  the  censure  of  the 
congress.  They  arrived  at  Boston  just  as  the  second  levy  of  troops  were 
marching  out  for  their  country,  and  thus  the  expedition  was  stayed  until 
the  result  of  a  treaty  should  be  made  known. 

It  appeared,  on  a  conference  with  the  commissioners,  that  the  sachems 
did  not  fully  undei-stand  the  nature  of  all  the  charges  against  thern  before 
leaving  their  country,  and  in  justice  to  them  it  should  be  observed,  that, 
so  far  as  the  record  goes,  their  case  appears  to  us  the  easiest  to  be  defended 
of  the  three  parties  concerned.  They  told  the  commissioners  of  sundry 
charges  they  had  against  Uncos,  but  they  said  they  could  not  hear  them, 
for  Uncos  was  not  there  to  speak  for  himself;  and  that  they  had  hindered 
his  being  notified  of  their  coming.  As  to  a  breach  of  covenant,  they 
maintained,  for  some  time,  that  they  had  committed  none,  and  that  their 
treatment  of  the  EngUsh  had  been  misrepresented.  "But,  (says  our 
record,)  after  a  long  debate  and  some  priuate  conferrence,  they  had  with 
Serjeant  Ctdlicutt,  they  acknowledged  they  had  brooken  promise  or  coue- 
nant  in  the  afore  menconed  warrs,  and  offerred  to  make  another  truce  with 
Vncas,  either  till  next  planting  tyme,  as  they  had  done  last  yeare  at 
Hartford,  or  for  a  yeare,  or  a  yeare  and  a  quarter." 

They  had  been  induced  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  per- 
suasion of  Cidlicut,  who,  probably,  was  instructed  to  inform  them  that 
the  safety  of  their  country  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  the  English  at  this  time.  An  army  of  soldiers  was  at  that  mo- 
ment parading  the  streets,  in  all  the  pomposity  of  a  modern  training, 
which  must  have  reminded  them  of  the  horrible  destruction  of  their 
kindred  at  Mystic  eight  yeara  before. 

The  proposition  of  a  truce  being  objected  to  by  the  English,  "  one  of 
the  sachems  offered  a  stick  or  a  wand  to  the  commissioners,  expressing 
himself,  that  therewith  they  put  the  power  and  disposition  of  the  war  mto 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


97 


ays  our 
pad  with 
[)r  coue- 
iice  with 
leare  at 


■s 

I 


their  hands,  and  desired  to  know  what  the  English  woidd  require  of  them.^ 
Thev  wore  answered  that  the  expenses  and  trouble  they  had  caused  the 
English  were  very  great, "  besides  the  damage  Vncas  had  sustained  ;  yet  to 
show  </ieir  moderacon,  they  would  require  of  them  l)ut  twoo  thousand  fu- 
Uiome  of  white  wanipon  for  their  owne  satisfaccon,"  but  that  they  should 
restore  to  Uncas  all  the  captives  and  canoes  taken  from  him,  and  make 
restitution  for  all  the  corn  they  had  spoiled.  As  for  tiie  last-mentioned 
offence,  the  sachems  asserted  there  had  been  none  such ;  for  it  was  not 
the  manner  of  the  Indians  to  destroy  com. 

This  most  excellent  and  indirect  reproof  must  have  had  no  small  effect 
on  those  who  heard  it,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  actors  as  well  as  the  ad- 
visers of  the  destruction  of  the  Indians'  corn,  previous  to  and  during  the 
Pcquot  war,  were  now  present :  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Connecticut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imagi- 
nations. 

Considering,  therefore,  that  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary,  and  that 
Uncas  had  taken  and  killed  some  of  their  people,  the  English  consented 
that  Uncas  ^' might"  restore  such  captives  and  canoes  as  he  had  taken 
from  tiiem.  Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  wampum,  "craning  onely 
some  ease  in  the  manner  and  tymes  of  payment,"  and  on  the  evening  of 
"</ie  xxvij<A  of  the  G  month,  (August,)  1G45,"  articles  to  the  following  eliect 
were  signed  by  the  principal  Indians  present : — 

1.  That  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Moho- 
gaus  contrary  to  former  treaties ;  that  the  English  had  sent  messengers  to 
Sicm  without  success,  which  had  made  them  prepare  for  war. 

2.  That  chiefs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  ac- 
knowledged their  breach  of  treaties,  having  "  thereby  not  only  endamaged 
Vncas,  but  had  brought  much  charge  and  trouble  vpon  all  the  English 
colonics,  which  they  confest  were  just  they  should  satisfy." 

3.  That  the  sachems  agree  for  their  nations  to  pay  to  the  English  2000 
fathom  "  of  good  white  v.ampum,  or  a  third  part  of  good  black  wampem- 
peage,  in  four  payments,  namely."  500  fathom  in  20  days,  500  in  four 
months,  500  at  or  before  next  planting  time,  and  500  in  two  years,  which 
tlie  English  agree  to  accept  as  full  "  satisfaccon." 

4.  That  each  party  of  the  Indians  was  to  restore  to  the  other  all  things 
taken,  and  where  canoes  were  destroyed,  others  "in  the  roome  of  them, 
full  as  good,"  were  to  be  given  in  return.  The  English  obligated  them- 
selves for  IJncas. 

5.  That  as  many  matters  cannot  be  treated  of  on  account  of  the  absence 
of  Uncas,  they  are  to  be  deferred  luitil  the  next  meeting  of  the  commis- 
sioners at  Hartford,  in  Sept.  1646,  where  both  parties  should  be  heard. 

6.  The  Narraganset  and  Niantick  sachems  bind  themselves  to  keep 
peace  with  the  P^nglish  and  their  successors,  "  and  with  Vncas  the  Mohe- 
gan  sachem  and  his  men,  with  Vssamequin,*  Pomham,  Sokaknooco, 
Cidchamakin,  Shoanan,\  Passaconatcay,  and  all  others.  And  that,  in  case 
difficulties  occur,  they  are  to  apply  to  the  English. 

7.  They  promise  to  deliver  up  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at 
any  time  be  found  among  them  ;  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute,  "  a  mouth  before 
Indian  harvest,  every  year  aflor  this,  at  Boston,"  "for  nil  such  Pecotts  as 
live  amongst  them,"  according  to  the  treaty  of  1638 ;  "  namely,  one 
fathom  of  white  wampum  for  each  Pcquot  man,  and  half  a  fathom  for 
each  Peacott  youth,  and  one  hand  length  of  wamjium  for  each  Peacott 
man-child ;   and  if  JVeekwash  Cake\  refuse  to  pay  this  tribute  for  auy 


^ar  uito 


*  Ouaamequin. 
X  Wequash  Cook. 

9 


t  Perhaps  Shoshanim,  or  Sholan. 


d8 


UNCAS, 


[Book  II. 


Pcacotts  with  him,  the  Nnrrohij^ganset  Bngnmorcs  promise  to  assist  the 
Euglish  aguinst  hirn ;"  and  to  yiuld  up  to  the  Eiighsh  the  whole  Pcquot 
country. 

8.  1  he  sachems  promise  to  deliver  four  of  their  children  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  "  viz'.  Pissacus  his  eldest  scnn,  the  sonn  of  Tassaquana- 
toitt,  brother  to  Piisacus,  Jlwashanot  his  sonii,  and  Ewanp^eso's  soFin,  a 
Nyantick,  to  be  kept  as  pledges  or  hostages,"  until  the  wampum  should 
be  all  paid,  and  they  had  met  Uncas  at  Hartford,  and  Janemo  and  IVype.' 
lock*  had  signcxl  these  articles.  As  the  children  were  to  be  sent  lor, 
WUowash,  Pomamse,  Jawassoe,  and  Waiighwamino  offered  their  persons 
as  security  for  their  delivery,  vvjiich  were  accepted. 

9.  Both  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supported  at  the  charge 
of  the  English. 

10.  That  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  before  its  provisions  were  known,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a 
violation  thereof. 

11.  They  agree  not  to  sell  any  of  their  lands  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners. 

12.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  found  among  them  who  had  murdered 
English,  they  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  English.  Here  follow  the 
natues,  with  a  mark  to  each. 

Pessecus, 
AuMSAAquEN,f  depuhj 

for  the  J^nticks, 
Abdas, 

POMMUSH, 

cutchamakins, 
Weekesanno, 

WlTTOWASH. 

We  do  not  see  McxanCs  or  Mlxanno's  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  being  present,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied 
to  him.  There  were  four  interpreters  employed  upon  the  occasion,  namely, 
Serg.  Cullicut  and  his  Indian  man,  Cutchamdkin  and  Josins.X 

From  this  time  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  country 
seems  not  to  have  been  much  disturbed.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
Uncas,  without  any  regard  to  the  promise  and  obligations  the  English  had 
laid  themselves  under  for  him,  undertook  to  chastise  a  Narragansot 
eachem  for  some  alleged  offence.  On  opening  their  congress,  at  New 
Haven,  letters  from  Mr.  Morton  and  Mr.  Peters,  at  Pcquot,  were  read  by 
the  commissioners,  giving  accounts  of  Uncases  perfidy.  The  complainants 
were  sent  to,  and  informed  that  Uncas  was  shortly  to  be  there,  and  thai 
ihey  should  bring  their  proof  in  order  to  a  trial. 

Meanwhile  Uncas  came,  who,  after  waiting  a  few  days,  and  his  accn- 
sere  not  af)pearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  appears  that  the 
English  at  Nameoke,  since  Saybrook,  were  the  suffering  party,  as  their 
neighboi'hood  was  the  scene  of  Uncases  depredations.  Of  some  of  the 
charges  he  acknowledged  himself  guilty,  especially  of  fighting  JVecIcwask 
[Wequasli]  Cooke  so  near  to  the  plantation  at  Pequot ;  although  he  alleged 
that  some  of  the  English  there  had  encouraged  TVequash  to  hunt  upon 
his  lands.  He  was  informed  that  his  brother  had  also  been  guilty  of  some 
offence,  but  neither  the  accuser  nor  the  accused  were  present,  and,  there- 
fore, it  could  not  be  acted  upon.  So,  after  a  kind  of  reprimand,  Uncas 
was  dismissed,  as  we  have  just  mentioned.     But  before  he  had  lefl  the 


•  Wcpiteamock. 

t  Sou  of  Chikataubut,  probably. 


t  Aioasequin, 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


99 


a 


accn- 
lat  the 
IS  theiT 

of  the 
IcJiwash 
[alleged 
lit  upon 
J)f  some 
[,  there- 

Uncas 
llefl  the 


town,  Mr.  fVm.  MoHon  arrived  at  court,  with  threo  Indians,  to  maintain 
the  action  against  hitn  ;  he  was,  therefore,  called  in,  and  a  hearing  was 
had,  "  but  the  conunissionere  founde  noe  cause  to  alter  the  former 
wiitingo  giueii  hitn."  This  was  as  regarded  the  affnir  with  Wequash, 
Mr.  Morton  then  jjroduced  a  Poquot  powwow,  named  H'ampushet,  who, 
he  said,  had  charged  Uncas  with  having  hired  him  to  do  violence  to 
another  Indian,  or  to  procure  it  to  he  done,  which  accordingly  was 
elfectv?d,  the  Indian  hcing  wounded  with  a  hatchet.  This  crime  was  at 
first  laid  to  the  charge  of /Ff(jfwa*/i,  as  Uncas  had  intended.  "But  after 
[wards,]  the  Peqiuit's  powow,  trouhled  in  conscience,  could  have  no  rest 
till  he  had  disconred  Fnciis  to  he  the  author."  Ho  first  related  his  guilt 
to  Robin,*  an  Indian  servant  of  Mr.  fVinthrop  ;  Ijut,  to  the  surprise  of  the 
whole  court,  Wampushet,  the  oidy  witness,  on  being  questioned  through 
Mr.  Slnnton,  the  iiitoi-j)reter,  told  a  story  diametrically  the  reverse  of  what 
lie  had  bclore  stated.  "  He  clcMued  Vncus,  and  cast  the  yjlot  and  gtiilt  vpon 
JVeckwash  Cooke  and  Robin ;"  "  and  though  the  other  two  Pequats,  where- 
of the  one  was  Robin^s  brother,  seemed  much  offended,"  and  said  Uncas 
had  hired  him  to  alter  his  charge, "yet  he  persisted,  and  sa'nl  JVeckwash 
Cooke  and  Robin  had  giuen  him  a  ])ayre  of  breeches,  and  promised  him 
2i*  fadome  of  wampum,  to  cast  the  plot  upon  Vncus,  antl  that  the  English 
plantacon  and  Pequatb  knew  it.  The  commissioners  abhorring  this 
diuillish  falshoode,  and  advisinge  Vncus,  if  he  expected  any  favoure  and 
resjject  from  the  English,  to  haue  no  hand  in  any  such  designes  or  vniust 
waves." 

Hen'-e  it  appears  that  the  court  did  not  doubt  much  of  the  villany  of 
Uncas,  lut,  far  reasons  not  required  here  to  be  named,  he  was  treated  as  a 
fond  parent  often  treats  a  disobedient  child  ;  reminded  of  the  end  to  which 
such  crimes  lead;  and  seem  to  threaten  chastisement  in  their  words, 
while  their  deportment  holds  out  quite  different  language. 

At  the  congi-ess  of  the  United  Colonies  at  Boston,  in  July,  1647,  Mr. 
John  fViiithrop  of  Connecticut  presented  a  petition,  "in  the  name  of  many 
Pequatts,"  in  the  preamble  of  which  Casmamon  and  Obechiquod  are 
named,  requesting  that  they  might  have  liberty  to  dwell  somewhere  under 
the  protection  of  the  English,  that  they  might  appoint.  They  acknowl- 
edged that  their  sachems  and  people  had  done  very  ill  against  the  English 
formerly,  for  which  they  had  justly  suffered,  and  been  rightfully  conquered 
by  the  English ;  but  that  they  had  had  no  hand,  by  consent  or  otherwise, 
in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English,  and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of 
JVecquash^  that  they  fled  from  their  country,  being  promised  by  him  that 
the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not  join  against  them. 
The  names  of  02  cravuig  pardon  and  protection  were  at  the  same  time 
communicated. 

In  answer  the  commissioners  say,  that  while  Wequash  lived  he  had 
made  no  mention  of  "  such  innocent  Pequats,  or  from  any  other  person 
since ;"  and  on  "  enquiry  from  Thomas  Stanton,  from  Foxon,  one  of  Uncus 
his  men,  and  at  last  by  confession  of  the  Pequats  present,  found  that 
some  of  the  petitioners  were  in  Mistick  fort  in  fight  against  the  English, 
and  fled  away  in  the  smoke,"  and  that  others  were  at  other  times  in  arms 
against  the  English  and  Mohegans,  and,  therefore,  the  ground  of  their 
petition  was  false  and  deceitful. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  under  Uncas,  who  had  promised 

*  His  Indian  name  was  Casmamon,  perhaps  the  same  as  Cassassirmamon,  or  Casas' 
inemon,  &c. 

t  Wequash,  the  traitor.  He  became  a  noted  praying  Indian,  after  the  Peqnot  war, 
and  was  supposed  to  have  died  by  poison.  Frequent  mention  will  be  foujid  of  him 
elsewhere  in  our  work. 


100 


UNCAS. 


[Book  U. 


tliuin  gonii  usagn,  wliici)  was  prui)al>ly  on  condition  that  tlioy  aliuuld  \my 
liiin  u  tribute.     Tlii^y  rcsitiiul  ut  this  tinio  at  Nanivolt. 

At  tho  hiiiik;  court  Obechitjuod  conipluiiicd  that  llncas  had  forcibly  taken 
Hvvuy  iiis  wife,  und  eriiiiiiially  obhged  her  to  \\\o  witli  itini.  "/bxon 
bt^iiig  present,  ns  Uncases  deputy,  wiia  questioned  about  this  base  and  un- 
Hulferablo  outrage;  ho  denied  tliut  Uncos  citlier  took  or  kept  away 
Obechi(]uo(Vs  wifo  by  tiireo,  and  anirined  that  [on]  Ohcchimiod's  witli- 
dravving,  with  other  Pcsquots,  from  Uiicas,  his  wilo  refused  to  go  with 
him  ;  und  tliut,  among  the  Indians,  it  ia  usual  when  a  wife  so  deserts  her 
husband,  another  may  tuk(;  her.  Ohcchiquod  utKrmed  that  Uncos  had 
dealt  criminally  before,  and  still  kept  her  against  her  will." 

Though  not  sjitistied  in  point  of  proof,  the  commissioners  sjiy, "  Yet  ab- 
lioring  that  lustful  adultercjus  carriage  of  Uncos,  as  it  is  acknowledged  and 
mitligated  by  Foxon,^^  ordered  that  he  should  restore  tho  wife,  and  that 
Obechiquod  have  liberty  to  settle  under  the  protection  of  the  English, 
where  they  should  direct.* 

Complamts  at  this  time  wore  as  thick  upon  tho  head  of  Uncos  as  can 
well  be  conceived  of,  and  still  we  do  not  imagine  that  half  the  crimes  he 
was  guilty  of,  are  upon  record.  Another  Indian  named  Sonaps,  at  the  same 
time,  complained  that  he  had  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wile  of  another 
chief)  since  dead;  that  he  hud  taken  away  his  corn  and  beans,  and 
attempted  his  life  also.  The  court  say  they  found  no  proof,  "first  or  last, 
of  these  charges,"  still,  as  to  the  corn  and  beans,  ^^  Foxon  conceives  Uncos 
sei/(!d  it  because  Sonnop,  with  a  Pequot,  in  a  disorderly  manner  with- 
drew himself  from  f//»cfM."  Hence  it  seems  not  much  evidence  vyas 
re(piired,as  Uncases  deimty  uniformly  pleaded  guilty ;  and  the  court  could 
do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investigation,  he  should  make  restitution. 
As  to  Sannop,  who  was  "  no  Pequot,"  but  a  "  Connecticut  Indian,"  lie  had 
liberty  to  live  under  the  ])rotection  of  the  English  also. 

We  pass  now  to  the  year  KiSl,  omitting  to  notice  some  few  events  more 
or  less  connected  with  our  subject,  which,  in  another  chapter,  may  properly 
pass  under  review. 

I.a'^*  year,  Tlios.  Stanton  had  hoen  ordered  "to  get  an  account  of  the 
number  and  names  of  the  several  Pequo'.s  living  among  the  Nairagansets, 
Nianticks,  or  Mohegan  Indians,  &c. ;  who,  by  an  agreement  made  after 
the  Pequot  war,  are  justly  tributaries  to  the  English  colonies,  and  to 
receive  the  tribute  due  for  this  last  year."  Stanton  now  ai)peared  as 
interpreter,  and  with  him  came  also  Uncos  and  several  of  hia  men,  fFe- 
qiMsh  Cook  and  some  of  "  J^nnacrafVs"  men,  "  Robert,  a  Pequot,  some- 
times a  servant  to  Mr.  ffinthrop,  and  some  with  him,  and  some  Pequots 
living  on  Long  Island."  They  at  this  time  delivered  312  fathom  of  wam- 
pum.    Of  this  Uncos  brought  7*J,  JVinigreVs  men  91,  &c. 

"This  wampum  being  laid  down.  Uncos  and  others  of  the  Pequots 
demanded  why  this  tribute  was  required,  how  long  it  was  to  continue, 
und  whether  the  children  to  be  born  hereafter  were  to  pay  it."  They^ 
were  answered  that  the  tribute  had  been  due  ytirly  from  the  Pequots' 
since  1038,  on  occount  of  their  murders,  wars,  &c.  upon  the  English. 
"  Wherefore  the  commissioners  might  have  required  both  account  and 
payment,  as  of  a  just  debt,  for  time  j)ast,  but  are  contented,  if  it  be 
thankfully  accepted,  to  remit  what  is  j)ast,  accoimting  only  from  1(550, 
when  Tfiomas  Stanton's  employment  and  salary  began."  Also  that  the 
tribute  should  end  in  ton  years  more,  and  that  children  hercafler  bora 
should  be  exemjjt.     Hitherto  all  male  children  were  taxed. 


*'l'liis  chief  is  the  same,  wo  l)>  lieve,  called  in  a  later  part  of  the  records,  (Hazard,  ii. 
413,)  Ahbacliickwood .  He  was  fined,  with  seven  others,  ten  fathom  of  wampum  for 
goinjj  to  fight  the  Pocomptuck  Indians  with  Uncas,  in  the  summer  of  lG5i). 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


101 


quots 
itinue, 

They. 

qiiots 

gtish. 

t  and 
it  be 
1650, 

It  the 
bora 


'.ard,  ii. 
lum  tor 


The  next  mattftr  with  which  wo  shall  proceed  hnfl,  in  the  life  of 
(hiaamequin,  l)cen  merely  glanced  at,  and  reserved  f'>r  this  place,  to  which 
it  more  properly  belong. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  year  IfiOl,  and  it  was  in  the  H|)ring  of  this 
year  that  a  war  broke  out  between  Uncos  and  the  old  sacheiu  beforo 
nurned.  It  seeniH  very  clear  that  the  Wainpanoags  had  been  friendly  to 
the  Narraganseta,  for  a  long  time  previous,  but,  Heparated  as  they  were 
from  them,  were  not  often  involved  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how 
Uncns  was  favored  by  the  English,  and  were,  therefore,  careful  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Mohegans,  from  whom  they  were  still  fiirther 
r<;inov(!d.  Of  the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  war  upon  the 
tiunbaogs,  a  tribe  of  Nipniuoks  belonging  to  Ousamequvi,  the  reader  may 
gather  the  most  important  facts  from  some  documents,*  which  wo  shall 
iu  the  next  place  lay  beforo  him. 

"Mercurius  de  Quabaconk,  or  a  declaration  of  the  dealings  of  Uncca 
and  the  Mohegin  Indians,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Qua- 
baconk,  21,  Hd  mo.  1G(J1. 

"About  ten  weeks  since  Uncos'  son,  accompanied  with  70  Indians, set 
U|)<)n  the  Indians  at  Quabaconk,  and  slew  three  persons,  and  earned  away 
six  prisoners ;  among  which  were  one  squaw  and  her  two  children,  whom 
when  he  had  brought  to  the  fort,  Uncas  dismissed  the  scjuaw,  on  condi- 
tions that  she  would  go  home  and  bring  him  £25  in  peag,  two  guns  and 
two  blankets,  for  the  release  of  herself  and  her  children,  which  as  yet 
she  hath  not  done,  being  retained  by  the  sagamore  of  Wesliakeim,  in 
hopes  that  their  league  with  the  English  will  free  them. 

"  At  the  same  time  he  carried  away  also,  in  stnft"  and  money,  to  the 
value  of  £37,  and  at  such  time  as  Uncas  received  notice  of  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  English  in  the  Massachusetts  by  the  worshipful  Mr. 
IVinthrop,  he  insolently  laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  hu 
would  still  go  on  as  he  had  begun,  and  assay  who  dares  to  controll  him. 
Moreover,  four  days  since  there  came  home  a  prisoner  that  escaped  ;  two 
yet  remaining,  whom  Uncas  threatens,  the  one  of  them  to  kill,  and  the 
other  to  sell  away  as  a  slave,  and  still  threatens  to  continue  his  war  against 
therr,  notwithstanding  any  prohibition  whatsoever ;  whose  very  threats 
are  so  terrible,  that  our  Indians  dare  not  wander  far  from  the  towns  about 
the  Indians  for  fear  of  surprise. 

From  the  relation  of 

Pambassua, 
and  testimony    f 

WASAMAsirr, 

»  QtJA<JUE<inUNSET, 

and  others." 

From  this  narrative  it  is  very  plain  that  Uncas  cared  very  little  for  the 
displeasure  of  the  English  :  it  is  plain,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they 
what  kept  them  from  dealing  as  severely  with  him  as  with  the  Narra- 
guiisets,  liis  neighbors.  They  must  succumb  to  him,  to  keep  him  in  a 
temper  to  aid  in  fighting  their  battles  when  called  upon.  Hence,  when 
he  had  committed  the  grossest  insults  on  other  Indians,  the  wheels  of 
justice  often  moved  so  slow,  that  they  arrived  not  at  their  object  until  it 
hud  become  quite  another  matter.  It  must,  however,  be  considered  that 
the  English  were  very  peculiarly  situated — upon  the  very  margin  of  an 
unknown  wilderness,  enclosed  but  on  one  side  by  Indians,  whose  chief 
business  was  war.    They  had  destroyed  the  I'equots,  but  this  only  added 


*  In  manuscript,  and  never  before  published. 


109 


UNCAS. 


[Dooi  n. 


to  their  fiinre,  for  th«y  know  that  rnvcngo  hirkcd  still  in  the  hroaatfl  of 
iMiuiy,  wlio  only  wrro  waiting  for  an  o|t])ortimity  to  gratify  it ;  thcreforo, 
HO  long  an  one  of  tlio  nio.-<t  ninn*>roiis  trilien  could  |)ONHit>ly  hn  ki<pt  oii. 
their  Hide,  tho  Kngli.sh  ronrndcMfd  thrniHelvoH  in  Kafrty.  They  had  tnailo 
nimiy  iniHHte|>s  in  their  ])roeeedings  with  the  IndiaiiH,  owing  HoinetiineH  to 
one  cause  and  Hornetirnt.-s  to  anotlier,  for  which  now  thore  was  no  reme- 
dy ;  nnd  it  i«  douhtful  wherher,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  Hct  of  men  wero 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  Hettlu  among  wild  men,  that  they  would 
get  along  with  tlicni  8o  much  better  than  our  fathers  did  with  th(<  Indians 
here,  as  some  may  have  imagined.  Tlieacaro  considerations  which  nnist 
bo  taken  into  account  in  estimnting  tho  "  wrongs  of  the  Indians."  They 
seem  tho  more  necessary,  in  this  place,  for  in  tho  biography  of  Uncaa 
th(>re  is  as  much,  perhaps,  to  censure  regarding  tho  acts  ot  tho  English, 
a.s  in  any  other  article  of  Indian  history. 

Tho  narrative  just  recited  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts, 
was  reft!rredto  u  select  conunittee,  who,  on  tho  1  Juiif,  reported, 

That  letters  should  bo  sent  to  Uncas,  signifying  how  sensible  tho  court 
was  of  the  injuries  he  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  upon  the  Indians 
of  Quabaconk,  who  lived  under  their  sagamore  IVassnmagin,  as  set  forth 
in  tho  narrative.  Tliat,  therefore,  they  now  desired  him  to  give  up  tho 
captives  and  make  restitution  for  all  the  goods  taken  from  them,  and  to 
forbear  for  time  to  conio  all  such  unlawful  acts.  That  if  Wasmmn<rin  or 
liis  sid)ject8  had  or  should  do  him  or  his  subjects  any  wrong,  the  English 
would,  upon  due  |)roof,  cause  recompense  to  be  made.  Also  that  Uncas 
be  given  to  understand  and  assured,  that  if  ho  refuse  to  comply  with  the 
request,  they  were  then  resolved  to  right  the  injuries  upon  him  and  his, 
and  for  all  costs  they  might  bo  put  to  in  tho  service.  "  That  for  the  en- 
couragement and  safety  of  the  sayd  Wassamagin  and  his  subj(!cts,  thero 
bo  by  order  of  Major  filllard  three  or  four  ormed  men,  well  accomodnto 
in  all  res|M}cts,  with  a  proporcon  of  powder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  from 
Lancaster  to  Quabaconk  vnto  the  n.-iyd  Wassamagin,  there  to  stay  a  night 
or  two,  and  to  shootc  of  their  musqucts  so  often,  and  in  such  wise,  as  the 
major  shall  direct,  to  territie  the  enemies  of  Wassamagin,  and  so  to  return 
home  again."  To  inform  Wassamagin  and  his  subjects  that  the  authorities 
of  Massachusetts  would  esteem  it  an  acknowledgmeni  of  their  regard, 
if  they  would  permit  them  to  have  the  captives  to  be  recovered  from 
Uncas,  to  bring  them  up  in  a  proper  manner,  that  they  might  bo  senice- 
able  to  their  friends,  &c.  Also,  "aduice  an('  rc(|uire  Wassamagin  and  his 
men  to  be  verie  carefull  of  iniuring  or  any  ways  prouoking  of  Vncas,  or 
any  of  his  men,  as  he  will  answer  our  displeasure  therein,  and  incurr  due 
punishment  for  the  same."  That  if  Uncas  committed  any  other  hostile 
acts,  he  rnus.  complain  to  them,  &c.*  Thus  Ousamequin  was  as  much 
threatened  as  Uncas. 

Matters  seem  to  have  remained  thus  until  the  meeting  of  the  commis- 
sioners in  September  following ;  when,  m  due  course,  the  business  was 
called  up,  and  acted  upon  as  follows : — 

"  Vpon  complaint  made  to  the  comissionars  of  tlie  Massachusetts 
against  Vnkas,  this  following  message  was  sent  to  him : — 

"  Vncas,  wee  haue  receiued  information  and  complaint  from  the  gcnerall 
court  of  the  Massachusetts  of  youer  hostile  invading  ofWosamequin  and  the 
Indians  of  Quabakutt,  whoe  are  and  ionge  haue  bine  subjects  to  the 
English,  killing  some  and  carrying  away  others  ;  spoyling  theire  goods  to 
the  vallue  of  331b.  as  they  allege."  That  he  had  done  this  contrary  to  his 
covenants,  and  had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Massachusetts, 
though  some  time  since  they  had  ordered  him  to  deliver  up  the  captives. 


*  Here  ends  our  MSS.  relating  to  this  afTair. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


ton 


inimis- 
ss  was 

husetts 

3nerall 
lud  the 
to  the 
jods  to 
tohw 
uisetts, 
iptives, 


« 


M 


nmko  rriiiiintTiition,  &'r.  And  to  wliicli  lie  hnd  n'fiiriu'd  no  aiiHW«T; 
"whicli,"  ••onliiiiif.s  the  letter,  "weenies  to  bee  an  itisoleeit  and  |ir()n<l 
rarriiip'ol  "voiier-*.  U'eeaunot  lint  uonder  att  it,  and  must  lieare  witnens 
n),'ainst  it."  Ilo  was,  as  iKl'dii-,  re'inired  to  return  tlu!  ea|)tiv«'S,  &■<•.,  and 
pive  reasons  lor  his  operations  ;  and  if  he  negleeteil  to  do  wo,  the  Mabsa- 
chnseltH  were  at  liherty  to  r\fi\\\  theniselves. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  ue  ii|i|)rehend,  a  h'tter  from  Uncus  was  rereived, 
written  by  Cn\)t.  Mdsou,  wliieh  was  a.>j  tbllowH: — 

"  VVIioras  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the  roiirt  of  Boston,  (hitcd  in 
my  last  to  ynms,  suehem  of  Moiie^en,  wherin  it  was  declared  vpon  tlio 
roniplaint  of  lyfsnmei/utn,*  a  sachem  Hiil)jeet  to  the  IMaHwaehnsetts,  that 
tlu!  said'  }  ncua  had  ((ilered  {.neat  violence  to  iheiro  sid»jeets  at  Qualtauk, 
killing;  some  and  takini;  others  eapline  ;  whieh  warrant  eaine  not  to  I'licas, 
not  ai)oue  iiO  dales  hvforc  tliesi;  presents,  who,  hein^f  smiiinoned  by  Major 
John  Mason,  in  foil  Hcopo  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  ho  was  deeply 
ohar<;ed  if  lie  did  not  return  the  ea|)tiiies,  and  £.'<<*{  damage,  then  the 
Massaehnsetts  would  reeoner  it  by  force  of  amies,  which  to  him  was  nery 
prieiious:  |)rofessing  he  was  alto{?t'lli«'i'  i^'iiorant  that  they  were  subjects 
belonjrinj?  to  the  IVIassachnsetts  ;  and  fiu'ther  said  that  they  were  none  of 
lf'cs(iine(iuen\<t  men,  l)ut  belonjL^inp  to  Onopcquin,  his  deadly  eneniio,  whoe 
was  there  borne ;  one  of  the  men  then  taken  was  his  own  cousin,  who 
iiad  formerly  ibiight  atrainst  him  in  his  own  person  ;  and  yett  sett  him  att 
lihertie ;  and  fm-tlier  sailh  that  all  the  captiues  were  sent  home.  Alsoe 
that  ffcsainequinl^s]  son,  and  diners  of  his  men  had  fouf,'ht  against  him 
diuers  times.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  us  his  answaro  to  tho 
coinissioncrs. 

^^Mexander  allis  Jf'nmsuUa,  sachem  of  Sownmsett,  being  now  att  Ply- 
mouth, hoc  challenged  Quabauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him;  and  further 
said  that  hee  did  warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on  that  accoiuit.f 

Signed  by 

John  Mason." 

The  particidars  of  the  issue  of  these  troubles  were  not  recorded,  and 
the  nresmnption  is,  that  Uncos  com|)lied  with  the  reasonable  requests  of 
tho  Englisii,  and  the  old  peaceable  Ousameqiiin,  being  unwilling  to  get 
into  diffici'lty,  put  up  with  the  residt  without  avenging  his  wrongs.  His 
son,  Wamstitta,  as  will  be  seen,  about  this  time  found  himself  involved 
in  difficulties  nearer  home,  whicli  probably  prevented  him  from  continuing 
tlie  war  against  Uncas,  had  he  been  otherwise  disposed. 

*  \\y  tliis  it  would  seem  tliat  Massasuit  had,  for  some  time,  resided  amon^  the  Nip> 
mucks.     He  had,  probably,  pfivoii  up  Pokanokct  to  his  sons. 

t  It  seems  always  to  have  been  unrertnin  to  whom  the  Nipmucks  bcloiin-od.  linger 
Williams  says,  in  1GC3,  "  That  all  the  Nccpmurks  were  unquestionably  subject  to  the 
Nanhlfjonsct  sachems,  and,  in  a  special  manner,  to  Mejicsah,  the  son  ol  (\iunntmicus, 
ami  late  husband  to  this  old  Sqiiaio-ifticliem,  now  only  survivinjj.  I  have  abundant  and 
daily  proof  of  it."  &c.     MS.  letter.    Sec  life  Miis.<i(isoit,  b.  ii.  chap.  ii. 

At  one  time,  Kittshrtma/rin  claimed  some  of  ilie  Nipnuicks,  or  consented  to  be  made  a 
tool  of  by  some  of  them,  for  some  private  end.  R\it  Mr.  Pynchon  said  they  would  not 
own  him  as  a  sacliem  any  lonj^er  "  than  the  sun  shined  upon  him."  Ha<I  they  bclonq-ed 
to  him,  RFassjic husetts  must  have  owned  them,  which  woulil  have  involved  them  ianiucli 
difticuliy  la  1618,  by  reason  of  several  murders  among  ihcm. 


104 


[Book  n. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  Pcquot  nation — Geography  of  their  country — Sasskcvs,  their  Jirst 
chief,  known  to  the  English — IVar — The  cause  of  it — Wequash — Ca- 
noniciis  and  Miantunnomoh  accused  of  harboring  fugitive  Pequots — jSaw- 
samon — Mononotto — Olash — Cassassinnamon. 

It  ia  said  by  Mr.  Hubbard,*  that  the  Peqnots,f  "  being  a  more  fierce, 
cruel  and  warhke  peojjle  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of 
the  more  inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  upon  one  of 
the  goodliest  places  near  the  sea,  and  became  a  terror  to  all  their  neigh- 
bors." The  tiine  of  their  emigration  is  unkno>vn.  They  made  all  the 
other  tribes  "stand  in  awe,  though  fewer  in  number  than  the  ^larragan- 
sets,  that  bordered  next  upon  them."| 

Their  country,  according  to  Mr.  Gookin,§  "the  English  of  Connecticut 
jurisdiction,  doth  now,  [1674,]  for  the  most  i)art,  possess."  Their  dominion, 
or  that  of  their  chief  sachem,  was,  according  to  the  same  author,  "  over 
divers  petty  sagamores ;  as  over  part  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Mohegans, 
and  over  the  sagamores  of  Quinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,]  yea,  over  all 
the  people  that  dwelt  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  over  some  of  the 
most  southerly  inhabitants  of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag." 
The  principal  seat  of  the  sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pequot 
River,  now  called  the  Thames,  where  New  London  stands.  "These 
Pequots,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in  former  times,  raise  4000  men  fil 
for  war."||  The  first  great  chief  of  this  nation,  known  to  the  English, 
was  Sassacus,  whose  name  was  a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes  of 
Indians.  From  the  fruitful  letters  of  the  Rev.  Roger  Williains,  we  learn 
that  he  had  a  brother  by  the  name  of  Puppompoges,  whose  residence  was 
Qt  Monahiganick,  probably  Mohegan.  Although  Sassacus^s  principal 
residence  was  upon  the  Thames,  yet,  in  his  highest  prosperity,  he  had 
under  him  no  less  than  26  sachems,  and  his  dominions  were  from  Narra- 
ganset  Bay  to  Hudson's  River,  in  the  direction  of  the  sea-coast.  Long  Island 
was  also  under  him,  and  his  authority  was  undisputed  far  into  the  country. 

About  the  time  the  English  had  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the 
Pequots,  Roger  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts, 
giving  him  important  directions  how  they  should  proceed  to  advantage, 
and  what  was  very  important  then,  gave  the  following  rude  draft  of  tiieit 
country : — 

River  Qunnihtieut.lT 


O  •*  fort  of  the  Niantaquit**  men,  confoderato  with  tho  Poquts. 
Mohiganic  Rivor. 


n  Weinshauka,  whera 

Sasacous,  tlio  chief  sachitn,  iM. 


Ohom- 1 
iwamp  I 


I  owauke,tt  the 
I  3  or  4  miles  from 


Mis-  O  tick,  where  is  Jifamoho,iX  another  chief  sachim. 

^/VWWWWWWWVVWWVWWWWW 

River. 

Nayan-  Q  taquit,**  where  is  tfepiteammok  and  our  (riendi. 

River. 

*  Narrative,  i.  IIG. 

f  We  believe  this  name  meant  Gray  foxes,  hence  Gray-fox  Indians,  orPequota. 

}  Hist.  New  England,  33. 

ASce  his  Collections  iii  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  147.  fl  lb. 

t  (^nnncclicut.        **  Nianlick.        tt  A  name  signifying  an  OwPt  nest.    Same  litttr. 

\\  Probably  MononoUo. 


Chap.  VI] 


OF  THE  PEUUOT  NATION. 


105 


In  tlio  same  letter,  Mr.  HlUiams  urges  the  necessity  of  employing 
faithful  guides  for  the  English  forces;  "us  shall  be  best  liked  of  [to]  be 
taken  along  to  direct,  especially  two  Pt-quts;  viz.  IVequash,  [whose  name 
signified  a  swan,]  and  IVutlackquiackommin,  valiant  men,  especially  the 
latter,  who  have  lived  these  three  or  four  years  with  the  Nanhiggonticks, 
and  know  every  pass  and  passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to 
enter  their  houses." 

The  Pequots  having,  for  a  long  time,  exercised  their  power  without 
restraint  among  their  countrymen,  according  to  the  custom  of  savage 
nations,  which  wr.s  a  right  always  assumed  by  the  strongest,  and  yet  too 
much  the  case  with  those  nations  calling  themselves  civilized,  extended, 
therefore,  tlie  same  carriage  towards  the  English  as  to  the  rest  of  their 
neighbors — killing  such  as  came  in  their  way,  who  refused  a  compliance 
with  their  demands.  Captains  Slone^  JVorton  and  Oldham,  were  succes- 
sively murdered  by  them,  in  and  about  Connecticut  River.  The  English 
could  get  no  satisfaction  of  them,  and  being  assured  of  the  assistance  of 
the  Narragansets,  detemiined  to  subdue  them.  Early  in  the  summer  of 
lt)37,  forces  from  Connecticut,  under  Captain  John  Mason,  and  from 
Massachusetts,  under  Captain /«rad!  iS/oug-Ziion,  were  sent  on  tliis  design. 
A  part  of  the  Massachusetts  forces  only,  under  Captain  Underhill,  who 
was  before  stationed  at  Saybrook  fort,  shared  in  the  taking  of  the  strong 
fort  of  Sassacus.  This  fort  was  situated  upon  an  eminence  in  the  present 
town  of  Groton,  Connecticut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the 
25tii  of  May  ;  and  on  the  2Gth,  before  day,  with  about  500  Indians,  encom- 
passed it,  and  began  a  furious  attack.  The  Mohegans  and  Narragansets 
discovered  great  fear  on  approaching  the  fort,  and  could  not  believe  that 
the  English  would  dare  to  attack  it.  When  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
hill  on  v/hich  it  was  situated.  Captain  Mason  was  apprehensive  of  being 
abandoned  by  them,  and,  making  a  halt,  sent  for  Uncas,  who  led  the  Mo- 
hegans, and  JVequash,  their  pilot,  who  was  a  fugitive  Pequot  chief,*  and 
urged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to  follow  liim  at  any  distance  they 
pleased.  These  Indians  had  all  along  told  the  English  they  dared  not 
fight  the  Pequots,  but  boasted  how  they  themselves  would  fight.  Mason 
told  them  now  they  should  see  whether  Englishmen  would  fight  or  not. 
Notwithstanding  their  boastings,  they  could  not  overcome  the  terror 
which  the  name  of  Sassacus  had  inspired  in  them,  and  they  kept  at  a  safe 
distance,  until  the  fight  was  over ;  but  assisted  considerably  in  repelling 
the  attacks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — for  the  Pequots, 
on  recovering  from  their  consrrrnation,  collected  in  a  considerable  body, 
and  fought  the  confederates  for  many  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  which  were  divided  into  two  companies, 
one  led  by  Maiion,  and  the  other  by  Underhill.  The  Indians  were  all 
within  their  fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  a  dog  was 
the  first  notice  they  had  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few 
know  the  cause  of  the  alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foe. 
The  fort  had  two  entrances  at  opposite  points,  into  which  each  party  of 
English  were  led,  sword  in  hand.  "  IVanux !  wanux  :"f  was  the  cry  of 
Sassacus's  men  ;  and  such  was  their  surprise,  that  they  made  very  feeble 
resistance.  Having  only  their  own  missile  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing 
at  hand  to  hand,  with  the  English  broad-swords.     They  were  pursued 


^\a. 


*T1)C  same,  it  Is  believed,  elsewhere  called  Waquash  Cook ;  "  vvliich  Wequash,  (says 
Dr.  /.  Mather,)  was  by  I'irlli  a  saclicm  of  lliiil  place,  [where  Sassacus  lived,]  but  upon 
some  disgust  received,  he  wciit  from  the  l'e(|uols  to  the  Narragansets,  and  Dccamc  a 
chief  captain  under  Miantunnomoh.''     Relation,  1\. 

}  Allen's  History  of  the  Pequot  War.  It  s\giuf\c(\,  Ene;li!<hmeu .'  Englishmett  !  In 
Mason's  history,  it  is  written  Owunux.  Allen  merely  copied  from  Mason,  with  a  few 
tucli  variations. 


106 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 


[Book  U. 


from  wigwam  to  wigwam,  and  slaughtered  in  eveiy  secret  place.  Wo- 
men and  children  were  cut  to  pieces,  while  endeavoring  to  hide  themselves 
in  and  under  their  heds.  At  length  fire  was  set  in  the  mats  that  covered 
the  wigwams,  which  furiously  spread  over  the  whole  fort,  and  the  dead 
and  dying  were  together  consumed.  A  part  of  the  English  had  formed 
a  circumference  upon  the  outside,  and  shot  such  as  attempted  to  fly. 
Many  ascended  the  pickets  to  escape  the  flames,  hut  were  shot  down  by 
those  stationed  for  that  purpose.  About  600  persons  were  supposed  to 
have  perished  in  this  fight ;  or  perhaps  I  should  say,  massacre.*  There 
were  but  two  English  killed,  and  about  20  wounded.  Sassacus  himself 
was  in  another  Ibrt,  and  being  infi)rmed  of  the  ravages  of  the  English, 
destroyed  his  habitations,  and,  with  about  80  others,  fled  to  the  Mohawks, 
who  treacherously  beheaded  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  slaughter  at  Mistiek,  there  were  great  num- 
bers of  Pequots  in  the  country,  and  were  hunted  from  swamp  to  swamp, 
nnd  their  numbers  thinned  continually,  until  a  remnant  promised  to  appear 
no  more  as  a  nation. 

The  English,  under  Captain  StougMon,  came  into  Pequot  River  about  a 
fortnight  after  the  Mistiek  fight,  and  assisted  in  the  work  of  their  exter- 
mination. After  his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  wrote  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  as  follows : — "  By  this  pinnace,  you  shall 
receive  48  or  50  women  and  children,  unless  there  stay  any  here  to  ba 
helpful,  &c.  Concerning  vvhich,  there  is  one,  I  formerly  mentioned,  that 
is  the  fairest  and  largest  that  I  saw  atnongst  them,  to  whom  I  have  given 
a  coate  tocloathe  her.  It  is  my  desire  to  have  her  for  a  servant,  if  it  may 
stand  with  your  good  liking,  else  not.  There  is  a  little  squaw  that  steward 
Culacut  desireth,  to  whom  he  hath  given  a  coate.  Lieut.  Davenport  also 
desireth  one,  to  wit,  a  small  one,  that  hath  three  strokes  upon  her  stomach, 
thus:  —  III  -|-'  He  desireth  her,  if  it  will  stand  with  your  good  hking. 
Sosoinon,  the  Indian,  desireth  a  young  little  squaw,  which  1  know  not. 

"  At  present,  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  Ludlo,  Captain  Mdson,  and  30  men  are 
with  us  in  Pequot  River,  and  we  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what 
we  can  do  against  Sassacus,  and  another  great  sagamore,  Monotvattuck^ 
[Mononotto.]  Here  is  yet  good  work  to  be  done,  and  how  dear  it  will 
cost  is  unknown.  Sassacus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  life,  and  so  the  other 
with  their  company,  as  dear  as  they  can."f 

Perhaj)s  it  will  be  judged  that  Stoughton  was  looking  more  after  the 
profit  arising  from  the  sale  of  captives,  than  for  warriora  to  fight  with. 
Indeed,  Mason's  account  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

There  was  a  manifest  disposition  on  the  part  of  Uncas,  Canonicus, 
Miantunnomoh  and  J\inigret,  and  perhaps  other  chiefs,  to  screen  the  poor, 
denounced  and  flying  Pequots,  who  liad  escaped  the  flames  and  swords 
of  the  English  in  their  war  with  them.  Part  of  a  corresponuence  about 
these  sachems'  harboring  them,  between  R.  Williams  and  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  is  preserved  in  the  Massachusetts  Collections;  horn  which 
it  appeal's  that  Massachusetts  had  requested  Mr.  Williams  to  explain  to 
the  chiefs  the  consequences  to  be  depended  upon,  if  they  did  not  strictly 
observe  their  agreement  in  regard  to  the  fiigitive  Pequots.  Oiash\  carried 
t'>  Mr.  Williams  a  letter  from  the  Massachusetts  governor  upon  this  sub- 
ject. After  he  had  obeyed  its  contents,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  he  answered, 
that  he  went  with  Olash  "to  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  having  got  Canouni- 
eus  and  Miantimnomu,  with  their  council,  together,  I  acquainted  them 

*  "  It  was  supposed,"  says  Mather,  "  lliat  no  less  than  500  or  600  Pequot  souls  wero 
brougbt  clown  to  liell  that  day."  Jlelalion,  47.  Wc  in  chanty  suppose  that  by  hell  the  doctor 
uuly  meant  death. 

t  Manuscrij)t  letter  of  Captain  Stoughton,  on  file  among  our  state  papers. 

^  Yotaanh,  Mr.  Williams  writes  his  name. 


e  to  bd 


liking. 


monicus, 
[ic  poor, 

swords 
le  about 
}rnor  of 
which 
[plain  to 

strictly 

carried 
his  sub- 
Iswercd, 
mnouni- 

d  them 

liuls  wero 
llie  dodo? 


Chap.  VI.] 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  NATION. 


107 


faithfully  with  the  contents  of  your  letter,  both  gvievances  and  threatenin^a ; 
and  to  (leirionstrate,  1  produced  the  copy  of  the  league,  (which  Mr.  [Sir 
Henry]  Vane  sent  me,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a  straw  in  two  or  three 
places,  I  showed  them  what  they  had  done." 

These  chiefs  gave  Mr.  Williams  to  understand,  that  when  Mr.  Governor 
understood  what  they  had  to  say,  he  would  he  satisfied  with  their  con- 
duct;  tliat  they  did  not  wish  to  make  trouble,  but  they  ^^  could  relate 
many  particulars  wherein  the  English  had  broken  their  promises,"  since  the 
war. 

In  regard  to  some  squaws  that  had  escaped  from  the  English,  Canonicua 
said  he  had  not  seen  any,  but  heard  of  some,  and  immediately  ordered 
them  to  be  carried  back  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  them,  but 
would  now  have  the  country  searched  for  them,  to  satisfy  the  governor. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  had  never  heard  of  but  six,  nor  saw  but  four  of 
them  ;  which  being  brought  to  him,  he  was  angry,  and  asked  those  who 
brought  them,  why  they  tiid  not  carry  them  to  Mr.  Williams,  that  he  might 
convey  them  to  the  English.  They  told  him  the  squaws  were  lame,  and 
could  not  go ;  upon  which  Miantunnomoh  sent  to  Mr.  Williams  to  come 
and  take  them.  Mr.  Williams  could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  his  turn 
ordered  Miantunnomoh  to  do  it,  who  said  he  was  busy  and  could  not;  "as 
indeed  he  was,  (says  Williams,)  in  a  strange  kind  of  solemnity,  wherein 
the  .sachims  eat  nothing  but  at  night,  and  all  the  natives  round  about  the 
countiy  were  feasted."    In  the  mean  time  the  squaws  escaped. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  was  sorry  that  the  governor  should  think  he 
wanted  these  squaws,  for  he  did  not.  Mr.  Williams  told  him  he  knew  of 
his  sending  for  one.  Of  this  charge  he  fairly  cleared  liimself,  saying,  the 
one  sent  for  was  not  for  himself,  but  for  Sassamun,*  who  was  lying  lame 
at  his  house ;  that  Sassamun  fell  in  there  in  his  way  to  Pequt,  whither  he 
had  been  sent  by  the  governor.  The  squaw  he  wanted  was  a  sachem's 
daughter,  who  had  been  a  particular  friend  of  Miantunnomoh  during 
his  life-time ;  therefore,  in  kindness  to  his  dead  friend,  he  wished  to 
ransom  her. 

Moreover,  Miantunnomoh  said,  he  and  his  people  were  true  "  to  the 
English  in  life  or  death,"  and  but  for  which,  he  said,  Okase  [Unkus]  and 
his  Mohiganeucks  had  long  since  {)roved  false,  as  he  still  feared  they 
would.  For,  he  said,  they  had  never  foiuid  a  Pequot,  and  added,  "  Chenoch 
ejuse  wetompatimucksT^  that  is,  "Did  ever  friends  deal  so  with  friends?" 
5lr.  Williams  requiring  more  particular  explanation,  Miantunnomoh  prt>- 
ceeded : — 

"  My  brother,  Yotaash,  had  seized  Mpon  Puttaquppuunck,  Qiiamc,  and  20 
Pequots,  and  60  squaws;  they  killed  l!iree  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watched  all  night.  Then  they  sent  .or  the  English,  and  delivered  them 
in  the  morning  to  them.  I  came  by  land,  according  to  promise,  with  200 
men,  billing  10  Pequots  by  the  way.  I  desired  to  see  the  great  sachem, 
Puttaquppuunck,  whom  my  brother  had  taken,  who  was  now  in  the  Eng- 
lish houses,  but  the  English  thrust  at  me  with  a  pike  many  limes,  that  I 
diu*st  not  come  near  the  door." 

Mr.  William's  told  him  they  did  not  know  him,  else  they  would  not ;  but 
Miantunnomoh  answered,  "  All  my  company  were  disheartened,  and  they 
all,  and  Cuishanwqtiene,  desired  to  be  gone."  Besides,  ho  said,  "  two  of  my 
men,  Wagonckivhut\  and  Maunamoh  [Mdhamoh]  were  their  guides  to 
Sesquankit,  from  the  river's  mouth."  U|)on  which,  Mr.  Williams  adds  to 
tlie  governor:  "Sir,  I  dare  not  stir  coals,  but  I  saw  them  too  much  disre- 
garded by  fuany." 


*  Probably  tlic  same  incntioiifil  allcrwards. 
Eassnmofi,  or  his  lirotlicr  Rowland. 
\  Perhaps  Wali^umacut,  or  WMltginnacut. 


Ho  might  iiave  been  the  fainoui  J0lm 


y 


108 


MONONOTTO. 


[Book  II. 


Mr.  Williams  told  the  sachems  "  they  received  Pequts  and  wampom 
without  Mr.  Governor's  consent  Cannounicus  replied,  that  although  he 
and  Miantunnomu  had  paid  many  hundred  lathoni  of  wampum  to  their 
soldiers,  as  Mr.  Governor  did,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads 
nor  a  Pequt.  Nor,  saith  Miantunnomu,  did  I,  hut  one  small  present  from 
four  women  of  Long  Island,  which  were  no  Pequts,  but  of  that  isle,  being 
afraid,  desired  to  put  themselves  under  my  ])rotection." 

The  Pecpiot  war  has  generally  been  looked  upon  with  regret,  by  all 
good  men,  since.  To  cxterjninate  a  people  before  they  had  any  oppor- 
tunity to  be'',ome  enlightenetl,  that  is,  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the 
reason  of  other  usjiges  towards  their  lellow  beings  than  those  in  which 
they  had  been  brought  up,  is  a  great  cause  of  lamentation  ;  and  if  it  proves 
any  thing,  it  proves  that  great  ijinorance  and  barbarism  lurked  in  the 
hearts  of  their  exterminatoi-s.  We  do  not  mean  to  exclude  by  this  re- 
mark the  great  body  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  earth  from  the 
charge  of  such  barbarism. 

In  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  the  year  1G47,  it  is  men- 
tioned that  "Mr.  John  Jf'inthrop  making  claim  to  a  great  quantity  of  land 
at  Niantic  by  purchase  from  the  Indians,  gave  in  to  the  cotiimissioners  a 
petition  in  those  words  : — 'Whereas  I  had  the  land  of  Niantick  by  a  deed 
of  gift  and  purchiise  from  the  sachem  [Sassucus]  before  the  Tl^equot] 
wars,  I  desire  the  commissionere  will  be  pleased  to  confirm  it  unto  ine, 
and  clear  it  from  any  cltum  of  English  and  Indians  according  to  the 
equity  of  the  case.' "  fVinthrop  had  no  writing  from  Sassncus,  and  full 
ten  years  had  elapsed  since  the  transaction,  ]  iit  Frotnatush,  Jf'ainberquaske 
and  Antuppo  testified  some  time  after,  that  "upon  their  knowledge  before 
the  wars  were  against  the  Pequots,  Sassacus  their  sachem  of  Niantic  did 
call  them  and  all  his  men  together,  and  told  that  he  wjis  resolved  to  give 
his  country  to  the  governor's  son  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  lived  then  at 
Pattaquassat  alias  Connecticut  River's  mouth,  and  all  his  men  declared 
themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereupon  he  went  to  him  to  Pattaquas- 
sets,  and  when  he  came  back  he  told  them  he  had  granted  all  his  country 
to  him  the  said  governor's  son,  and  saiil  he  was  his  good  friend,  and  he 
hoped  he  would  send  some  English  thither  some  time  hereafter.  More- 
over, he  told  him  he  had  received  coats  from  him  for  it,  which  they  saw 
him  bring  home."  This  was  not  said  by  those  Indians  themselves,  but 
several  English  said  they  heard  them  say  so.  The  commissioners,  however, 
set  aside  his  claim  with  considerable  appearance  of  independence. 

Dr.  Dwigld  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots: — 


"  Indulge,  my  native  Janfl,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassionod,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  me,  each  twig  from  Ailani's  siocli  is  near, 
And  sorrows  full  uj)on  un  Indian's  toinh." 

Greenfield  Hill,  p.  104,  lOA. 


Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  conseqtie.ico  to  Sassacus, 
was  Mononotto.  Hubbard  calls  him  a  "  notcil  Indian,"  whose  wile  and 
children  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  EnglLsh,  and  as  "  it  was  known  to  be 
by  her  mediation  that  two  English  maids,  (that  were  taken  away  from 
Weathersfield,  upon  Connecticut  River,)  were  saved  from  death,  in  re- 
quittal  of  whose  pity  and  humanity,  the  life  of  herself  and  children  wfa 
not  only  granted  her,  but  she  was  in  special  recommended  to  the  care  of 
Gov.  Hmthrop,  of  Massachusetts."  Monojwtto  lied  with  Sassacus  to  liio 
Mohawks,  for  protection,  with  several  more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed 
by  thetn  as  Sassacus  was,  but  escaped  from  them  wounded,  and  probably 


Chap.  VI. ] 


AIONONOTro.— CASSASSINNAMON. 


109 


died  by  the  hnnds  of  his  EnfrHsh  enemies.    He  i.s  thus  mentioned  by  Gov, 
n'olcott,  in  his  poem  upon  Winthrop^s  agency,  &c. 

" '  Prince  Mononotlo  sees  his  sauadrons  fly, 
Ami  on  our  general  liavinff  n.xccl  liis  eye, 
Kfige  and  revcn^'e  liis  spirits  quiokening', 
He  set  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  string.'  " 


IW. 


The  first  troubles  with  the  Pequots  have  ah-endy  been  noticed.  It  was 
among  the  people  of  Mononotlo,  that  the  English  caused  the  blood  of  a 
Pequot  to  flow.  Some  English  had  been  killed,  but  there  is  no  more  to 
excuse  the  murder  of  a  Pequot  than  an  Englishman.  The  English  had 
injured  the  Indians  of  Block  Island  all  in  their  power,  which  it  seems 
did  not  satisfy  them,  and  they  next  undertook  to  make  spoil  '-pon  them 
in  their  own  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  "  As  they  were  sailing  up 
the  river,  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,  many  of  the  Pequots  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  called  to  them,  desirous  to  know  what  was  iheir  end  in  coming 
tliither."*  They  answered,  that  they  desired  to  speak  with  Sassacus ; 
being  told  that  Sassacus  had  gone  to  Long  Island,  they  then  demanded  that 
Mononotlo  should  appear,  and  they  prete:>dod  he  was  from  home  also. 
However,  they  went  on  shore,  and  demanded  the  murderers  of  Capt. 
Stone,  and  were  told  that  if  they  woulu  wait  they  would  send  for  them, 
and  that  Mononotlo  would  come  in  the  mean  time.  But  very  wisely,  the 
Pequots,  meanwhile,  "  transported  their  goods,  women  and  children  to 
anotli(!r  place."f  One  of  them  then  told  the  English  that  Mononotlo 
would  not  come.  Then  the  English  began  to  do  what  mischief  they 
could  to  them,  and  a  skirmish  followed,  wherein  one  Indian  was  killed, 
and  an  Englishman  was  wounded."^: 

The  name  of  Mononotlo' s  wife  appears  to  have  been  Wincumbone.  She 
should  not  be  overlooked  in  speaking  of  Mononotlo,  as  she  wa.4  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  the  life  of  an  Englishman,  as  disinterestedly  as  Pocahontas 
saved  that  of  Capt.  Smith.  Some  English  had  gone  to  trade  with  the 
Pequots,  and  to  recover  some  horses  which  they  had  stolen,  or  picked  up 
on  their  lands.  Two  of  the  English  went  on  shore,  and  one  went  into 
the  sachem's  wigwam  and  demanded  the  horses.  The  Indians  within  slily 
absented  themselves,  and  Wincumbone,  knowing  their  intention,  told  him 
10  fly,  for  the  Indians  were  making  preparations  to  kill  him.  He  barely 
escaped  to  the  boat,  being  followed  by  a  crowd  to  the  shore. 

Cassassinnamon  was  a  noted  Pequot  chief,  of  whom  we  have  some 
account  as  early  as  1G59.  In  that  year  a  difficulty  arose  about  the  limits 
of  Southerton,  since  called  Stonington,  in  Connecticut,  and  several  Eng- 
lish were  sent  to  settle  the  difficidty,  which  was  concerning  the  location 
of  Wekapauge.  "For  to  help  us,  (they  say,)  to  understand  where  We- 
kapauge  is,  we  desired  some  Poquatucke  Indians  to  go  with  us."  C'er*- 
sassinnamon  was  one  who  assisted.  They  told  the  English  that  "  Casha- 
wnssd,  (the  governor  of  Wekapauge,)  did  charge  them  that  they  should 
not  go  any  further  than  the  east  side  of  a  little  swamp,  near  the  east  end 
of  the  first  great  pond,  where  they  did  pitch  down  a  stake,  and  told  us, 
[the  English,]  that  Cashaivasset  said  that  that  very  place  was  Wekapa'igo ; 
said  that  he  said  it  and  not  them ;  and  if  they  should  say  that  Wekapauge 
did  go  any  further,  Cashaivasset  would  be  angry."  Cashaivasset  after  this 
had  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  him,  8000  acres  of  land  in  the 
Pequot  cotuitry,  with  the  provision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  Rlas- 

*  Relation,  44.  f  Ibid. 

I  Ibid.    Capt.  Lion  Gardener,  who  had  some  men  in  this  affair,  gives  quite  a  diti'er- 
ent  account.    See  life  of  Kutstuxmoquin,  alias  Kutshannxkin. 
10 


110 


CASSASSIiNAMON. 


K  II. 


sachusetts,  aud  should  "  not  sell  or  alienate  the  said  lands,  or  any  part 
thereof,  to  any  English  man  or  men,  without  tlie  court's  approhation. 

Tlie  neck  of  land  called  (^uinicuntauee  was  claimed  by  both  parties, 
but  Cassassinnamon  said  that  when  a  whale  was  some  time  before  cast 
ashore  there,  no  one  disputed  CashawcisseVs  claim  to  it,  which  it  is  believed 
settled  the  question :  Cashawasset  was  known  generally  by  the  name  of 
Harmon  Garret.* 

We  next  meet  with  Cassassinnamon  in  Philip's  war,  in  which  he  com- 
manded a  company  of  Pequots,  and  accompanied  Capt.  Denison  in  hia 
successful  career,  and  was  present  at  the  capture  of  CanoncheLj 

In  November,  1651,  Cassassinnamon  aiid  eight  others  executed  a  sort 
of  an  agreement  "  with  the  townsmen  of  Pequot,"  afterward  called  JVew 
London.  What  kind  of  agreement  it  was  we  are  not  told.  His  name 
was  subscribed  Casesymaman.  Among  the  other  names  we  see  Ohha- 
rhickwood,  JVecsouweigun  alias  Daniel,  Cutchumaquin  and  Mahmawamham 
Cassassinnamon^  it  is  said,  signed  "  in  his  own  behalf  and  the  behalf  of 
the  rest  of  Nameeag  Indians."}: 


•  Several  manuscript  documents. 
t  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  x.  101. 


t  Hubbard. 


BOOK    III. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NEW  ENG- 
LAND INDIANS  CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

"Ewnls  which  led  to  the  war  ivith  Philip — Life  of  Alexander  alias  Wam- 
suTTA — He  and  Metarom,  his  yohm^cr  brother,  receive  English  names — 
Weetamoo  his  wife — Early  events  in  her  life — Petananuet,  her  second 
husband — Account  of  him — Weetamoo's  latter  career  and  death — JVini- 
gtd — Death  of  Alexander — John  Sassamon — His  countrij  and  connec- 
tions— Becomes  a  cluistian — SchoolnKUiter — Minister — Settles  at  Assa- 
ivomset — Femx  marries  his  daughter — Sassamon  discovers  the  plots  of 
Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  the  murderers — Theij  are  con- 
demned and  executed — JVames  of  the  jury  who  sat  at  their  tried — A'o  In- 
dians among  the  jurors — Some  are  consulted. 

Alexander  was  the  English  name  of  the  elder  son  of  Massnsoit.  His 
real  luiiue  appears  at  first  to  have  been  Mooanam,  and  afterwards  H'am- 
sutta,  and  lastly  Alexander.  Tlie  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as  early  as 
U'W',  in  1641  we  find  him  noticed  under  the  name  Wamsutta.  About 
the  year  165G,  he  and  his  younger  hrotlier,  Metacomet,  or  rather  Pometa- 
com,  were  brought  to  the  coihI;  of  Plimouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive 
English  names,  the  governor  called  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the  younger 
Philip,  probably  from  the  two  Macedonian  heroes,  which,  on  being  ex- 
|)laiiuHl  to  them,  might  have  flattered  their  vanities;  and  which  was  prob- 
ably the  intention  of  the  governor. 

Alexander  appears  pretty  early  to  have  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be 
seen  in  the  course  of  this  chapter;  occasioned,  |)erhni)s,  by  his  marrying 
a  female  sachem  of  very  considerable  authority,  and  in  great  esteem 
among  her  neighbors. 

J\tamumpum,  afterwards  called  Weetamoo,  squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset, 
was  tlio  wife  of  Alexander ;  and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was 
more  willing  to  join  Philip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being 
persuaded  by  him  that  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author 
chills  her  "  as  potent  a  prince  as  any  round  tibout  her,  and  hath  as  much 
com,  land,  and  men,  at  her  command." 

Alexander  having,  in  1053,  sold  a  tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his 
wife,  as  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  about  six  years  after, 
Wetamo  came  to  Plimouth,  and  the  following  account  of  her  business  is 
contained  hi  the  records. 

"  I,  JVdmumpum,  of  Pokeesett,  hauing,  in  open  court, .^une  last,  fifty-nine, 
[l()5i),]  before  the  governour  and  maiestrates,  8urr';ndered  up  all  that 
right  and  title  of  such  lands  as  Woosamequin  and  '/Vamsetta  sould  to  the 

*  Of  a  work  entitled,  Present  State  of  Nnv  Eii^ltmd,  &r.  p.  3.  fol.  1()7G.  This  work 
has  just  been  repul)lislicd,  with  uules,  at  the  Antiquarian  Bookstore,  Boston. 


.f 


ALKXANDEIl— WEETAMOO. 


[Rook  III. 


purchasnrs ;  as  appceres  by  (lends  giuon  viider  tlieire  iianilH,  as  alsoe  the 
paid  ,V«m«m/;uHi  promise  to  reiiiouc  the  ludiaiis  of  from  those  lands;  and 
;ils(K)  att  tli(!  name  court  the  said  IVamsidta  promised  JVamumpuvi  tlie 
third  part  of  tiie  pay,  as  is  expressed  in  the  deed  of  which  payment  JS/a- 
muinpnin  haiie  receiucd  of  John  Cooke,  this  0  of  Oct.  1(J5U:  these  partic- 
ulars ua  foliowetli:  item ; 

20  i/ards  bleiv  trading  cloth, 
2  yards  red  cotton, 
2  voire  ofshooes,  2  paire  stockings, 
6  oroade  hoes  and  1  axe ; 
And  doe  acknowledge  receiued  by  mc,  Namumpum." 
Witnessed  l)y  Sqiiabsen,  fVahatunchquatt,  and  two  English. 

Thus  tliis  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  settled ;  but  the 
same  year  of  .^iexa/irfer's  death,  whether  before  or  after  wo  are  not  as- 
sured, jVamumputn  appeared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  that  Wamsidla 
had  sold  some  of  her  land  without  her  consent.  "  The  court  agreed  to 
doe  what  tliey  could  in  conuenient  time  for  her  relief." 

We  apprehend  there  was  some  little  ditliculty  between  Alexander  and 
his  wife  about  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death, 
and  we  are  rather  of  the  opinion  that  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her 
complaint  was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a  little  later  date  for  the  death 
of  her  husband  ;  and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

What  time  she  deeded  land  to  John  Sanford  and  John  Archer,  wo  are 
not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  10(52.  It  was  a 
deed  of  gift,  and  appears  to  have  been  only  deeded  to  them  to  prevent 
her  husband's  selling  it ;  but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the 
land  in  violation  of  their  promise ;  however,  being  a  woman  of  persever- 
ance, she  so  managed  the  matter,  that  in  the  year  l(3ti8,  she  found  wit- 
nesses who  deposed  to  the  true  meaning  of  the  deed,  and  thus  was,  we  pre- 
sume, restored  to  her  rightful  possessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particular  in  acquainting  the  reader  with  the 
wife  of  Wamsutta,  we  will,  before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the 
husband,  say  all  that  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  Weetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  we  find  JVamumpum,  or  Weetamoo, 
associated  with  another  husband,  named  Petonowotoet.  He  was  well 
known  to  the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now, 
unless  we  can  manufacture  the  name  Peter  JVunnuit  out  of  Peto-now-ow- 
tt,*  we  must  allow  her  to  have  had  a  third  husband  in  1675.  We,  how- 
ever, are  pretty  well  satisfied  that  these  two  names  are,  as  they  ajjpoar 
to  be,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  Weetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much 
im|»ortance  as  her  first,  Wamsutta;  and  as  he  only  appears  occaHionally 
in  the  crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  good  care  in  taking  a  sec- 
ond husband,  and  fixed  upon  one  that  she  was  better  able  to  manage  than 
she  was  the  deternjined  Wamsutta. 

On  the  8  May,  1073,  Tatamomack,  Petonowotvett,  and  William  alias 
Ijasocke,  sold  to  J^alhaniel  Paine  of  Rehoboth,  and  Hugh  Cole  of  Swan- 
sey,  a  lot  of  land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoiset,  and  Showamet  neck,  for 
£35  5».  Weetamoo,  Phillip  aUas  Wagusoke,  and  Steven  alias  JVucano, 
were  the  Indian  witnesses. 

About  the  same  time,  one  Pioioant  was  intruded  u))on  by  some  others 
claiming  his  lands,  or  otherwise  molesting  him,  and  the  business  seems 
to  have  undergone  a  legal  scrutiny;  in  this  affair  both  Weetamoo  and  her 
liusband  appear  upon  our  records.     They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land 

*  Wc  liave  met  with  this  spelling-,  Petanamict,  which  apiiroachcs  still  nearer 


!  :» 


3K   III. 


oe 


the 

s ;  and 
<.m  tin; 
lit  jVa- 
partic- 


UM. 


but  tli« 
not  as- 
amauttu 
;reed  to 

der  and 
a  death, 
lien  her 
le  deatli 
th. 

we  are 
It  was  a 

prevent 
hold  the 
)crscver- 
ukI  wit- 
,  we  pre- 

with  the 

it  of  the 

'^celnnioo, 

us  well 

,     Now, 

■now-ow- 

■p,  how- 

Lippoar 

^o  mncU 

isioually 

sec- 

lage  llian 

tin   alias 

\t'  Swan- 

icck,  lor 

IjVticttUo, 

[e  others 

seems 

and  her 

of  land 


Chap.  I.] 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMOO. 


bounded  by  a  small  river  or  brook  called  Mastuckscll,  which  compassetii 
said  tract  to  Aesonett  River,  and  bo  to  Taunton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath 
for  niiuiy  years  been  in  the  possession  of  Piawant.  The  place  of  the 
bounds  on  Taunton  River  was  called  Chippascuitt,  which  was  a  little 
south  of  Mastucksett.  Panlauset^  Quanounn,  J\/'e3canooy  and  Panowwin, 
testified  the  same. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Peta-rum-u-et  was  at  all  concerned  in  Philip's 
war  against  the  English,  but,  on  the  contrary,  forsook  his  wife  and  joined 
them  against  her.  Under  such  a  leader  as  Church,  he  must  have  been 
employed  against  his  countrymen  with  great  advantage.  At  the  time  he 
came  over  to  the  English,  he  no  doubt  expected  his  wife  would  do  the 
same,  as  she  gave  Church  to  understand  as  much.  After  the  war  lie  was 
honored  with  a  command  over  the  prisoners,  who  were  permitted  to 
reside  in  the  country  between  Sepecan  and  Dartmouth.  JVumpus,  or 
JVompash,  and  Isaac  were  also  in  the  same  office. 

Aner  Mr.  Church  left  Awashonks*  council,  a  few  days  before  the  war 
broke  out,  he  met  with  both  fVeetamoo  and  her  husband  at  Pocas^et.  He 
first  met  with  the  husband,  Petananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a  canoe 
from  Philip's  head  quarters  at  Mount  Hope.  He  told  Church  there  would 
certainly  be  war,  for  that  Philip  had  held  a  war  dance  of  several  weeks, 
and  had  entertained  the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  He 
said,  also,  that  Philip  expected  to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  about  Sassa- 
mon^s  death,  knowing  himself  guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  Petananuet 
further  said,  that  he  saw  Mr.  James  Brown  of  Swansey,  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Gorton,  who  was  an  interpreter,  and  two  other  men  that  brought  a  letter 
from  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  Philip.  Philip's  young  warriors,  he 
said,  would  have  killed  Mr.  Brown,  but  Philip  told  them  they  must  not, 
for  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kindness  to  him ;  but  to  satisfy 
them,  told  them,  that  on  the  next  Sunday,  when  the  English  had  gone  to 
meeting,  they  might  plunder  their  houses,  and  afterwards  kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  fVeelamoo  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasset  shore, 
on  the  high  hill  a  little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland's  ferry,  and 
Petananuet  requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  sec  her.  He  did  so,  and 
found  her  in  rather  a  melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and 
gone  to  Philip's  war  dance,  much,  she  said,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  his  success  at  Awashonks''  camp,  and  thinking  both 
"queens"  secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  Plimouth  to  pive 
the  governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries, — This  was  a  day  big  to  Pkilip ; 
he  immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  JVetamore,  and  had  nearly  drawn 
off  Awashonks  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  booty, 

Weetamoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ;  the  idea  still  harrowed  upon 
her  mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plimouth  had  poisoned  her  former  hus- 
band,* and  was  now  sure  that  they  had  seduced  her  ])rcsent  one  ;  there- 
fore, from  the  power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip, 
there  was  no  escape  or  resistance.  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own, 
and  she  moved  with  him  from  place  to  place  about  hei'  dominions,  in 
the  country  of  Pocasset,  until  the  30  July,  when  all  the  Wampanoags 
escaped  out  of  a  swamp,  and  retired  into  the  country  of  the  Niprnuks. 
From  this  time  Weeiamoo's  operations  become  so  blended  with  those  of 
her  allies  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes  up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  Philip  was  destroyed  among 
the  Nipmucks,  Weetamoo  seems  to  have  been  deserted  by  almost  all  her 
followers,  and,  like  Philip,  she  sought  refuge  again  in  her  ovra  country. 
It  was  upon  the  6  August,  1(570,  when  slie  arrived  upon  tlie  wostem 
bank  of  Tehticut  River  in  Mettapoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supposed,  she 


larcr 


*  Present  Slate  o.'"N.  L. 


ALEXANDER— WEETAMOO. 


[DOOK  III. 


was  drownod  l>y  accident,  in  atteni|)ting  to  cross  the  river  to  Pocasset,  at 
tlie  same  point  she  had  crossed  the  year  before,  in  her  Hight  with  Philip. 

Her  company  conHisted  now  of  no  more  than  2<)  men,  whereas,  in  the 
l)eginning  of  the  war  they  amoinitcd  to  HOO ;  and  she  was  considered 
by  the  English  "  next  »mto  Philip  in  respect  of  the  mischief  that  hath 
Ix'en  done."*  Th(!  English  at  Taimton  were  notified  by  a  deserter  of 
her  situation,  who  offered  to  lead  any  that  would  go,  in  a  way  that  they 
might  easily  surprise  her  and  her  company.  Accordingly,  20  men  vol- 
unteered upon  this  enterprise,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  all  but  If^eeta- 
moo,  "who,"  as  Mr.  Hubhard  expresses,!  "intending  to  make  an  escape 
from  the  danger,  attempted  to  get  over  a  river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by, 
upon  a  raft,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood  ;  but  whether  tired  and  spent 
with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger,  she  was  found  stark 
naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  lar  from  the  water  side,  which  made  some  think 
she  was  first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  her  wretched  life."  "Her  head 
being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  Taunton,  was  known  by  some  In- 
dians then  prisoners,  which  set  them  into  a  horrible  lamentation."  Mr. 
Mather  improves  upon  this  passage,  giving  it  in  a  style  more  to  suit  tho 
taste  of  the  times:  "They  made  a  most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
crying  out  that  it  was  their  queen's  head." 

The  authors  of  Yamoyden  thus  represent  Philip  escaping  from  the 
cold  grasp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  Weetamoo ;— ^ 

"As  from  the  water's  depths  she  rame, 
With  dripping  locks  and  bloated  frame, 
Wild  her  discolored  arms  she  liirew 
To  grasp  him  ;  and,  as  swill  he  flew, 
Her  hollow  scream  he  heard  heliind 
Come  mingling  with  the  howling  wind : 
'  Why  fly  from  Wetamoe  ?  she  died 
Bearing  the  war-axe  on  thy  side.'  " 

It  docs  not  seem  from  all  we  can  discover  that  Wtelamoo  went  with 
Philip  into  the  Nipmuck  coimtry,  or,  if  she  did,  she  soon  returned 
among  the  Narragansets.  For  the  English  early  took  measures  to  cause 
tile  Narraga.isets  to  deliver  her  up  to  them.  They  agreed  to  do  this,  as 
will  be  found  related  in  the  Ufe  oCJVinigret. 

Ill  this  connection  it  should  be  noted,  that  the  time  expired,  in  which 
JVinigret  was  to  deliver  up  fVeetamoo,  some  time  previous  to  the  great 
fight  in  Is  arraganset,  and  hence  this  was  seized  upon,  as  one  pretext  for 
invading  the  Narragansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  said,  that  if  she  were 
taken  by  that  formidable  army  of  a  1000  men,  "  her  lands  would  more 
than  pay  all  the  charge"  the  English  had  been  at  in  the  whole  war. 

Weetamoo,  it  is  presumed,  left  JVinigret  and  joined  the  hostile  Narra- 
gansets and  the  VVampanoags  in  their  strong  fort,  some  time  previous  to 
die  English  expedition.  And  it  was  aliout  this  time  that  she  connected 
herself  with  the  Nairaganset  chief  Qiiinnnpin,  as  will  be  found  related  in 
his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  writers  as  Philip^s  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  a  two-fold  manner:  first  from  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife,  and  secondly  from  her  marrying  Alexander,  his 
brother.     To  return  to  Wamstitta, 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt,  and  peculiar  feel- 
ings associated  with  the  name  of  this  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career 
of  battles,  devastations  or  murders,  for  there  were  few  of  these,|  but 
tliere  is  left  for  us  to  relate  the  melancholy  account  of  his  death.    Mr. 

*  /.  Mather.  f  Narrative,  103  and  109. 

t  Tn  Ififil,  he  was  forced  into  a  war  with  Unc<ts^i\\(i  accoiuit  of  which,  properly 
belonging  to  the  life  of  that  chief,  will  be  found  there  related. 


Indi; 


ragiiig  p; 


which 
le  great 
Itext  for 
le  were 
Id  more 

Narra- 
Ivious  to 
Innected 
jlated  in 
I  woman, 
|om  her 
ier,  hLs 

liar  feel- 
career 
kse,t  but 
^1.    Mr. 


proporly 


CfCAP.  11 


AI.KXANHER. 


i 

H 


•i 


IM)bnrd''s  account  of  this  eve;.t  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader, 
uiid  ritod  hy  every  writer  upon  our  early  iiistory,  and  hnnco  is  extensively 
known  as  by  him  related.  Dr.  /.  Mather  agrees  very  neirly  in  his  account 
with  JMr.  Hubbard,  but  being  more  minute,  and  rarely  to  bo  met  with,  wo 
give  it  entire  : — 

"  In  A.  D.  lt)()2,  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved 
in  trouble  by  the  Wam|)anoag  Indians.     Aller  Massaaoit  was  dead,  his 
two  sons,  called  fFamsutta  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the  court  at  Plimouth, 
pretending  high  respect  for  the  English,  and,  therefore,  desired  English 
names  might  be  im[)osed  on  them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named 
If'amsutta,  the  elder  brother,  Alexander,  and  Metacomet,  the  younger 
hiother,  Philip.    This  Alexander,  Philip^s  immediate  predecessor,  was 
not  so  iiiithful  and  friendly  to  the  Engliwh  as  his  father  had  been.     For 
some  of  Boston,  having  been  occasionally  at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that  Alexander  was  contriv- 
ing mii>chief  against  the  English,  i  nd  that  he  had  solicited  the  Narragan- 
sets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.    Hereupon,  Capt. 
H'illet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  place  where  Alexamler  did 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  hit",  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the 
next  court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication.  Ho 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professmg  that  the  Narragansets, 
whom,  he  said,  were  his  enemies,  had  put  an  abuse  upon  him,  and  he 
readily  promised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.    But  when  the  day  for  hia 
appearance  was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  very  time  went  over  to 
the  Narragansets,  his  pretended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other 
circumstances,  caused  the  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  wa3 
more  of  truth  in  the  hiformation  given,  than  at  first  they  were  aware  of. 
Wheretbre  the  governor  and  magistrates  there  ordered  Major  Winslow^ 
(who  is  since,  and  at  this  day  [1G77]  governor  of  that  colony,)  to  take  a 
jmrty  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Alexander.     The  major  considering  that 
semper  nocuit  deferre  paralis,  he  took  but  10  armed  men  with  him  from 
IMarshfield,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns  that  lay  nearer 
Mount  Hope.     But  Divine  Providence  so  ordered,  as  that  when  they  were 
about  the  midway  between  Plimouth  and  Bridgewater,*  observing  an 
hunting  house,  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find  Alexamler  and 
nituiy  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  together  without 
the  house.     The  major,  witli  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  the 
Indians'  arms,  and  beset  the  house ;  then  did  lie  go  in  amongst  them,  ac- 
quainting the  sachem  with  the  reason  of  his  co.  ling  in  such  a  way  ;  de- 
siring Alexander  with  his  intei-preter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  so  a 
little  distance  from  the  house,  and  then  understood  what  commission  the 
major  had  received  concerning  him.     The   proud  sachem  fell  into  a 
raging  passion  at  this  surprise,  saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to 
credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  him  in  such  a  way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Pli- 
mouth, but  when  he  saw  cause.    It  was  rej  iied  to  him,  that  his  breach 
of  word  touching  appearance  at  Plimouth  court,  and,  instead  thereof, 
going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies,  augmented  jealousies 
concerning  him.     In  fine,  the  major  told  him,  that  his  order  was  to  bring 
him  to  Plimouth,  and  that,  by  the  help  of  God,  he  would  do  it,  or  else  ho 
would  die  on  the  place  ;  also  declaring  to  him  that  if  he  would  submit, 

*  Within  six  miles  of  the  English  towns.  Hubbard,  10,  (Edition,  1G77.)  Massasoil, 
and  likewise  Philip,  used  to  have  temporary  residences  in  eligible  places  for  fishing,  at 
various  sites  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  and  Massachusetts,  as  at  Raynham, 
Namasket,  Titicut,  [in  Middleborough,]  and  Munponset  Pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of 
these  places  he  was,  we  caimot,  with  certainty,  decide  :  that  at  Halifax  would,  perhaps, 
a^rop  best  with  Mr.  Hiibbai-d's  account. 

t  Eighty,  says  Hubbard,  6.  , 

1  * 


6 


ALEXANDER. 


[Book  III. 


lie  miglit  expect  respective  usage,  but  if  he  once  more  denied  to  go,  ho 
Hlioiild  never  Mtir  from  tlio  ground  whereon  lie  stood  ;  and  with  a  pJHtol 
at  the  Hacliem's  breast,  nxiuired  that  his  next  words  shouhl  be  a  positive 
and  clear  answer  to  what  was  detnanded.  Hereupon  his  interpreter,  a 
discreet  Indian,  l)rother  to  John  Sauaaman,*  being  sensible  of  Akxandtr'a 
pas.sionate  disposition,  entreated  tliat  he  niigiit  B[)eak  a  few  words  to  tlio 
HU(r|ic'in  before  he  gave  his  answer.  The  prudent  discourse  of  this  In- 
dian prcivailed  so  mr  as  that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that 
lie  might  go  like  a  sachem,  with  his  men  attending  him,  which,  although 
there  was  some  hazard  in  it,  they  being  many,  and  the  English  but  a  fiiw, 
was  granted  to  him.  The  weather  being  hot,  the  major  offered  hitn  an 
horse  to  ride  on,  but  his  squaw  and  divers  Indian  women  being  in  com- 
pany, lie  refused,  saying  ho  could  go  on  foot  as  well  as  they,  entreating 
only  that  there  might  be  a  complying  with  their  pace,  which  was  done. 
And  resting  several  times  by  the  way,  Jllexander  and  his  Indians  were  re- 
freshed by  the  English.  No  other  discourse  happening  while  they  were 
U|ii)ii  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  anucable.  The  major  sent 
a  man  i)efore,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of  that  colony  aa 
could  would  meet  at  Diixbury.  Wherefore  havmg  there  had  some  treaty 
with  Alexander,  not  willing  to  commit  him  to  prison,  they  entreated  Major 
If'lnshiv  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who  then  lived 
at  Eastham,  could  come  up.  Accordingly,  he  and  his  train  were  cour- 
teously entertained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  tnuch  as  an  angry 
word  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Marshfield ;  yet  proud  Alexander, 
vexing  and  fretting  in  his  8})irit,  that  such  a  check  was  given  him,  he 
suddenly  fell  sick  of  a  fever.  lie  was  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend. 
Mr.  Fuller,  the  physician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  time,  the 
Sficliem  and  his  men  earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  liim, 
wliitrli  he  was  unwilling  to  do,  but  by  their  importunity  was  prevailed 
witli  to  do  the  best  he  could  to  help  him,  and  therefore  gave  him  a  por- 
tion of  working  physic,  which  the  Indians  thought  did  him  good.  But 
his  distemper  afterwards  prevailing,  they  entreatedf  to  dismiss  him,  in 
order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement  of  appearance  at  the 
next  court  was  granted  to  him.  Soon  after  his  being  returned  home  ho 
died."| 

Thus  ends  Dr.  Mather's  "  relation"  of  the  short  reign  of  Alexander.  And 
although  by  a  document  lately  published  by  Judge  Davis  of  Boston,  which 
sets  die  conduct  of  the  English  in  a  very  favorable  light,  yet  it  is  very 
difficult  to  conceive  how  Mr.  Mather  and  Mr.  Hubbard  could  have  been 
altogether  deceived  in  their  information.  (We  mean  in  respect  to  the 
treatment  Alexander  received  at  the  hands  of  his  captors.)  They  both 
wrote  at  the  same  time,  and  at  different  places,  and  neither  knew  what 
the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confident,  if,  as  we  are  assured, 
there  was,  at  this  time,  rather  a  misunderstanding  between  these  two 
reverend  authore. 

It  now  only  remains  that  we  make  such  extracts  from  the  above-men- 
tioned document  as  will  exhibit  all  the  evidence  on  the  side  of  the  I'^ng- 
llsh.  There  is  to  be  seen,  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  a  manuscript  paper,  headed  ^^  JVarative  de  Alexandra.''''     This 


*  He  had  a  brother  by  tlie  name  of  Roland. 

t  "  Entreating  tliose  ilial  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  return  home, 
promising  to  return  again  if  he  recovered,  anJ  to  send  his  son  as  hostage  till  he  could 
so  do.  On  that  consideration,  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before  he  got  halfway 
home.".— I  lulibard. 

I  It  is  a  pity  that  such  an  able  historian  as  Grahame  should  not  have  been  in  posses- 
sion of  other  authorities  upon  this  matter  than  those  who  have  copied  from  the  above. 
S«e  his  Hist.  N.  America,  >.  401. 


OOK  III. 

)  go,  ho 
a  piHtol 
j)()sitive 
)rctcr,  tt 
xandtr's 
i  to  the 
this  ln- 
ing  timt 
lUhougli 
it  a  low, 

him  ail 
in  cotn- 
n  treating 
as  dont;. 
were  ro- 
ney  were 
ajor  sent 
colony  as 
me  treaty 
:e(l  Major 
lien  Uved 
ere  cour- 
an  angry 
^lexandery 
1  him,  he 
ce  friend. 

time,  tlie 
r  to  liim, 
I  prevailed 
nil  a  por- 
ood.  But 
ss  him,  in 
ice  at  the 

home  ho 

nder.  And 
ton,  which 
it  is  very 

lave  heen 
lect  to  the 
They  both 
tnew  what 
re  assured, 

these  two 

wve-men- 
f  the  l'>ng- 
Historicul 
»o."      This 


return  home, 
till  he  could 
got  halfway 

sen  in  posscs- 
im  the  above. 


Chap.  I.] 


AI.KXANDKIl. 


Irnwni  up  hy  the  autliorities 


pai«;r  contains  an  account  of  tlic  trauHiictioii,  ( 
of  IMiniouth,  and  Mr.  Mither'a  and  Mr.  lltiblh 
Ntuiicu  of  it.  As  tlie  atiliir  had  caused  niucli  cxcitcniftit,  and,  judging 
from  tlie  writers  of  that  tiuu-,  i»arlirulurly  tli«)  latter,  sotne  recriiuitiatiori 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  government  of  IMimoutli,  hy  some  of  the  other 
Eiiglidli,  who  were  nu»n;  in  the  lial)it  of  u.sing  or  reconiiuendiiig  mild 
measures  towards  Iihiians  than  tla;  IMimoutli  {teople  a|)pear  to  have  heen, 
.seems  to  have  heen  indulged.  Afu-r  thus  premising,  we  will  oiler  tho 
(iociiiiieiit,  which  is  a  lettiir  written  hy  the  Rev.  John  C'o//oh,  of  IMimouth, 
to  Dr.  /.  Mather,  and  now  printed  hy  Judge  Ihwis,  in  his  edition  of  JV/or- 
ton's  Memorial.  Tluiro  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the  editor  gives  none ;  hut 
if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one  from  Mr.  Mathtr  to  him,  d(>siring 
i II lljii nation  on  that  head,  dated  2ist  April,  KJ77,*  we  may  conclude  it 
was  uhoiit  this  time  ;  but  Mr.  Mathcr^s  "  Relation"  would  not  lead  us  to 
suppose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  .such  information,  and,  therefore,  he 
eitiior  was  not  in  possession  of  it  when  Ik;  published  hia  account,  or  that 
he  hud  other  testimony  which  iiivalidatJid  it. 

The  letter  begins,  "Major  Bradford,  [who  was  with  Mr.  Winslow  when 
Jlhxander  was  surprised,]  confidently  assures  nie,  that  in  the  narrative  de 
Jlkxandro  there  oi'e  many  mistakes,  and,  fearing  lest  you  should,  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject,  from  his  mouth  i 
tliis  write.  Reports  being  here  that  Akxander  was  plotting  or  privy  to 
plots,  against  the  English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  como  down.  He  camo 
not.  Whereupon  Major  H'inslow  was  s»;nt  to  fetch  him.  Major  Bradford, 
with  some  others,  went  with  him.  At  Munponset  River,  a  place  not  many 
miles  hence,  they  found  Jllex(  ider  with  about  eight  men  and  sundry 
S(piaws.  He  was  there  about  getting  canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at 
breakfast  luider  their  shelter,  their  guns  being  without.  They  saw  the 
English  coming,  but  continued  eating ;  and  Mr.  Winslow  telling  their 
business,  Akxandtr,  freely  and  readily,  without  the  least  hesitancy,  con- 
sented to  go,  giving  his  reason  why  he  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz. ; 
because  he  waited  for  Captain  WilkCa  return  from  the  Dutch,  being 
desirous  to  speak  with  him  first.  They  brought  him  to  Mr.  Collier's  that 
day,  and  Governor  Prince  living  remote,  at  Eastham,  those  few  magis- 
trates who  were  at  hand  issued  the  matter  peaceably,  and  imtncdiately 
(iisinibsed  Akxander  to  return  home,  which  he  did  part  of  the  way  ;  but, 
in  two  or  three  days  after,  he  returned  and  went  to  Major  Winsloid's  house, 
intending  thence  to  travel  into  the  hay  and  so  home  ;  but,  at  the  major's 
house,  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and  was,  by  water,  conveyed  to  Major 
Bradford''s,  and  thence  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  men  to  Tethquet 
River,  and  thence  in  canoes  home,  and,  about  two  or  three  days  aller, 
died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  eiTor  somewhere,  and  it  would  be  very 
satisfactory  if  we  could  erase  it  from  our  history  ;  but,  at  present,  we  are 
able  only  to  agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  of  documents 
before  Alexander's  true  history  can  be  given  ;  and  to  suspend  judgment, 
altiiougli  some  may  readily  decide  that  the  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  old 
printed  accounts.  It  is  the  business  of  a  historian,  where  a  jioint  is  in 
dispute,  to  exhibit  existing  evidence,  and  let  the  reader  make  up  his  own 
judgment. 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  upon  this  head,  to  limit  tho 
time  of  his  sachemship  to  a  portion  of  the  year  1GG2. 

It  will  have  appeared  already,  that  enough  had  transpired  to  inflame 
the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  especially  that  of  the  sachem  Philip,  if, 
indeed,  the  evidence  adduced  be  considered  valid,  regarding  the  blama- 

*  See  his  Memorial,  288. 


8 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


hleness  of  llio  English.  Nrvertlielcss,  our  next  stop  onward  will  more 
fully  (Icvolop  the  causes  of/  /n7i'/;'s  dfcp-rootcd  animosities. 

We  come  now  to  speak  of  John  Sassnmon,  who  deserves  a  i)articular 
notice  ;  more  especially  aa,  from  several  manuscripts,  we  are  able  not 
only  to  correct  some  important  errors  in  former  histories,  hut  to  give  a 
tnore  miimte  account  of  a  ciiaracter  which  nnist  always  be  noticed  in 
entering  ui)oii  the  study  of  this  part  of  our  history.  Not  that  he  would 
otherwise  dcma  i  I  more  notice  than  many  of  his  brethren  almost  silently 
passed  over,  but  for  his  agency  in  bringing  about  a  war,  the  mterest  of 
which  increases  in  proportion  as  time  carries  us  from  its  period. 

Jokn  S(tssamon  was  a  subject  of  Philip,  an  unstable-minded  fellow ; 
and,  li\  ing  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the  English,  became  a  convert  to 
Christianity,  learned  their  language,  and  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and 
liad  translated  some  oi"  the  Bible  into  Indian.  Being  rather  insinuating 
and  artful,  he  was  employed  to  teach  his  countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  a  schoolmaster.  How  long  before  the  war  this  was,  is  not 
mentioned,  but  nuist  have  been  about  KKJO,  as  he  was  Philip's  secretary, 
or  interpretc! .  m  1(J(J9;  and  this  was  after  he  had  become  a  Christian. 
He  led  the  E  :!?lish,  from  some  dislike,  and  went  to  reside  with  Mexan- 
der,  and  afterwards  with  Phili},,  who,  it  appears,  employed  iiim  on  ac- 
coimt  oi  iiis  learning.  Always  restless,  Sassamon  did  not  remain  long 
with  Philip  before  he  returned  again  to  the  English  ;  "and  he  manifested 
such  i  i^ident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his  return  from 
pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians  and  baptized,  and  re- 
ceived, as  a  member,  into  one  of  the  Indian  churches;  yea,  and  employed 
a:^  an  instructor  amongst  them  every  Lord's  day."t 

Previous  to  tiie  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1672,  Sassamo7i  was 
sent  to  preach  to  the  Namaskets.j  and  other  Indians  of  Middleborougli, 
who,  at  this  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  fVatuspaquiii  was 
then  the  chief  of  tiiis  region,  and  who  appears  to  liave  been  disposed  to 
encourage  tlie  wew  religion  tauglit  by  Scissamon.  For,  in  1074,  he  gave 
him  a  tract  of  land  near  liis  own  residence  to  induce  him  to  remain  among 
his  i)eople.  The  deed  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doubt,  drawn  by  Sas- 
samon,  and  is  in  ti'ese  words  :-- 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Old  JVntiispaquin,  doe  graunt 
vnto  John  S(issaino7i,  allies  JVassrisomnn,  27  acrees  of  land  for  a  home  lott 
at  Assowamsett  necke.  This  is  my  gift,  giuci  ♦o  him  the  said  John  Sas- 
samon, by  me  the  said  Wutuspaquin,  in  Auno  1073,  [or  1074,  if  between 
1  Jan.  and  25  March.] 

Oi,D  WATUSPAquiN         (J)      his  vmrke.. 
W'lr.LiAM  Tusi'AQUi.v    nV    his  marke. 
Witness,  alsoe,  Naneukunt^    f     his  marke" 

As  a  further  inducement  for  Sassamon  to  settle  here,  Old  Tiispaqvin 
and  iiis  son  deeded  to  /'e//,r,  an  Indian  who  married  Sassamon^s  daughter, 
58  and  an  half  acres  of  lai;d  ;  as  "a  home  lott,"  also.  This  deed  was 
dated  11  March,  1073,  O.  S.  >•  liicli  doiil)tles^i  was  done  at  tlie  same  time 
with  the  other.     This  daughter  of  Sussaimn  was  called  by  the  English 


*  "  Tliis  Sassatiion  was  by  l)irtli  a  Massachiisott,  his  father  and  niotlier  living  in  Dor- 
chrstiT,  and  thev  l)olh  died  Christians." — /.  Malhf.r. 

t  Mather's  llelation,  Tk 

I  Tlie  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Ncmaskd.  In  llie  records,  it  is  almost  always 
written  Namassnkc.lt. 

$  Spelt  also  MtmeheiUt. 


'i 


ClIAP.   I] 


SASSAMOiN'. 


9 


name  Belly*  but  lier  original  name  was  A<<soivetous;h.  To  Ills  son-in- 
law,  Sassu'mon  gave  his  lar.d,  by  a  kind  of  will,  whicli  he  wrote  himsi'lf, 
not  long  before  his  death  ;  probably  about  the  time  he  became  tired  of 
his  new  situation,  which  we  sui)pose  was  also  about  tin  time  that  he 
diseov(;r(;d  the  design  of  'Vdlip  and  his  captains  to  bring  about  their  war 
of  extermination. 

Old  Tispaquin,  as  he  called  himself,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed 
S(issamon''s  will,  but  about  the  sjinie  time  made  a  bequest  themselves  to 
his  daughter,  which,  they  say,  was  "with  the  consent  of  all  the  chieffe 
men  of  Assowamsett."  This  deed  of  gift  from  them  was  dated  28  Dec. 
1(173.  It  was  of  a  neck  of  land  at  Assowamsett,  called  Nahteawamet. 
Tlie  names  of  some  of  the  places  whicii  bounded  this  tract  were  Mash- 
quomoli,  a  swamp,  Sasonkususett,  a  ]Jond,  and  another  large  pond  called 
(Jhupi|)oggut.  Tobias,  Old  Thomas,  Pohonoho,  and  Kankmiuki,  were 
uiion  this  deed  as  witnesses. 

Felix  served  the  English  in  Philip's  war,  and  was  living  in  1679,  in 
whicii  year  Governor  Ulnslow  ordered,  "that  all  such  lands  as  were  for- 
merly John  Sassamoit's  in  our  coUonie,  shal  be  settled  on  Felix  his  son-in- 
law,"  and  to  remain  his  ainl  his  heire  "  foreuer."  Felixes  wife  survived 
him,  and  willed  her  land  to  a  daughter,  named  Mercy.  This  was  in  l()9t), 
and  Jsacke  Wamio  witnessed  said  will.  There  was  at  a  later  period  an 
Indian  preacher  at  Titicutf  nained  Thomas  Felix,  perhaps  a  son  of  the 
former.^  But  to  return  to  the  more  immediate  subject  of  our  dis- 
course. 

There  was  a  SassamaK,  oi,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Soaomon,  known 
to  the  English  as  early  as  \(i37,  but  as  we  have  no  means  of  knowing 
how  old  John  Sassamon  was  when  he  was  murdered,  it  cannot  be  decid- 
ed with  jirobability,  whether  or  not  it  were  he.  This  Sosomon,  as  will 
1)0  seen  in  the  life  of  Sassacus,  went  with  the  English  to  fight  the 

P0(|UOtS. 

Sassftmon  acted  as  interpreter,  witness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required, 
on  m.'uiy  occasions.  When  Philip  and  Wootonckanuske,  his  wife,  sold, 
in  tG()4,  Matta[)oisett  to  William  Brenton,  Sassamon  was  a  witness  and  in- 
torpreter.  The  same  year  he  was  Philip's  agent  "  in  settling  the  bounds 
of  Acushcnok,  Coaksett,  and  places  adjacent."  Again,  in  i(j()5,  h?  wit- 
nessed the  receipt  of  £10  paid  to  Philip  on  account  of  settling  the  bouncis 
tlie  year  before. 

There  was  a  Rowland  Sassamon,  who  I  suppose  was  the  brother  of 
John.  His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I  have 
met  with,  and  then  only  as  a  witness,  with  his  brother,  to  Philip^s  deed  c'" 
Blattapoisett,  ah  >ve  mentioned. 

The  name  t'lOsjamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but 
the  way  it  h^re  appears  is  nearest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years, 
jiidfiing  from  the  records.  But  it  was  not  so  originally.  Woosanaaman 
was  among  tiie  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  -lie  general  reader,  but  we  must  occa- 
sionally gratify  our  antiquarian  friends.     We  now  proceed  in  our  narrative. 

Wliilc  living  among    ic  Namaskets,  Sassamon  learned  what  was  going 


*  The  Engflish  sometimes  added  her  surname,  and  hence,  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Sen- 
nft,{\  Cnl.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  1.)  Hetty  iiaseinore.  The  noted  place  now  called  lietty't 
i\fck,  in  Middlcl)oroiigh,  was  named  from  lier.  In  1793,  there  were  eight  fttmiliet  of 
Indians  ihe'e. 

t  Cntuhticiit,  Ketchiquut,  Tehtictit,  Keketticut,  Kelicut,  Teightaquid,  Tttthquti,  ai» 
spellings  of  this  name  in  the  various  books  and  records  I  have  consulted. 

t  ISackiu's  Middleborougli,  in  1  Col.  Mass.  Hitt.  Soc.  iii.  160. 


10 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


forward  among  his  countrymen,  and,  when  he  was  convinced  that  their 
design  was  blood,  goes  immediately  to  Piimouth,  and  communicates  his 
discovery  to  tlie  governor.  "  Nevertheless,  his  information,"  says  Dr.  /. 
Mather,*  "(because  it  had  an  Indian  original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe 
ihem  when  they  do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  first  much  regarded." 

It  may  be  noticed  here,  that  at  this  time  if  any  Indian  appeared  friend- 
ly, all  Indians  were  so  declaimed  against,  that  scarcely  any  one  among 
the  English  could  he  found  that  would  allow  that  an  Indian  could  be 
faithful  or  honest  in  any  affair.  And  although  some  others  besides  Sas- 
samon  had  intimated,  and  that  rather  strongly,  that  a  "  rising  of  the  In- 
dians" was  at  hand,  still,  as  Dr.  Mather  observes,  because  Indians  said  so, 
little  or  no  attention  was  paid  to  their  advice.  Notwithstanding,  Mr. 
Gookin,  in  his  MS.  history ,t  says,  that,  previous  to  the  war,  none  of  the 
Christian  Indians  had  "  been  jiisthj  charged,  either  with  unfaithfulness  or 
treachery  towards  the  English."  "  But,  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them  had 
discovered  the  treachery,  particidarly  Walcut,  the  ruler  of  Philip  betbre 
he  began  anjr  act  of  hostility."  In  another  place  the  same  author  says, 
that,  in  April,  1075,  Wahan  "  came  to  one  of  the  magistrates  on  purpose, 
and  informed  him  that  he  had  ground  to  fear  that  sachem  Philip,  and 
other  Indians  his  confederates,  intended  some  mischief  shortly."  Again 
in  May,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war,  he  came  and  said  the  same^ 
Adding  that  Philip^s  men  were  only  waiting  for  the  trees  to  get  leaved 
out,  that  they  might  prosecute  their  design  with  more  effect.  To  return 
to  Sassamon : 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  happened  that  gave  further 
grounds  of  suspicion,  that  war  was  meditated,  and  it  was  intended  that 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  Philip,  to  gain,  if  possible,  the  real  state  of 
the  case.  But  before  this  was  effected,  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had 
passed  away,  and  the  Rev.  Sassamon  still  resided  with  the  Namaskets, 
and  others  of  his  countrymen  in  that  neighborhood.  And  notwithstand- 
ing he  had  enjoined  the  strictest  secrecy  upon  his  English  friends  at  Pii- 
mouth, of  what  he  had  revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Philip^s 
knowledge,  he  should  be  immediately  murdered  bj'  him,  yet  it  by  some 
means  got  to  the  chief's  knowledge,  and  Sassamon  was  considered  a 
traitor  and  an  outlaw  ;  and  by  the  laws  of  the  Indians,  he  had  forfeited 
liis  life,  and  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  The  manner  of  effecting  It  was 
of  no  consequence  with  them,  so  long  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is 
probable  that  Philip  had  ordered  any  of  his  subjects  who  might  meel 
with  him,  to  kill  him. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Sassamon  was  missing,  and,  on  search 
being  made,  his  body  was  found  in  Assawomset  Pond,  in  Middleborough  | 
Those  that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  left  his  hat 
and  gun  upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had  drowned 
liimself ;  but  from  several  narks  upon  his  body,  and  the  fact  that  his 
neck  was  broken,  it  was  evident  he  had  been  murdered.§  Several  per- 
sons were  suspected,  and,  upon  the  information  of  one  called  Patuckson, 


•  Relation  of  the  Trouhks,  &c.  74. 

t  Not  yet  published.  We  are  informed  it  soon  will  be.  It  will  form  a  lasting;  monu- 
ment of  one  of  the  best  men  of  those  days.  Tlie  author  was,  as  Mr.  Eliot  expresses 
himself,  "  a  pillar  in  our  Indian  work."     He  died  in  1087,  aged  75. 

X  Some  would  like  lo  know,  perhaps,  on  what  authority  Mr.  Grahayne  (Hilt.  N.  Amtr. 
i.  'V02J  stales  that  S^assamon's  body  mix  found  in  a  field. 

§  Crookin's  MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author  says,  "  Saiamand  was  th« 
first  Christian  martyr,"  and  that  "  it  is  evident  he  suffered  death  upon  tho  account  of  his 
Ciuistian  profession,  and  fidelity  lo  the  English." 


I  i 


headll 


[iOOK  III. 

lat  their 
;ates  his 
^sDr.  /. 
J  believe 
[led." 
il  friend- 
3  among 
:ould  be 
des  Sas- 
■  the  In- 
s  said  so, 
ling,  Mr. 
le  of  the 
"illness  or 
them  had 
lip  before 
hor  says, 
purpose, 
hUip,  and 
"    Again 
;he  saino. 
et  leaved 
ro  return 

^e  further 
nded  that 
al  state  of 
1674  had 
amaskets, 
vithstand- 
ds  at  Pli- 
0  Philip's 
by  some 
sidered  a 
forfeited 
ing  It  was 
and  it  is 
ight  meet 

)n  search 
)oroiigh  X 
ft  his  hat 

drowned 
that  hia 
sreral  per- 

atuckson, 


sting  monii- 
ot  expresses 

It.  N.  Amir. 

iivi  was  th«» 
jcouul  of  his 


Chap.  I.] 


SASSAMON. 


\\ 


Tobias*  one  of  Philip's  counsellors,  his  son,  nnd  Maltofhinnamy^  were  ap- 
prehended, tried  by  a  jury,  con.sistiiig  of  half  Irdian8,f  and  in  June,  1675, 
were  all  executed  at  Plinioutli  ;  "one  of  the  .mi  before  his  execution  con- 
fessing the  murder,"  but  the  other  two  denied  ul!  knowledge  of  the  act, 
to  tlioir  last  breath.  The  truth  of  their  guilt  may  icisonably  be  called  in 
question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the  bleeding  ol  the  dead  body  at  the  ap- 
|)roacIi  of  the  murderer,  had  any  influence  upon  the  jury.  And  we  are 
fearful  it  was  the  case,  for,  if  the  most  learned  were  misled  by  such  hal- 
lucinations in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  sup{)ose  that  the  more  ignorant 
were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  wrote  within  two  years  of 
tlie  affair,  and  he  has  this  passage :  "  When  Tobias  (the  sut'pected  mur- 
derer) came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresh,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  slain ;  albeit,  it  was  buried  a  considerable  time  before 
tliat."t 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  upon  record  among  the  manuscripts, 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Mather, 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  flret  that  [)rinted  an  account  of  it.  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Phmouth  notice  Sassamon  tmtil  some  time  after  his  dcith. 
The  lirst  record  is  in  these  words :  "  The  comt  seeing  cause  to  require  the 
personal  ajjpearance  of  an  Indian  called  Tobias  before  the  cotu't,  to  make 
liu'tliei"  answer  to  such  interrogatories  as  shall  be  required  of  him,  in  re- 
ference to  the  sudden  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  called  John  Sassa- 
mon- late  deceased."    This  was  in  March,  1674,  O.  S. 

It  appears  that  Tobias  was  present,  although  it  is  not  so  stated,  from  the 
fact  that  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  entered  into  bonds  of  £100  for 
the  appearance  of  Tobias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A  mort- 
gage of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  having  arrived,  three  instead  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  murder- 
ers of  Sassavwn.  There  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  but  Tobias  being 
guilty  at  the  previous  court.  Now,  Wampapaqiian,  the  son  of  Tobias^ 
and  Maltashunanjianio§  are  arraigned  with  him,  and  the  bill  of  indict- 
ment rims  as  follows :  "  For  that  being  accused  tliat  they  did  with  joynt 
consent  vpon  the  29  of  January  anno  1674,  [or  1675,  N.  S.]  att  a  place 
called  Assowamselt  Pond,  wilfully  and  of  sett  |)urpose,  and  of  mallice  fore 
thought,  and  by  force  and  amies,  murder  John  Sassamon,  an  other  In- 
dian, by  laying  violent  hands  on  him,  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his 
nccke  vntill  liee  was  dead ;  and  to  hyde  and  conceale  this  theire  said 
murder,  att  the  tyme  and  place  aforesaid,  did  cast  his  dead  body  through 
a  hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond." 

To  this  they  pleaded  "not  guilty,"  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say 
the  records.  The  jury,  liowever,  were  not  long  in  finding  them  guilty, 
which  they  express  in  these  words:  "  Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both 
English  and  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a 
verdict." 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  "and  from 
thence  [taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the 
head||  vntill  theire  bodies  are  dead."     Accordingly,  Tobias  and  Mattaslmit- 

*  His  Lidinn  name  was  Pno^ffapanossoo. 

t  AlMlicr's  Relation, 7k  .ludifo  Davis  retains  the  same  account, (Morton's  Memoria}, 
28'.).)  wiiich  we  shall  presently  sliow  to  f)o  erroneous. 

t  Mather's  Ilolalion,  7.5. 

6  The  same  called  AfiilUislihmitimi.     His  nnine  in  the  records  is  spelt  four  way*. 

11  This  old  phraseolofiy  reminds  lis  of  the  I'Vench  mode  of  expression,  conper  h  eon, 
tliat  is,  to  cut  ofl'llie  neck  instead  of  the  head  ;  hut  the  French  say,  il  sera  pendu  par  sen 
cou,  and  so  do  modern  hangmen,  aWas  Jurists,  of  our  limes. 


12 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


annamo  were  executed  on  the  8  June,  1675.    "  But  the  snid  JVampapu- 

fuan,  on  some  considerations  was  reprieued  until  a  niontli  be  expired." 
le  was,  however,  shot  witliin  tiie  month. 

It  is  an  error  that  the  jury  that  found  them  guilty  was  composed  of 
half  Indians;  there  were  but  four,  while  there  were  twelve  Englishmen. 
We  will  again  hear  the  record : — 

"Itt  was  judged  very  expedient  by  the  court,  that,  together  with  this 
E'^j.ish  jury  aboue  named,  some  of  the  most  indiffercntest,  grauest  and 
sage  Indians  should  be  admitted  to  be  with  the  said  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
consult  and  aduice  with,  of,  and  concerning  the  premises :  there  names 
are  as  followeth,  viz.  one  called  by  an  English  name  ^hpe,  and  Maskip- 
pague,  fVannoo,  George  Wampye  and  Acanootus;  thr  fully  concurred 
with  the  jury  in  theire  verdict." 

The  names  of  the  jurymen  were  William  Sabine,  William  Crocker, 
Edward  Sturgis,  William  Brookes,  JVaM.  Wiiislow,  John  Wadsworth,  ,/ln- 
dreio  Ringe,  Robert  Vixon,  John  Done,  Jon":  Bangs,  JowK  Shaw  and 
Benj".  Higgins. 

That  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  here  add,  from  an  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  following 
particulai  d,  although  some  parts  of  them  are  evidently  erroneous :  "  About 
live  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  col- 
lege at  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  an  Indian,  named  Sosomon;  who,  after  some 
time  he  had  spent  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  Uncas,  a  sagamore  Chi'istian 
in  his  territories,  was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  sent  to  preach 
in  like  manner  to  King  Philip,  and  his  Indians.  But  King  Philip,  (heath- 
en-like,) instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  immediately  have  killed 
this  Sosomon,  but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it, 
but  sent  him  by  the  hands  of  three  men  to  prison  ;  who,  as  he  was  going 
to  prison,  exhorted  and  taught  them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They,  not 
liking  his  discouree,  immediately  murthered  him  after  a  most  barbarous 
manner.  They,  returning  to  King  Philip,  acquainted  him  with  what  they 
had  done.  About  two  or  three  months  after  this  murther,  being  discov- 
ered to  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  Josiah  Winslow  being  then  gov- 
ernor of  that  colony,  care  was  taken  to  find  out  the  murtherers,  who, 
upon  search,  were  found  and  apprehended,  and,  after  a  fair  trial,  were  all 
hanged.  Tliis  so  exasperated  King  Philip,  that,  from  that  dtiy  after,  he 
studied  to  be  revenged  on  the  English — judging  that  the  English  author- 
ity hrd  nothing  to  do  to  hang  an  Indian  for  killing  another."* 


*  Present  State  of  New  England,  by  a  merchant  of  Boston,  in  respect  to  the  pretertt 
Bloody  Indians  Wurs,  page  3.  folio,  London,  1676.    [Since  reprinted.] 


rir-. 


'M'^m^ 


*ji 


■-:mmp^ 


priFLLll' alius  MiBTACO^I  KT  ol'  Potaiiolo 

/'.'//, /iiiiri/  /r)>/ii  till'  irii/iiiii/  us  I'li/i/is/ied  hi  t'luiirii 


Chap.  II] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


CHAPTER  II. 


13 


Lift  o/KING  PHILIP — His  real  name — 77ie  name  of  his  wife — MoKes  fre- 
quent sales  of  his  lands — Acrount  of  them — His  first  treat}/ at  Plimoulh 
— Expedition  to  J\''antucLet — Events  of  1(j71 — Begins  the  WAR  of  1675 
— First  acts  of  hostility — Swamp  Fight  at  Pocasset — JSCairowly  escapes 
out  of  his  oivn  country — Is  pursued  h\f  Oneko — Fight  at  Rehoboth  Plain 
— Cuts  off  a  company  of  English  under  Cant.  Beers — Incidents—Fight  at 


raganset-  ,,„„„  ^  .        ■  ■ 

fortress — English  march  to  attack  him — The  great  Fight  at  J\arraganset 
— 'Igainfies  his  country — Visits  the  Mohawks — Ill-devised  stratagem — 
Events  of  1676 — Returns  again  to  his  country — Reduced  to  a  wretched 
condition — Is  hunted  by  Church — His  chief  counsellor,  Akkompoin,  killed^ 
and  his  sister  captured — His  wife  and  son  fall  into  the  hands  of  Church — 
Flies  to  Pokanoket — Is  surprised  and  slain. — Specimen  of  the  JVampanoag 
Language — Other  curious  matter. 

In  regard  to  the  native  or  Indian  name  of  Philip,  it  seems  a  mistake 
lias  always  prevailed,  in  printed  uccoiuits.  Pometacom  gives  as  near  its 
Indian  sound  as  can  be  approached  by  our  letters.  The  first  syllable  was 
dropped  in  familiar  discourse,  and  hence,  in  a  short  time,  no  one  imagined 
but  what  it  had  always  been  so ;  in  nearly  every  original  deed  executed 
by  him,  which  we  have  seen,  and  they  are  many,  his  name  so  appears. 
It  is  true  that,  in  those  of  different  years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  varia- 
tion, all  which,  however,  conveyed  very  nearly  the  same  sound.  The 
variations  are  Pumatacom,  Pamatacom,  Pometacome,  and  Pometacom ;  the 
last  of  which  prevails  in  the  records. 

We  have  another  important  discovery  to  communicate  :*  it  is  no  other 
than  the  name  of  the  wife  of  Pometacom — the  innocent  Wootoneka- 
nuske!  This  was  the  name  of  her  who,  with  her  little  son,  fell  into  the 
hciuds  of  Capt.  Church.  No  wonder  that  Philip  was  "  now  ready  to  die," 
as  some  of  his  traitorous  men  told  Church,  and  that  "his  heart  was  now 
reaily  to  brake !"  All  that  wa.s  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  the 
vortex  !  But  they  still  lived,  and  this  most  harrowed  his  soul — lived  for 
what  ?  to  serve  as  sla\  es  in  an  unknown  land !  could  it  be  otherwise  than 
tliat  madness  should  seize  upon  him,  and  despair  torment  him  in  every 
]tlace?  that  in  his  sleep  he  should  hear  the  anguishing  cries  and  1am- 
tntations  of  Wootonekanuske  and  his  son?  But  we  must  change  the 
scene. 

It  seems  as  though,  for  many  years  before  the  war  of  1G75,  Pometacom, 
and  nearly  all  of  his  people  sold  off  their  lands  as  fast  as  purchasers  pre- 
sented themselves.  They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  English,  and  they 
were  just  such  philosophers  as  are  easily  captivated  by  any  show  of  os- 
tentation. They  were  foi-saking  their  manner  of  life,  to  which  the  prox- 
imity of  the  whites  was  a  deadly  poison,  and  wore  eager  to  obtain  such 
tilings  as  their  neighbors  possessed ;  those  were  only  to  be  obtained  by 
parting  with  their  lands.    That  the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the 

*  The  author  focls  a  peculiar  satisfaction  that  it  has  fallen  to  his  lot  to  be  tlic  first  to 
publish  the  rciil  name  of  the  groat  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  and  also  that  of  ibo 
sharer  of  his  perils,  Wootonekanmke. 

2 


14 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  IIL 


rapidity  witli  which  tlie  Indians'  lands  in  Plitnouth  colony  were  disposed 
ol,  we  add  tiie  following  items: — 

In  a  deed  dated  23  June,  10(54,  "  fVilliam  Brenton,  of  Newport,  R.  I. 
inenrliant,"  "for  a  valuable  consideration"  paid  by  him,  buys  Matapoisett 
of  Philip.  This  deed  begins,  "  I,  Pumatacom  alias  Philip,  chief  sachem 
of  Mount  Hope,  Cowsumpsit  and  of  all  territories  thereunto  belonging." 
Philip  and  his  wife  both  signed  this  deed,  and  Tockomock,  fVecopauhim,* 
JVesetaquason,  Pompaquase,  Apeminiate,  Taquanksickc,  Paquonack,  JVata- 
patahue,  Aqiidafiuish,  John  Sassamon  the  interpreter,  Rowland  Sassamtm, 
and  two  Kiiiglishmen,  signed  as  witnesses. 

In  l()(i.l,  he  sold  the  country  about  Acushena,  [now  New  Bedford,]  and 
Coaxet,  [now  in  Conipton.]  Philip^s  father  having  previously  sold  some 
of  the  same,  £10  was  now  given  him  to  prevent  any  claim  from  him, 
and  to  pay  for  his  marking  out  the  same. 

John  JFoosansman  [one  of  the  names  of  Sassamon]  witnessed  this 
deed. 

In  1667,  Philip  sells  to  Constant  Southworth,  and  others,  all  the  meadow 
lands  from  Dartmouth  to  Matapoisett,  for  which  he  had  £15.  Particular 
bounds  to  all  tracts  are  mentioned  in  the  deeds,  but  as  they  were  gener- 
ally or  often  stakes,  trees,  and  heaps  of  stones,  no  one  at  this  time  can 
trace  many  of  them. 

The  same  year,  for  "£10  sterling,"  he  sells  to  Tlios.  TVillet  and  others, 
"  all  that  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  Riuer  Wanascottaquett  and  Ca- 
watoquissett,  being  two  miles  long  and  one  broad."  Pawsaquens,  one  of 
Philip's  counsellors,  and  Tom  aiias  Sawsuett,  an  interpreter,  were  wit- 
nesses to  the  sale. 

In  1668,  ^*  Philip  Pometacom,  and  Tatamumaque^  alias  Cashewashed, 
sachems,"  for  a  "valuable  consideration,"  sell  to  sundry  English  a  tract 
of  some  sqtiare  miles.  A  part  of  it  was  adjacent  to  Pokanoket.  In  de- 
scribing it,  Memenuekquage  and  Towansett  neck  are  mentioned,  which 
we  conclude  to  be  in  Swansey.  Besides  two  Englishmen,  Sotnpointeen^ 
alias  Tom,  and  J^ananuntnew,  sou  of  Thomas  Plants,  were  witnesses  to 
this  sale. 

The  next  year,  the  same  sacheins  sell  500  acres  in  Swansey  for  £20. 
yVanueo,  a  counsellor,  and  Tom,  the  interj)reter,  were  witnesses. 

In  16t>8,  Philip  and  Uncompawen  laid  claim  to  a  part  of  New-meadows 
neck,  alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  conveyed  in  a  fonner  deed, 
by  Ossamequin  and  IVamsutta,  to  certain  English,  "although  it  appears, 
says  the  record,  pretty  clearly  so  expressed  in  said  deed,"  "  yet  that  peace 
and  friendship  maybe  continued,"  "Capt.  Willet,  Mr.  Brown  and  John 
Jilkn,  in  the  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  rest,"  agree  to  give  Philip  and 
Uncompawen  the  sum  of  £11  in  goods. 

Philip  Nanuskooke}:  his  /f  mat-k, 
VncompawEiN  his  X  mai'k. 

Tom  Sansuwest,  interpreter. 

And  NiMROD. 

The  same  year,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  interest- 
ing, from  the  plan  with  which  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by 
Philip  himself,  who,  no  doubt,  over  urged  to  sell  certain  lands,  contracts 
or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  inider  his  hand,  that  "this  may  inform 

*  Perhaps  Vncom-poin. 

t  Wiitlen  in  another  tIecH,  Atunkamomakf.  This  deed  was  in  the  next  year.  It  was 
of  500  acros  of  laud,  "more  vir  lesse,"  ii:  Swansoy;  and  £20  the  consideration.  Hii^h 
Coif.,  Josias  Windmo,  John  Cofff^eshall  and  Constaiit  Soulhicorth  were  the  purchasers, 
and  Warineo,  a  counsellc-,  one  of  the  witnesses. 

X  This  double  name,  wc  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  si^ature  of  himself  and 
wife. 


IK    III. 

iposed 

,  R.  1. 

poisett 
ichom 
igiiig." 
uhim* 
Wata- 
samcm, 

1,]  and 
1  some 
n  him, 

ed  this 

leadow 
rticulur 
gener- 
ne  can    • 

others, 
ind  Ca- 
r,  one  of 
3re  wit- 

ewashed, 

1  a  tract 

In  de- 

which 

ointeen, 

esses  to 

£20. 

leadows 
ler  deed, 
lappeara, 

at  peace 
Ind  John 

lilip  and 

\mark, 


linterest- 
^•awn  by 
Contracts 
|y  inform 


jr.    It  was 

In.     Hii^h 
lurcliascrs, 

Imsclf  and 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


15 


the  hononred  conrt  [of  Piimouth,]  that  I  Philip  amo  willing  to  sell  the 
land  within  this  draught ;  but  the  Indians  that  are  vpon  it  may  liue  vpon 
it  still;  but  the  land  that  is  [waste]*  may  be  sould,  and  Watlachvoo  is  of 
the  same  minde.  I  have  sed  downe  all  the  principall  names  or  the  land 
wee  are  willing  should  bee  sould." 

"  From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  P  his  marke.** 

the24ofthel2mo.  1GG8." 


Wanascobocliclt. 


Wewensct. 


This  line  is  a  path. 


Sepa- 
coiiett. 


Ascopompamocke 


Panhanet. 


PatantaioneU 


Aacoochame^ 


Machapquake. 


Aponecetk 


7%M  is  a  path. 


AnequeassetU 

CottoyowsekeesetU 

"  Osamegucn"  having,  "  for  valuable  considerations,"  in  the  year  1641, 
sold  to  John  Breton  and  Edward  Winslow  a  tract  of  land  eight  miles 
square,  situated  on  both  sides  of  Palmer's  River,  Philip,  in  1668,  was 
required  to  sign  a  quit-claim  of  the  same.  This  he  did  in  presence  of 
Umptakisoke,  Phillip,  and  Peebe,\  counsellors,  Sonconewhew,  Phillip's 
brother,  and  Tom  the  interpreter. 

Also  in  1669,  for  £10  "  and  another  valuable  and  sufficient  gratuity," 
he  sells  to  John  Cook  of  Akuseuag  in  Daitmouth,J  "  one  whole  island  nero 
the  towne,"  called  Nokatay. 

The  same  year,  Philip  and  Tuspaquin  sell  a  considerable  tract  of  land 
in  Middleborough,  for  £13.  Thom,a&  the  interpreter,  William,  the  son  of 
Tuspaquin,  and  Benjamin  Church,  were  witnesses. 

In  1671,  Philip  and  '■'■Monjokam  of  Mattapoisett,"  for  £5,  sell  to  Hugh 
Cole,  of  Swansey,  shipwright,  land  lying  near  a  place  called  Acashewah, 
in  Dartmouth. 

In  1672,  Philip  sold  to  William  Brenton  and  others,  of  Taunton,  a  tract 
to  tlie  southward  of  that  town,  containing  12  square  miles,  for  £143;  and, 
a  few  days  after,  adjoining  it,  four  square  miles  more,  to  Constant  Southworth. 
Otliers  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  the  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  J\Punkampahoonett,  Umnathum,  alias  JWmrorf,  Chee- 
maughton,  and  Capt.  Annawam,  besides  one  Philip.  Thomas,  alias  Sank- 
suit,  was  among  the  witnesses.    The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed 

*  So  ill  the  records. 

t  ('ailed,  ill  Mr.  IIiMard's  liislory,  Tliebe ;  he  was  aftcrwar's  killcH  ui  awangey,  ia 
Uie  bejfiiiniiig  of  the  war. 
\  The  place  where  Cook  lived  is  novr  included  in  New  Bedford. 


16 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  m. 


by  Munashum,  uUuh  J^imrod,  ffoackompaivh  m'  mid  Capt.  Annoivan,  [w4n- 
nawon.] 

Tlicso  arc  bui  a  part  of  the  sales  of  laud  1)}  :melacom.  Many  otlicr 
cliiefk  sold  very  larsjoly,  i)articulurly  tyalu.<ipaq,.u    and  Josias  Wampaluck. 

We  meet  witli  a  Hiii>,'ular  record  of  Philip  previous  to  this  time,  the 
authorshi|>  of  which  we  attriltute  to  John  Snssamon,  and  whieh,  besides 
extendiof^  our  kuovvh!(l;^e  of  Philip,  into  iiis  earlier  times,  serves  to  make 
us  acquainted  with  Sussamoii's  ucouireiueuts  in  the  language  of  the 
pilgrims. 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  jirosents,  that  Philip  hauc  giucn  jjower  vnto 
Waluchpoo\  and  Sampson\  and  theire  brethren  to  hold  and  make  sale  of 
to  whom  they  will  l)y  my  consent,  and  they  shall  not  haiio  itt  without 
they  be  willing  to  lett  it  goo  it  shal  l)e  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my 
knowledge  they  cannot  safely  to:  but  with  my  consent  there  is  none  that 
can  lay  claime  to  that  land  which  they  haue  marked  out,  it  is  theires  for- 
euer,  soe  therefore  none  can  safely  purchase  any  otherwise  but  by  fFa- 
iachpoo  and  Sampson  and  their  bretheren.  Puimp  IfiU))," 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1(573,  "Mr.  Pder  Talmon  of  Rhode  Hand 
complained  against  Philip  allies  JFewasowanuett,  saidiem  of  Mount  Hope, 
brother  or  predecessor  of  Pacanawkelt  as  heire  adminnostrator  or  suc- 
cessor vnto  his  brotlier  or  predecessor  fVamsitta,  Sopaquilt,^  or  Alexander 
deceased,  in  an  action  on  the  case,  to  the  <lamage  of  £800  iiirfc^iture  of  a 
bond  of  such  a  value,  bearing  date,  June  the  Siddi,  IGtiJ,  giuen  to  the  said 
Peter  Talman,  obliging  him  the  saiil  Wamsitla  allies  Allexandcr  to  make 
good  to  him,  his  heires  and  a  deed  of  gift  of  a  considerable  track  of  land 
att  Sapowett  and  places  adjacent,  as  in  the  said  deed  is  more  particularly 
expressed;  for  want  wlierof  the  complainant  is  greatly  damnify<'d." 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  ])cople  of  IMimouth  towards  JFamsuUa, 
Pometaconi's  elder  brother,  and  other  neighboring  Indians,  made  them 
always  suspicious  of  the  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighbors  before  in 
the  case  of  Miantunnomoh,  or  whether  Philip  were  in  reality  "  contriving 
mischief,"  the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a  ques- 
tion, to  this  day,  with  those  best  acquainted  with  the  history  of  those 
times. 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  Massasoit,  alias  Woosamequin,  having  died 
ill  the  winter  of  lGGl-2,  as  we  believe,  and  but  few  months  afler  died 
also  Alexander,  Philip^s  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  Philip  liimself,  by 
the  order  of  succession,  came  to  be  chief  of  the  Wampanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  court  of  Pliniouth  of  some 
injuries,  at  their  October  term,  ]GG8,  they  say,  "In  answer  unto  a  letter 
from  Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pocanokett,  &c.,  by  way  of  petition  requesting 
the  court  for  justice  against  Francis  Wast,  [Wesl,'\  for  wrong  done  by  him 
to  one  of  his  men  about  a  gun  taken  from  him  by  the  said  Wast ;  as  also 
for  wrong  done  unto  some  swine  of  the  said  Indian's.  The  court  have 
ordered  the  case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taun- 
ton ;  and  in  case  it  be  not  by  them  ended,  that  it  be  referred  unto  the 
next  March  court  at  Plimoutli  to  be  ended."  How  the  case  turned  we 
have  ni)t  found.  But  for  an  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  an  English  court, 
unless  his  case  were  an  exceeding  strong  one,  was,  we  apprehend,  a  rare 
occurrence. 

*  Probably  "  Philip's  old  uncle  Akkonvpoin." 

t  Sometimes  l^ukpoo,  by  abbreviation.  See  a  further  account  of  him  in  the  life  of 
Tatoson. 

f.  Many  Indians  bore  the  same  English  name.  In  1671,  there  was  a  Sampson  of 
Nobscussclt,  and  another  of  Nauset. 

§  That  is,  nicknamed  Alexander,  according'  to  the  French  mode  of  expression  ;  ou 
par  sobriquet  Alex(i\der,  as  I  imagine.  Mr.  Hiibbar ,,  says  of  Philip,  (Narrative,  10,) 
tiiat,  "  for  bis  ambitious  and  haughty  spirit,  [he  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


I 


-  i 


m. 


Chap.  11] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


17 


some 

Iftter 

esting 

)y  liiiii 

as  also 

rt  havo 

Tuun- 

nto  the 

led  we 

court, 

a  rare 


be  life  of 

inpson  of 

ision ;  ou 
ive,  10,) 


" lie  was  no  sooner  styled  saolicrii,"  says  Dr. /.  Jl/a/Acr,*  "but  immu- 
diatolv,  in  the  year  KHi'-i,  tlu're  wnro  vrheuKMit  suHpicioiis  of  his  bloody 
treachery  against  the  llnjrlish."  This  aiitlior  wrote  at  the  close  of  Philip^s 
war,  when  very  few  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  great 
bitterness.  Mr.  jMorlon\  is  the  first  who  mentions  Mdncomct  in  a  printed 
work,  which,  being  before  any  ditficnlty  with  hitn,  is  in  a  more  becoming 
nianncr.  "This  year,"  (UMiy,)  he  obs(!rves,  "upon  oc(;asion  of  some  sus- 
picion of  some  plot  inte.ided  by  the  Indians  against  the  Knglisli,  Philip, 
the  sachem  of  I'okanoket,  otherwise  called  .Metacom,  made  his  appearance 
at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth,  August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continu- 
ance of  that  amity  and  friendship  that  hath  formerly  been  between  the 
governor  of  I'limouth  and  his  deceasiul  father  and  brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  he  signed 
the  articles  prepared  by  them,  acknowledging  himself  a  subject  of  the 
khig  of  England,  thus : — 

"  The  mark  of  -g  Phillip,  sachem 
of  jPocanakett, 
The  mark  of  <]  Vncumpowktt, 
vnkell  to  the  aboue  said  sac/iem." 

The  following  persons  were  present,  and  witnessed  this  act  of  Philip, 
and  his  great  captain  Uncoinpoin : — 

"John  Sassamon, 
The  mark  r\  of  FiiAncis,  sachem  of  JVauset, 
The  mark  DI  o/'Nimrod  o/ttw  Pumpasa, 
The  mark  '\S  o/'Punckquaneck, 
Tlie  mark  ^  q/'AQUETECiU£SH."j; 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  the  English  at  this  period,  at  the 
hostile  movements  of  Philip,  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  presume,  was  not  inform- 
ed; or  so  im|)ortant  an  event  would  not  have  been  omitted  in  his  minute 
and  valuable  history.  Mr.  Morton,  as  we  before  stated,  and  Mr.  Mather 
mention  it,  but  neither  of  these,  or  any  writer  since,  to  this  day,  had 
made  the  matter  appear  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce 
the  names  of  those  that  appeared  with  the  saciiem. 

For  about  nine  years  succeeding  1G(J2,  very  little  is  recorded  concern- 
ing Philip.  During  this  time,  he  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with 
his  English  neighbors,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own  strength,  which 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1G75.  For,  during 
this  period,  not  only  their  additional  numbers  gained  them  [)ower,  but 
their  arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  English  instruments  of  war 
jiut  into  their  hands.  Roger  Williams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets 
into  friendship  with  Massasoit,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength 
on  the  accession  of  the  young  Mctucomet.  And  here  we  may  look  i'ov  a 
njain  cause  of  that  war,  although  the  death  of  Alexander  is  generally 
looked  ui)on  by  the  early  historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  con- 
tinual broils  between  the  English  and  Narragansets,  (we  name  the  Eng- 
lish fust,  as  they  were  generally  the  aggressors,)  could  not  be  unknown 
to  Philip;  and  if  his  countrymen  were  abused,  he  knew  it.  And  what 
friend  will  see  another  abused,  without  feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in 
his  breast?  And  who  will  wonder,  if,  when  these  abuses  had  followed 
each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for  a  series  of  years,  that  they 
should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war?    The  Narraganset  cliiefs  were 


"^  Relation,  72. 

X  From  the  Records  in  manuscript. 
2* 


t  la  Lis  N.  England's  MemoriaL 


18 


I-TFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Rook  III. 


not  coHHpiciioiia  at  tlio  period  of  which  wc  spoak  ;  thcro  were  several  of 
them,  hut  no  one  appeurH  to  have  had  u  ^oiieral  coirunutid  or  a.sceii(h;ncy 
over  the  rest;  uiid  there  cuii  he  little  (loiiht  hut  tiiat  they  uiiauiiiiously 
repoHed  their  caus(!  in  tiie  liaiidH  of  Philip.  JViniifret  wan  at  tiiis  tiino 
grown  old,  and  thou;r|i,  for  many  years  aller  the  murder  of  Aliantun- 
nomoh,  he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  authority,  yet  pusillanimity  was 
always  ralhcr  a  predominant  trait  in  his  character.  His  a<(e  had  prohahly 
ruiistid  his  withdrawal  from  the  others,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonrhet  was  at  this  period  the  most  conspicuous;  Puinhatn 
next;  Polok,  M(urnii3,  tha  stpiaw-sachem,  whose  hushund,  .Mrikaah,  had 
been  dtmd  several  years  ;  and  lastly  Mallatoasf. 

JJefore  proceeding  with  later  events,  the  followin;,'  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a  peculiar  custom,  it  will  he  proper  to  notice. 

Tiiero  is  a  tradition  curretit  at  Nantucket,  that,  in  the  year  10(55,  an 
Indian  named  John  Gihbs  o\'i\mi  island  hud  spoken  something  concerning 
a  dead  relative  of  Philip ;  and,  as  it  was  an  ohservanct;  or  law  among 
them,  that  whoever  should  speak  (!vil  of  the  dead  should  he  j)ut  to  death, 
Philip  went  there  to  execute  this  law  upon  Gibbs.  lie  was,  however,  de- 
feated in  his  design,  for  one  of  Gibbs^s  friends,  understanding  Philip^a 
uitention,  ran  to  him  and  gave  him  notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  es- 
cape ;  not,  however,  without  great  exertions,  for  Philip  came  once  in 
sight  of  him,  atler  pursuing  liim  some  time  among  the  English  frotn 
house  to  house  ;  but  Gibbs,  by  lea[>ing  a  hunk,  got  out  of  sight,  and  so 
escaped.  Philip  would  not  leave  the  island  until  the  English  had  ran- 
somed John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  all  the  moiujy  tipon  tho 
island.*  Gibbs  was  a  Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  was  Jlasa- 
samoogh.  lie  was  a  preacher  to  his  countrymen  in  1074,  ut  which  time 
there  were  belonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  had  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1G71,  for  sus- 
pecting that  a  ploL  was  going  forward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satis- 
factorily be  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  evident  there  were  some  warlike  prep- 
arations made  by  the  great  chief,  which  very  much  alarmed  the  Eng- 
lish, as  in  the  life  of  Awashonks  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice. 
Their  suspicions  were  further  confirmed  when  they  sent  to  him  to  come 
to  Taunton  and  make  knov/ri  the  causes  for  his  operations ;  as  he  dis- 
covered "  shyness,"  and  a  reluctance  to  comply.  At  length,  on  the  10th 
of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a  place  about  four  miles  from  Taunton, 
accompanied  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  attired,  armed  and  painted  as 
for  a  warlike  expedition.  From  this  place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton, 
to  invite  the  English  to  come  and  treat  with  him.  The  governor  either 
was  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  thought  it  beneath  his  dignity  to  comply 
with  his  request,  and  therefore  sent  several  persons,  among  whom  was 
Roger  Williams,  to  inform  him  of  their  determination,  and  their  good  dis- 
position towards  him,  and  to  urge  his  attendonce  at  Taunton.  He  agreed 
to  go,  and  hostages  were  left  in  the  hands  of  his  warriors  to  warrant  his 
safe  return.  On  coming  near  the  village  with  a  few  of  his  warriors,  he 
made  a  stop,  which  appears  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  warlike 
parade  of  the  English,  many  of  whom  were  for  immediately  attacking 
him.  These  were  the  Plimouth  people  that  recommended  this  ruslmess, 
but  they  were  prevented  by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  here  with  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  confer  with  Philip. 

*  A  friend  of  thn  author,  now  living  at  Nantucket,  obliffingl y  oflered  to  furnish  him 
with  whatever  could  be  found  relating  to  the  Indians  of  tlial  place  ;  it  is  presumed  ho 
could  discover  nothing,  as  he  has  not  since  been  heard  from.  For  some  of  what  wo 
have  given  above,  see  1  Col.  Muss.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  159,  furnished  for  that  work  by  JUr. 
Zaccheus  Macy,  whose  ancestor,  it  is  said,  assisted  in  secreting  Assasamoogh. 


or 


Cii*r.  Ill 


I, IFF,  OF  KINO  IMIII.IIV 


10 


In  tlx"  «Mi(l  it  wnH  nffrord  tlint  n  couiicil  sliniilt!  ho  lii'ld  in  tlic  mrftinp- 
lioiisr,  nno  t<i<l(;  of  wiiirli  hIioiiIi!  Ih;  occnpifd  hy  the  IndiiiiiH,  aii<i  tlio 
oiiicr  hy  the*  Kiijflish.  Philip  liiid  ullcgcd  tliut  tlic  Kii<;lisli  injured  the 
plantfd  lands  of  iiis  |)P()|»I(',  hut  this,  tht;  Knfjlish  say,  was  in  no  wiso  hus- 
tainod.  lit'  saiil  ids  warlike  prcparationH  wrnj  not  a;:ainst  tiic  I'Jighsli, 
hilt  tho  NuiTa<,'ans(!ts,  wiiicli  the  Kll^lisll  also  say  was  provnl  to  ids  face 
to  \)i'  falso  ;  and  t'.at  tliis  so  ('onlininded  liiin,  tliat  lit;  conl'csscd  tin;  wliolc 
plot,  and  "tliat  it  was  tiu;  naiiglitincss  of  Ids  own  lunu-t  that  |)iit  him  upon 
tiiat  nhrliion,  and  iiothiiuj  of  nny  provocation  from  tht;  Eiif,dish."* 
Tlu-nlVirc,  with  lour  of  his  coimsidlorH,  wiioso  names  wfru  "J'tivoser, 
Cii\)l.  If'inpoke,  H'oonkap.  leliunt,  [Unkomnoin,]  and  JVimroil,  h»3  sijrncd  a 
mihniission,  and  an  (tn^^mgemcnt  of  friendship,  which  also  stipulated  that 
he  shouKl  ^ive  up  all  the  arms  among  Ida  people,  into  the  hands  of  the 
governor  of  IMimouth,  to  bo  kept  as  long  as  the  government  should  "see 
reasoii."t 

The  Mnglish  of  Massachusetts,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  affair, 
wen;  lookcil  to,  hy  both  parties,  on  the  next  cause  of  complaint.  Philip 
having  delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  them  at 
Taunt(Mi,|:  promised  to  deliver  the  rest  at  IMimouth  hy  a  certain  time. 
IJiit  they  not  being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  and  some  other  dif- 
ferences occurring,  a  messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  from  Plimouth,  to 
make  complaint ;  but  Philip,  perhaps,  understanding  what  was  intended, 
was  (jiiite  as  (larly  ut  IJoston  in  person  ;|1  and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fail  to 
he  well  recreived,  and  a  favorable  report  of  him  was  returned  to  Plimouth ; 
aiul,  at  the  same  time,  projiosals  that  commissioners  from  all  the  United 
Colonies  sliouhl  meet  Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  all  dillicultics  where 
expected  to  be  sett!  mI.  This  meeting  took  place  the  same  year,  Sei)tem- 
ber,  1()7I,  where  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very  nearly  the  same  us 
that  at  Tamitoii.  "The  conclusion  was,"  says  Mr.  Mather,^  ^^ Philip  ac- 
knowledged his  ofleiico,  and  was  appointed  to  give  a  sum  of  money  to 
defray  the  charges  which  his  insolent  clairiors  had  put  the  colony  unto." 

As  usual,  several  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  English,  of  what 
Philip  was  to  siibiint  to,  to  which  we  find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his 
ca|)tnins  or  counsellors,  Uncompaen,  who  was  his  uncle,1[  Wotokom  and 
Samkama. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submitting  t!iem- 
selves  as  "  subject  to  his  majesty  the  king  of  England."  This  tliey  did 
only  to  get  rid  of  the  importunity  of  the  English,  as  their  cnnide  hnme- 
diatoly  afterwards  invariably  showed. 

The  articles  which  the  govermnent  of  Plimouth  drew  up  at  this  time, 
for  Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  illiberal  as  might  be  imagined,  were  we 
not  to  produce  some  of  them.     Article  second  reads, — 

"I  [Philip']  am  willing, and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the  government  of 
Pliniouth  £100,  in  such  things  us  I  have ;  but  I  would  entreat  the  favor 
that  I  might  have  three  years  to  j)ay  it  in,  forasmuch  as  I  cannot  do  it  at 
present."  And  in  article  third,  he  promises  "  to  send  unto  the  governor, 
or  whom  he  shall  appouit,  five  wolves' heads,  {/"Ae  can g-ef /Aem;  or  as 


*  Hubbard,  Indian  Wars,  11,  1st  edition. 

f  Tho  artitlps  of  this  treaty  may  be  seen  in  Hubbard,  Mather  and  Hutchinson's  his- 
tories. 

t  Matlicr's  Relation,  73.  $  Ibid. 

11  Perhaps  this  was  the  time  Mr.  Jossebjn  saw  Philip  at  Boston,  richly  caparisoned,  as 
\vill  hcreafior  bo  mentioned. 

If  Called  by  Church,  Akkompoin, 


90 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  'II 


mr.ny  as  he  can  procure,  until  they  come  to  five  wolves'  heads  yearly." 
Tfaese  articles  were  dated*  29  Sept.  1G7I,  and  were  signed  by 


The  mark 
The  mark 
The  mark 
The  mark 
The  mark 


P  of  Phillip  ; 


T   of  WOIIKOVPAHENITT  ;t 
V    of  WUTTAKOOSEEIM  J 
T    "/■  SONKANUHOO; 
3t   of  WOONASIIUM, 

alias  NiMROD ; 

7%c  mark  y  of  Woospasuck, 

alias  Captain. 


On  the  3  Nov.  following,  Philip  accompanied  Takanumma  to  Pli- 
inoutli,  to  make  his  submission,  which  he  did,  and  acknowledged,  by  a 
writing,  tiiat  he  would  adhere  to  the  articles  signed  by  Philip  and  the 
others,  the  29  Sei)t.  belbre.  Tokamona  was  brother  to  Awashonks,  and, 
at  this  time,  was  saciicm  of  Seconet,  or  Saconett.  lie  vos  afterwards 
killed  by  the  Narragansets.| 

A  general  disarming  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was  undertaken  during 
the  spring  and  summer  of  1671,  and  nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been 
expected  to  follow. 

That  nothing  may  be  omitted  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  .mjwr- 
tant  era  in  the  l)iography  of  Philip,  wc  will  lay  before  the  reader  all  the 
unpublislied  information  furnished  by  the  records.§  Having  met  5m  June, 
1()71,  "Tiie  court  [of  Plimoutli]  detcrinius  all  the  guns  in  o'  <  hands, 
tliat  did  belong  to  Philip,  are  justly  forfeit;  and  do  at  tiie  preseiit  order 
the  dividing  of  them,  to  be  kept  at  the  several  to  us,  according  to  their 
equal  jjroportions,  until  October  (y)nrt  next,  and  tl.-n  to  be  at  the  court's 
dispose,  as  reason  may  appear  to  them,  and  then  to  belong  unto  the  towns, 
if  nut  otlierwise  disposed  of  by  the  court. 

"That  which  the  court  grounds  their  judgment  upon  is, — For  that  at 
the  treaty  at  Taunton,  Philip  and  his  council  did  acknowledge  that  they 
had  been  in  a  (^reparation  for  war  against  us;  and  that  not  grounded  upon 
any  injury  sustained  from  us,  nor  jjrovocation  given  by  us,  but  from  their 
naughty  hearts,  and  because  he  had  formerly  violated  and  broken  solemn 
covenants  made  and  renewed  to  us ;  he  then  freely  tendered,  (not  being 
in  a  ca])acity  to  be  kept  faithful  by  any  other  bonds,)  to  resign  up  all  his 
English  arms,  for  our  future  security  in  that  respect.  He  failed  greatly  in 
the  perfbrnuuice  thereof,  by  secret[ly]  conveying  away,  and  carrying  liome 
several  guns,  that  might  and  slioulcl  have  been  then  delivered,  and  not 
giving  tliem  up  since,  according  to  his  engagement ;  nor  so  far  as  is  in  his 
power ;  ah  ajjpears  in  that  many  guns  are  known  still  to  be  amongst  the 
Indians  that  live  l)y  him,  and  [he]  not  so  mucii  as  giving  order  to  some 
of  his  men,  that  are  under  his  inunediate  conunand,  about  the  bringing  in 
of  their  arms. 

"  ^n  his  endeavoring,  since  the  treaty  [at  Taunton,]  to  render  us  odious 
to  our  neighbor  colony  by  false  rejjorts,  comjilaints  and  suggestions  ;  and 
his  refusing  or  avoidinjf  a  treaty  vvitii  us  concerning  those  and  other  mat- 
ters that  are  justly  offensive  to  us,  notwithsttanding  his  late  engagement,  as 
well  as  former,  to  submit  to  the  king's  authority,  and  the  authority  of  this 
colony. 

"  It  was  hVi^u  ordered  by  the  court  that  the  arms  of  the  Indians  of 


'  Tlioro  is  n.)  date,  hut  tlie  vcnr,  set  to  any  printed  anroniit.     Mr.  Hubbard  by  mis- 
take omitted  it,  and  tliosi;  who  have  since  written,  Imvc  not  given  themselves  the  pleasure 


o{  recnrrinf^  to  the  rcords. 
t  Ujwomjioin. 
^  Plimouth  Colony  Records,  in  nuxnuscrijit. 


t  See  C/iwrt7i,  39. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


2t 


iging  in 


ians  of 


rd  l)y  inis- 
le  pleasure 

■h,  59. 


Nainassakctt  and  Assowamsett,  that  were  fetched  in  by  Major  JVinalow, 
ami  those  that  were  with  him,  are  confiscated,  and  forfeit,  from  the  sai(i 
Indians,  for  the  gronnds  above  expressed ;  they  being  in  a  compliance 
witli  PliilUpe  in  his  late  plot :  And  yet  would  neither  by  oar  governor's 
order,  nor  by  Phillipe's  desire,  bring  in  their  arms,  as  was  engaged  by  the 
treaty ;  and  tiie  said  guns  are  ordered  by  the  court  to  the  major  and  his 
eoin|)any  for  their  satisfaction,  in  that  expedition. 

"  This  court  liave  agreed  and  voted"  to  send  "  some"  forces  to  "  Saconctt 
to  fetch  in"  tiie  arms  among  tiie  Indians  there. 

If  tlieu,  therefore,  tltese  Indians  liad  not  ahx-ady  become  hostile,  no  one 
would  marvel  had  it  now  become  the  case.  Bows  and  arrows  were 
almost  entirely  out  of  use.  Guns  had  so  far  supereeded  them,  that  un- 
dotihtedly  many  scarce  could  use  them  with  effect,  in  procuring  themselves 
game:  Nor  could  it  be  expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  hail, by  nearly 
40  years'  intercourse,  rendered  thdr  arms  far  more  necessary  to  tlie  exist- 
ence of  the  Indians  than  to  their  own  :  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part 
with  tliein.  Philip,  it  is  said,  directed  the  Middleborough  Indians  to  give 
up  their  guns,  llis  object  in  this  was  to  pacify  the  EngUsh,  judging 
that,  when  war  should  begin,  tliese  Indians  would  join  the  English,  or  at 
least  many  of  thein  ;  and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  but  little  which 
])arry  jiossessed  them ;  but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as  we 
have  just  seen  in  the  record. 

A  coinicil  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  August,  1671,  the 
following,  besides  the  matters  already  expressed,  they  toolc  into  consid 
eration:  Philip^s  "entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  which  might  por- 
tend danger  towards  us.  In  special  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Saconctt 
Indians,  professed  enemies  to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel 
given  him  by  his  friends.  The  premises  considered  [the  council]  do 
unanimously  agree  and  conclude,  that  the  said  Phillip  hath  violated  [the] 
covenant  plighted  with  this  colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last. 

"  2.  It  is  unanimously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that 
we  are  necessarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sachem  to  make  his  personal 
appearance  to  make  his  purgation,  in  reference  to  the  premises ;  which, 
in  case  of  his  refusal,  the  council,  according  to  what  at  present  appears, 
do  determin  it  necessary  to  endeavor  his  reducement  by  force  ;  inasnuich 
as  tlie  controversy  which  hath  seemed  to  lie  more  immediately  between 
liim  and  us,  doth  concern  all  the  English  plantations.  It  is,  therefore, 
determined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neighbor  colonies  of  the  Rlassachusctts 
and  Rhode  Island ;  and  if,  by  their  weighty  advice  to  the  contrary,  we  are 
not  diverted  from  our  presiuit  determinations,  to  signity  unto  them,  that 
if  they  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the  cast;  with  us 
against  a  common  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a  neighborly  kind- 
ness; which  we  shall  hold  oui*selves  obliged  to  repay,  when  Providence 
may  so  'dispose  that  we  have  oj)portu!iity. 

"Accordingly,  letters  were  despatched  and  sent  from  the  council, one 
unto  the  said  Phillip  the  said  sacliem,  to  require  his  personal  apjjearance 
at  Plymouth,  on  the  13th  day  of  Septemb(;r  next,  in  reference  to  the  par- 
ticulai-s  above  mentioned  against  him.  Tliis  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  James 
/r'a^fcer,  one  of  tlie  council, and  he  was  ordered  to  request  lite  company 
of  Mr.  RoiTcr  Williams  and  Mr.  James  Browi,  to  go  with  him  at  the 
delivery  of  the  said  letter.  And  another  hotter  was  sent  to  the  governor 
and  council  of  the  Massaclius(>tts  by  the  bands  of  Mr.  John  Fireman,  one 
of  our  magistrates,  and  a  third  was  directed  to  the  governor  and  council 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  sent  by  Mr.  Thomas  Hinckln/  mid  IMr.  Constant  South- 
worth,  two  other  of  our  magistrates,  who  are  ordei'ed  by  our  couricil  with 
the  letter,  to  unfold  our  present  state  of  matters  relating  to  the  premises, 
and  to  certify  them,  also,  more  ceitainly  of  the  time  of  the  meeting 


22 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 


togethor,  in  reference  to  engagement  with  the  Indians,  if  there  be  a  going 
fortii,  vvliich  will  be  on  the  20  of  September  next. 

"  It  was  further  orilcred  by  the  council,  that  those  formerly  pressed  shall 
remain  under  the  same  imi)refesinent,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  said 
council,  on  the  10  day  of  Sept.  next,  and  so  also  until  the  intended  ex- 
peditiop  is  issued,  unless  they  shall  see  cause  to  alter  them,  or  aaJ  or 
detract  from  them,  as  occasion  may  re([uire :  And  that  all  other  matters 
remain  as  they  were,  in  way  of  jjreparation  to  the  said  expedition,  until  we 
shall  see  the  mind  of  God  furtlier  by  the  particulars  forenamed,  improved 
for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  all  the  towns  within  this 
jurisdiction  siiall,  in  the  interim,  be  solicitously  careful  to  provide  for  their 
safety,  by  convenient  watches  and  wardings,  and  carrying  their  arms  to 
the  meetings  on  the  Lord's  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  witli 
their  particulai-s,  and  the  common  safety. 

"And  in  particular  they  order,  that  a  guard  shall  be  provided  for  the 
safety  of  the  governor's  person,  during  the  time  of  the  above-named 
troubles  and  expeditions. 

"  And  the  council  were  summoned  by  the  president,  [the  governor  of 
Plimouth,]  to  make  their  persoiif  1  appearance  at  Plymoutli,  on  the  13th 
day  of  Sept.  next,  to  attend  such  further  business  as  shall  be  then  presented 
by  providence,  in  ref -rence  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intermediate 
entry,  the  records  proceed  :] 

"On  the  13  Sept.  1671,  the  council  of  war  appeared,  according  to 
their  summons,  but  Phillip  the  sachem  appeared  not ;  but  instead  thereof 
repaired  to  the  Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  against  us  to  divera  of 
the  gentlemen  in  i)iace  there ;  who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  per- 
suasion, to  advise  the  council  to  a  compliance  with  the  said  sachem,  antl 
tendered  their  help  in  the  achieving  thereof;  declaring,  in  sum,  that  they 
resented  not  his  offence  so  deeply  as  we  did,  and  that  they  doubted 
whether  the  covenants  and  engagements  that  Phillip  and  his  predecessoi-s 
had  plighted  with  us,  would  plainly  import  that  he  had  subjected  himself, 
and  people,  and  country  to  us  any  further  than  as  in  a  neighborly  and 
friendly  correspondency." 

Thus,  whether  Philip  had  been  able  by  misrepresentation  to  lead  the 
court  of  Massachusetts  into  a  conviction  that  his  designs  had  not  been 
fairly  set  forth  by  Plimouth,  or  whether  it  be  more  reasonable  to  conclude 
that  that  body  were  thoroughly  acquaintetl  with  the  whole  gi-ounds  of 
complaint,  and,  therefore,  considered  Plimouth  nearly  as  much  in  error 
as  Philip,  by  assuming^authority  not  belonging  to  them,  is  a  case,  we 
apprehend,  not  difficult  to  be  settled  by  the  reader.  The  record  con- 
tinues : — 

"The  council  having  deliberated  "ipon  the  premises,  despatched  away 
letters,  declaring  their  thankful  acceptance  of  their  kind  proffer,  and 
invited  the  commissioners  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  they 
[the  latter]  then  being  there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  gentle- 
men to  come  to  Plymouth  and  afibrd  us  their  help :  And,  accordingly,  on 
the  24  of  Sept.  1671,  Mr.  Jofm  JVinthrop,  Gov.  of  Connecticut^  Maj. 
Gen.  Leveretf,  "^r.  Thos.  Danfoiih,  Capt.  I^n  Davis,  with  divers  othei-s, 
came  to  Plymouth,  and  had  a  fair  and  dcliberaie  hearing  of  the  contro- 
verjjy  between  our  colony  and  the  said  sachem  Vhillip,  he  being  personally 
present ;  there  being  also  competent  interjjreters,  both  English  and  Indians. 
At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  sufliciont  testimony  to  the  conviction 
of  the  said  Phillip,  and  satisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  the  said 
gentlemen  and  otiicrs,  that  he  had  broken  his  covenant  made  with  our 
colony  at  Taunton  in  A[)ril  kisf,  in  divers  particulars :  as  also  carried  verj 
unkindly  unto  us  divers  ways. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


23 


"1.  In  thut  he"  liad  neglected  to  bring  in  liis  nrms,  iillliough  "compe- 
tent time,  yea  his  time  enlarged"  to  do  it  in,  as  before  stated. 

"2.  That  he  hafl  carried  insolently  and  in'otidiy  towards  us  on  several 
occasions,  in  refusing  to  come  down  to  our  court  (when  sent  for)  to  have 
.speech  with  him,  to  procure  a  right  understanding  of  matters  indifference 
betwixt  us." 

This,  to  .-iay  the  least,  was  a  wretchedly  sorry  complaint.  That  an  inde- 
])eudent  chief  should  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbors  whenever  they  had  a 
mind  to  command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  he  was  not  to 
inquire,  surely  calls  for  no  comment  of  ours.  Besides,  did  Philip  not  do 
as  he  agreed  at  Taunton  ? — which  was,  that  in  case  of  future  troubles, 
both  parties  should  ky  their  complaints  before  Massachusetts,  and  abide 
by  their  decision  ? 

The  3d  charge  is  only  a  repetition  of  vvh<it  was  stated  by  the  council 
of  war,  namely,  harboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  not  his  own  men, 
but  "  vagabonds,  our  professed  enemies,  who  leavhig  their  own  sachem 
were  harbored  by  him." 

The  4th  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  complaint  of  liis 
going  to  Massachusetts,  "  with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to 
insinuate  himself  into  the  magistrates,  and  to  misrepresent  matters  unto 
them,"  which  amounts  to  little  else  but  an  accusation  against  Massachu- 
setts, as,  from  what  has  been  before  stated,  it  seemc  ♦hat  the  "  gentlemen 
in  place  there"  had,  at  least  in  part,  been  convinced  that  Philip  was  not 
so  much  in  fault  as  their  friends  of  Plimouth  had  pretended.* 

"5.  That  he  had  shewed  great  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several 
times;  in  specif»I  unto  Mr.  James  Brown,  who  was  sent  by  the  court 
on  special  occasion,  as  a  messenger  unto  him ;  and  unto  Hugh  Cole  at 
another  time,  &c. 

"The  gentlemen  forenamed  taking  notice  of  the  premises,  having  fully 
heard  what  the  said  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so 
to  do  without  interruption,  adjudged  that  he  had  done  us  a  great  deal  of 
wrong  and  injury,  (respecting  the  premises,)  and  also  abused  them  by 
carrying  lies  and  false  stories  to  them,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto 
them ;  and  they  persuaded  him  to  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  fault, 
and  to  seek  for  reconciliation,  expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a  great 
difference  between  what  he  asserted  to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and 
what  he  could  now  make  out  concerning  his  pretended  wrongs;  and 
such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  had  done  and  procured 
unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  be  borne  without  competent  reparation 
and  satisfaction  ;  yea,  that  he.  by  his  insolencies,  had  (in  probability) 
occasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  them,  than  had 
fallen  out  in  many  years  before ;  they  persuaded  him,  therefore,  to  humble 
himself  unto  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  lie  expected 
peace  ;  and  that,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to 
smart  for  it." 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  before 
spoken,  and  Philip  and  his  counsellors  subscribed  it ;  and  thus  ended  the 
chief  events  of  1G71. 

Whether  it  were  before  this  time,  or  between  it  and  the  war,  that  what 
we  are  about  to  relate  took  place,  is  not  certain,  but  it  probably  belongs 
to  the  latter  period.  It  is  this : — The  governor  of  Massachusetts  sent  an 
ambassador  to  Philip,  to  demand  of  him  Avhy  he  would  make  war  upon 


*  Not  a  very  liie^li  compliment  to  the  aulhorilics  of  Massacliusetts  ;  for  it  appears,  if  this 
were  the  rase,  Philip  had  succeeded  in  deceiving'  them  in  matters  of  whicii  certainly  they 
misjlit  iiavc  been  correctly  informed,  as  we  should  rather  apprehend  they  were  ;  having' 
been  present  at  Taunton,  and  heard  both  sides  of  the  story  a(\erwards. 


24 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 


the  Englisli,  and  requested  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  enter  into  a  treaty. 
The  sachem  made  him  this  answer: — 

"  lour  ffovernor  is  but  a  subject  of  King  Charles*  of  England.  I  shall 
not  treat  with  a  subject.  I  shall  treat  of  peace  only  with  the  king,  my  brother, 
ff'hen  ht  comes,  I  am.  rearfi/."f 

This  is  literal,  although  we  have  changed  the  order  of  the  words  a 
little,  and  is  worthy  of  a  place  upon  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of 
the  famous  Porus,  when  taken  captive  by  Alexander.\ 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  until  the  death  of  Sasaamon,  in 
IG74,  the  occasion  of  which  was  charged  upon  Philip,  and  was  the  cause 
of  bringing  about  the  war  witli  him  a  year  sooner  than  he  had  expected. 
This  event  prematurely  discovered  his  intentions,  which  occasioned  the 
partial  recantation  of  the  Narragansets,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  fur- 
nish 4000  men,  to  be  ready  to  fall  upon  the  English  in  1G76.  Concert, 
therefore,  was  wanting ;  and  although  nearly  all  the  Narragansets  ulti- 
mately joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  powerful  effect  of  a  general 
sinmltaneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians.  Philip's  own  people, 
many  of  whom  were  so  disconcerted  at  the  unexpected  beginning  of  the 
W"r,  continued  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to  show  them- 
selves in  favor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  their  being  without  the  vicinity  of 
the  English,  or  unprotected  by  them,  that  determined  their  course,  which 
was,  in  almost  all  cases,  in  favor  of  Philip.  Even  the  Praying  Indians,, 
had  they  been  left  to  themselves,  would,  no  doubt,  many  of  tliem,  liave 
declared  in  his  favor  also,  as  many  really  did. 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed  to  be  the  murderers 
of  Sassamon,  no  hostility  was  committed  by  Philip  or  his  wai*riors.  About 
the  time  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marching  his  men  "up  and  down 
the  country  in  arms,"  but  when  it  was  known  that  they  were  executed, 
he  could  no  longer  restrain  his  yoiuig  men,  who,  upon  the  24th  of  June, 
provoked  the  people  of  Swansey,  by  killing  their  cattle,  and  other  injuries,^ 
until  they  were  fired  upon,  which  was  a  signal  to  commence  the  war,  and 
what  they  had  desired  ;  for  the  superstitious  notion  ;revailed  among  the 
Indians,  that  the  party  who  fired  the  first  gun  would  be  conqueitid.|| 
They  had  probably  been  made  to  believe  this  by  the  English  themselves. 

It  was  upon  a  fast  day  that  this  great  drama  was  opened.     As  the  peo- 

"  Charles  II.  wliose  reign  was  from  1G60  to  1616. 

t  Present  State  of  N.  En^.  68. 

iThe  conqucnr  asked  him  how  he  would  be  treated,  who,  in  two  words,  replied, 
"  Like  a  king."  Being  asked  if  he  had  no  other  request  to  make,  he  said,  "  No.  Every 
thing  is  comprehended  in  that."  {Plutarch's  Life  of  Alexander.)  We  could  wish,  in 
many  cases,  that  tlie  English  conquerors  had  acted  with  as  much  magnanimity  towards 
the  Indians,  as  Alexander  did  towards  those  he  overcame.  Porus  was  treated  as  he  had 
desired. 

§  "  In  the  mean  time  King  Philip  mustered  up  about  500  of  his  men,  and  arms  them 
compleat;  and  had  gotten  about  8  or  900  of  his  neighboring  Indians,  and  likewise 
arms  them  oompleat ;  (i.  c.  guns,  powder  and  bullets  ;)  but  how  many  he  hath  engaged 
to  be  of  his  party,  is  unknown  to  any  among  us.  The  last  spring,  several  Indians  were 
seen  in  smalt  parties,  about  R  hoboth  and  Swansey,  which  not  a  little  afl'righted  the  in- 
habitants. Who  demanding  tl."?  reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so  ?  Answer  was 
made.  That  they  were  only  on  ti.'^ir  own  'Lf-puce,  for  they  understood  that  the  English 
intended  to  cut  them  off.  About  lie  '^.Jth  of  June  last,  seven  or  eight  of  King  Philip's 
men  came  to  Swa7ise>j  on  the  Lord' j  jay,  and  would  grind  a  hatchet  at  an  innabitant's 
house  there  ;  the  master  told  llieni,  it  was  the  sabbath  day,  and  their  God  would  be  very 
angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it.  They  returned  this  answer  :  They  knew  not  who  his 
God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it,  for  all  him,  or  his  God  either.  From  thence  they 
went  to  another  house,  and  took  away  some  victuals,  bul  hurt  no  man.  Immediately 
tliey  met  a  man  travelling  on  the  road,  kept  him  in  custody  a  short  time,  then  dismist 
Lim  quietly  ;  giving  him  this  caution,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his  God's  day,  and  that 
he  should  tell  no  lies."    Present  State  of  N.  Eng.  p.  8  and  9  of  the  new  edition. 

U  Callendar. 


^ 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


25 


pie  wore  rotnrninf^  from  meeting,  tliry  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians, 
when  one  was  killed  and  two  wounded.  Two  others,  going  for  a  sur- 
geon, were  killed  on  their  wuy.  In  another  i)art  of  the  town,  six  others 
were  kilied  the  saiiie  ilay.  Swansey  was  the  nc'Xt  town  to  Philip^s 
country,  and  his  men  were  as  well  acquainted  witli  all  the  walks  of  the 
English  as  tliey  were  themselves. 

It  is  not  su})[)osed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack,  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  has  been  said  that  it  was  against  his  wishes.  I5ut  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  his  hostility  and  great  desire  to  rid  his  country  of  the  white 
intruders ;  for  hud  he  not  reason  to  say, 

'•  F.xarscre  igiK's  aniino  ;  siiljil  ira,  cadoiiicin 
Ulcist'i  palriani,  et  sceleratas  suniere  [lanas"  ? 

The  die  was  east.  No  other  alt(!rnative  appeared,  but  to  ravage,  burn 
and  destroy  as  fast  as  was  in  his  power.  There  had  been  no  war  for  a 
long  time,  either  among  themselves  or  v.-th  the  English,  and,  therefore, 
numerous  young  warriors  from  the  neigmjoring  tribes,  entered  into  liis 
cause  with  great  ardor ;  eager  to  ])erform  exploits,  such  as  had  been  re- 
counted to  them  by  their  sires,  and  such  as  tln>y  had  long  waited  an 
opportunity  to  achieve.  The  time,  they  conceived,  had  now  arrived,  and 
their  souls  expanded  in  proportion  to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking. 
To  con([uer  the  English !  to  lead  captive  their  haughty  lords !  must  have 
been  to  thein  thoughts  of  vast  magnitude,  and  exhilarating  in  the  liighest 
degree. 

Town  after  towi-  fell  before  them,  and  when  the  English  forces  marched 
in  one  direction,  they  \>ere  burning  and  laying  Mnst<;  in  another.  A  part 
of  Taunton,  Middleborou .^'i  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pocasset, 
upon  Narraganset  Bay,  soon  followed  the  destruction  of  Swansey,  which 
was  burnt  immediately  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the 
in!  'ibitants. 

Philip  commanded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  where,  upon  the  18th  of 
July,  he  was  discovered  in  a  "dismal  swamp."  lie  had  retired  to  this 
place,  which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  the  most  of  his  Wampa- 
noags,  and  such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the 
English  army,  which  was  now  pursuing  him.  Erom  their  numbers,  the 
English  were  nearly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fate  of  Philip 
they  now  thought  sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a  few  of  Philip^s 
warriors  showed  themselves,  and  the  English  rushed  in  ujjon  them  with 
ardor,  and  by  this  feint  were  drawn  far  into  an  ambush,  and  "about  l.*) 
were  slain."  The  leaves  upon  the  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of 
the  (kiy  so  late,  that  a  friend  could  not  be  distinguished  from  a  foe, 
"  wli(>r(!by  'tis  verily  feared,  that  [the  English  themselves]  did  sometimes 
iuiliap|)ily  shoot  Englishmen  instead  of  Indians."*  A  retreat  was  now 
ordered,  and,  considering  Philip^s  escape  impossible,  the  most  of  the 
forces  left  the  place,  a  few  only  remaining,  "to  starve  out  the  enemy." 
That  Philip^s  force  was  great  at  this  lime  is  certain,  from  the  fiict  that  a 
hiuidred  wigwams  were  found  near  th(!  edge  of  the  swanii),  newly  con- 
structed of  green  l)ark.  In  one  of  those  the  English  found  an  old  man, 
who  -ifbrmed  them  that  Philip  was  there.  He  lost  but  finv  men  in  the 
encounter,  though  it  is  said,  that  he  had  a  brother  killed  at  this  time.f 

The  idle  notion  of  building  a  fort  here  to  starve  out  Philip,  was  suffi- 
ciently censured  by  the  historians  of  that  day.     For,  as  Capt.  Church 


*  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  War.  5. 

t'i'liis  is  upon  the  authority  ot"  the  aiionyinou.'!  author  of  the  "'  Present  State,''  iic. 
of  which  we  sluiU  elsewhere  have  occasion  to  lake  iiotice. 


26 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


['looK  IIL 


expresses  it,  to  build  a  fort Jor  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nobody,*  was 
ratlier  a  ridiculous  idea.  This  observation  he  iiiade  upon  a  tort's  being 
built  upon  Alount  Hope  neck,  some  time  after  every  Indian  had  left  that 
side  of  the  country,  and  who,  in  fact,  were  laying  waste  the  towns  before 
mentioned. 

The  swamp  where  Philip  was  now  confined,  was  upon  a  piece  of  coun- 
try which  jirojected  into  Taunton  River,  and  was  nearly  seven  miles  in 
extent.  After  being  guarded  here  13  days,  which,  in  the  end,  was  greatly 
to  his  advantage,  and  afforded  him  sufficient  time  to  provide  canoes  in 
which  to  make  his  escape,  he  passed  the  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and 
made  good  his  retreat  into  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  In 
effecting  this  retreat,  an  accident  happened  which  deprived  him  of  some 
of  his  choicest  and  bravest  captains,  as  we  shall  proceed  to  relate. 

About  the  2(5  July,  1675,  Oneko,  with  two  of  his  brothers,  and  about  50 
men,  CJime  to  Boston,  by  direction  of  Uncas,  and  declared  their  desire  to 
assist  the  English  against  the  Wampanoa^s.  A  few  English  and  three 
Naticks  were  added  to  their  company,  and  immediately  despatched,  l)y 
way  of  Plimouth,  to  the  enemy's  countrv-f  This  circuitous  route  was 
taken,  i)erhaps,  that  they  might  have  their  instructions  immediately  from 
the  governor  of  that  colony;  Massachusetts,  at  that  time,  ])robably,  sup- 
posing the  war  might  be  ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This 
measure,  as  it  proved,  was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view ;  for  if 
they  had  proceeded  directly  to  Seekonk,  they  would  have  been  there  hi 
season  to  have  met  Philip  and  his  warriors  in  their  flight  from  Pocassct. 
And  this  force,  being  johied  with  the  other  English  forces,  then  in  the  vi- 
cinity, in  all  probability  might  have  finished  the  war  by  a  single  figlit  with 
him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have  been  small,  as  he  had  to 
cross  a  large  extent  of  clear  and  open  country,  where  they  must  have  been 
cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man  to  man.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped 
at  some  distance,  having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some  time  was 
lost  in  rallying.l  They  overtook  them,  however,  about  10  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensued.  Philip  having 
brought  his  best  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slahi;  aujoniy 
these  was  .V/mrarf,  alias  JVoonasham,  a  great  captain  and  counsellor,  who 
had  signed  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  four  yt\'U's  before. 

From  what  cause  the  fight  was  susjiendcd  is  unknown,  though  it  would 
si'cm  from  some  relations,  that  it  was  owing  to  Oneko'' s  men,  who,  seeing 
themselves  in  possession  of  considerable  pkinder,  fell  to  loading  them- 
selves with  it,  and  thus  gave  Philip  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  tlie 
case,  it  would  appear  that  the  3Iohegans  wci-e  the  chief  actors  in  the 
olfensive.  It  is  said  that  the  Naticks  urged  inmiediate  and  furtlier  j)iu-- 
suit,  wliicli  did  not,  take  place,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the 
wt'ather:  and  tluis  the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape. 

3Ir.  .VecvHrtH,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  affair  in  a  letter,  in 
which  he  said  tliat  "  14  of  the  enemy's  principal  men  were  slain."  He 
also  mentioned,  in  terms  of  great  res|)ect,  the  Naticks  and  Mohegans 
under  Oneko.^ 

Having  now  taken  a  position  to  annoy  the  back  settlements  of  IMassa- 
chusetts,  his  warriors  fell  vigorously  to  the  work  ;  one  town  after  another, 

*  Hist.  Pliilip's  War,  p.  (j.  ed.  -llo. 

t  TliL'y  were  conducted  by  (iiuirler-inaster  l^urifl,  and  a  company  of  horse.  Tlio 
governor  of  I'liinoiitli,  iniderstaiidiiin'  i|ic  route  i;dien  l)y  ilicsc  t'orces  to  lie  liy  way  ot" 
rlimoiitli,  ininiediatoly  onlercd  llieni  to  Reliobotli,  oilierwise  iiolliing  would  have  been 
c/Vected  at  this  time  atjainsl  I'hilip. 

X  Ciookin's  3IS.  Hist.  Prayiny;  Indians. 

^  Gookin,  ibid.  Oiiekn  was  the  oldest  son  and  successor  of  Uncas,  and,  like  liis 
father,  was  opposeil  to  Ciiristianity. 


; 


OOK  III. 


,*  was 


y 

's  being 
eft  that 
3  before 

)f  coun- 
niles  in 
i  greatly 
mucs  ill 
len,  and 
rev.  In 
of  some 

!il)oiit  50 
desire  to 
nd  three 
ched,  by 
)ute  was 
ely  from 
bly,  snp- 
e.     Tiiis 
v;  for  if 
there  in 
Pocassct. 
in  the  vi- 
iglit  with 
he  had  to 
have  been 
encamped 
time  was 
»ck  in  the 
'p  having 
li ;  amoni',' 
•llor,  who 

1  itwoiiUl 
lio,  peeing 
them- 
lew  of  the 
Irs  in  the 
Kiier  pur- 
leat  of  the 

letter,  in 


nn. 


lie 


Muhegans 


|)f  INIasga- 
anotlicr, 


lorsc.  Tlw 
l>y  way  of 
have  been 


lid,  like   liis 


Chap.  II] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


27 


Is 


and  one  company  of  soldiers  after  another,  were  swept  off  by  them.  A 
garrison  being  established  at  Northfield,  Capt.  Richard  Beers,  of  NVater- 
town,*  with  36  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  them, 
and  20  of  the  36  were  killed.  Robert  Pepper,  of  Roxbury,  was  taken 
captive,  and  the  others  effected  their  escape.  Philip's  men  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  attacking  them  in  a  place  of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first 
fire  was  very  destructive.  Beers  retreated  with  his  men  to  a  small  emi- 
nence, and  maintained  the  unequal  fight  until  their  ammunition  was  spent, 
at  which  time  a  cart  containing  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians,  and,  the  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight. 
The  hill  to  which  the  English  fled,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  was 
known  afterwards  by  the  name  oT  Beers^s  Mountain. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  August,  "  King  Philip's  men  had  taken  a 
voung  lad  alive,  about  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  tree  two  nights 
and  two  days,  intending  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  day,  and  that  they 
would  roast  him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him ;  but  God,  over  night, 
touched  the  heart  of  one  Indian,  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and 
bid  him  run  granile,  (i.  e.  run  apace,)  and  by  that  means  he  escaped."! 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a  single  Indian,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  infor- 
mation respecting  his  countrymen,  or,  perhaps,  such  as  they  desired,  they 
pronounced  him  worthy  of  death ;  so  "  they  laid  him  down,  Cornelius, 
the  Dutchman,  lifting  up  his  sword  to  cut  off  his  head,  the  Indian  lifted 
up  his  \und  between,  so  that  his  hand  was  first  cut  off,  and  partly  his  head, 
and  the    ''cond  blow  finished  the  execution."^ 

It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  tlie  "  Presknt  State"  relates, 
that  "  King  Philip,  now  beginning  to  want  money,  having  a  coat  made  all 
of  wampampeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  his  coat  to  pieces  and  distril)- 
utes  it  plentifully  among  the  Nipmoog  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to 
the  eastward  as  southward  and  all  roimd  about."§ 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Lothrop,  of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Iladley 
with  about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  gi'ain,  and  other  valuable 
articles,  from  Deerfield.  Having  loaded  their  teams  and  commenced 
tiieir  march  homeward,  they  were  attacked  at  a  place  called  Sngarlonf 
Hill,  where  almost  every  man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of 
choice  young  men,  the  flower  of  Essex  county. ||  Eighteen  of  the  men 
Iwlonged  to  Deerfield.H  Capt.  Mosely,  being  not  far  off|  upon  a  scout,  was 
drawn  to  the  scene  of  action  by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with 
liim  70  men,  charged  the  Indians  with  great  resolution,  although  he  com- 
puted their  numbers  at  a  1000.  He  had  two  of  bis  '"len  killed  and  eleven 
wounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to  begin  the  fight,  and  exultiiigly  sairl 
to  him,  "  Come,  Mosely,  come,  you  seek  Indians,  you  want  Indians  ;  here  is 
Indians  enough  for  you."**  After  continuing  a  fight  with  them,  from  eleven 
o'clock  imtil  almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  The  Indians  rut 
open  the  bags  of  wheat  and  the  feather-beds,  and  scattered  their  contents 
to  the  winds.**  After  Mosely  had  commenced  a  retreat,  Major  Treat,  \N':th 
100  English  and  60  Mohegans,  came  to  his  assistance.  Their  niiitnl 
forces  obliged  the  Indians  to  retreat  in  their  turn.ft  The  Indians  were  sai  J 


*  Manuscript  documents. 

tPres.  Slate  of  N.  Enff.  &c.  12.  t  Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hisl.  Poo. 

^  Pies.  Stale,  13.  If  this  were  the  case,  Philip  must  have  had  an  immense  h\s  roat — 
yea,  even  biff^cr  than  Dr.  Johnson's  grrat  coat,  as  represented  by  Uosioell ,  the  sitic 
jpockcts  of  which,  he  said,  were  large  enough  each  to  contain  one  of  tiie  huge  volumes 


of  his  folio  dictionary  ! 
II  Hithlhird's  Narrative. 
"*  Manuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 
tt  /.  Mather's  History  of  the  War. 


IF  These  were  the  tcamstcri. 


28 


i.iFi:  or  KING  iMiiLir 


[Book  III. 


to  have  lodt,  in  tlic  various  cncountcr.s,  !)(>  iiiun.  It  was  a  great  oversight, 
that  Captain  Lothrop  slioiild  have  sutil-rtMl  liis  uien  to  stroll  ahout,  while 
pafising  .  dangerous  defile.  "Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been  so  foolish 
and  secure,  as  to  put  their  anus  in  the  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather 
graj)es,  which  proved  dear  ami  deadly  i^mpen  to  them,"*  The  same 
author  olwerves,  "  'J'his  was  a  black  and  fatal  day,  wherein  there  were  eight 
persons  made  widows,  and  six-and-twenty  children  made  fatherless,  all 
in  one  little  |)luntation  and  in  one  day  ;  and  above  sixty  persons  buried  in 


one  dreadful  grave 


i» 


The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in  the  war,  though 
there  is  no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledged  so  to  do.  Therefore,  having 
([jne  all  that  could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  concludir.^  Juit  his  presence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansets, 
was  necessar  t  ';eep  diem  trom  abandoning  liis  cause,  Philip  was  next 
known  to  be  \r       uitry. 

An  ar/ny  oi  ")0  1  n;iish  was  raised  by  the  three  colonies,  Massachu- 
setts, I'hmouth  ...'.i  Con  "  icut,  for  the  purp(  se  of  breaking  down  the 
power  of  Philip  among  tin  .s arragansets.  T'ley  determined  upon  this 
<ourse,  as  they  had  been  assured  that,  in  the  spring,  that  nation  would 
come  with  all  their  force  upon  them.  It  was  .lot  known  that  Philip  wjis 
among  them  when  this  resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor  that 
they  had  tak(3ii  part  with  him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  promised  to 
deliver  uj)  all  tlie  Wampanoags,  who  should  flee  to  them,  either  alive  or 
di'ad  ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  those  who  inatle  this  promise,  had  it  not  in 
their  posv(!r  to  do  it ;  being  persons,  chiefly  in  subordinate  stations,  who 
had  no  right  or  authority  to  bind  any  but  themselves.  And,  therefore,  as 
(I()iibili;ss  wa.s  foreseen  by  many,  none  of  Phitip^s  p(;ople  were  delivered 
ii|i,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been  among  tiiem.  Thus,  in  lew 
words,  have  we  exhibited  the  mahi  grounds  of  the  mighty  expedition 
iigainst  the  Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  1675. 

Upon  a  small  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode 
Island,  Philip  had  fortified  himself,  in  a  manner  superior  to  what  was 
ciHiimon  among  his  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter, 
with  the  chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  500  wigwams  of 
a  superior  construction,  ui  which  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisions. 
IJaskets  and  tubs  of  cornf  were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside 
of  them,  which  rendered  them  bullet  proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about 
.'jOOO  persons  had  here  taken  up  their  residence. 

liut,  to  be  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  "the  scene  of  the 
tlestruction  of  the  Narragansets,"  we  will  add  as  follows  from  the  uotv.H 
of  a  gentleman  lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  purpose  of  gninin^ 
iaformarion.  "•  What  was  called  The  Island  is  now  an  upland  meadow, 
a  few  ti;et  higlier  than  the  low  meadow  with  which  it  is  surroimded. 
TJie  island,  by  my  estimate,  contains  from  three  to  four  acres.  One  iburtli 
of  a  mile  west,  is  the  Usquepaug;  a  small  stream  also  at  a  short  distance 
on  the  ea!it."  The  ('(^lebnited  island  on  which  the  fort  was  built  is  now 
in  the  tiirm  of  J.  G.  Clark,  Esq.  a  descendant  of  John  Clark,  of  R.  1.  and 
about  30  rods  west  of  tlielineof  the  "  Pettyswamscot  Purchase."  Water 
still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seasons.  It  was  cleared  by  the  father  of  t\w 
present  possessor  about  1780,  and  although  improved  from  that  time  to 
the  present,  charred  corn  and  Indian  implements  are  yet  ploughed  uj).| 


*  r.  Miitkcr'.i  History  of  llie  War,  12. 

t.")0()  bii>lK'ls,  says  Ut.  I.  Mather.  Hollow  trees,  cut  ofT  €^bout  the  lonotli  of  a  barrel, 
%vere  used  l>y  tlio  iiKtiaiis  for  tubs.    In  such  they  sci'iired  their  corn  anil  oilier  (grains. 

L  .'»IS.  eonniiiiuiciitioii  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely.  accoiujiunied  by  a  drawiiii^-of'  the  island,  ll* 
sha|)e  is  very  sicKlar  to  tlie  shell  of  ua  oyster.  Average  lecluujjalur  lines  throuufli  it 
uic<i:>uiv-j  one  Jj  i'uli,  u^iuther  i^. 


Chm'.  IIJ 


LIFE  OF  KING  I»I11LIP. 


29 


WU9  next 


President  .S'hVfS,  in  his  edition  of  Church's  History  ok  Philip's  War, 
states  tliut  the  JS'arniganset  fort  is  seven  miles  nearly  (hie  west  from  tlie 
South  Ferry.  Tliis  agrees  with  datii  furnished  by  Mr.  Eli/,  in  stating  the 
returning  marcli  of  the  Enghsli  army.  I'ine  and  eedar  were  said  to  have 
l)eon  tiie  foriiK-r  growtli.*  An  oak  800  years  ohi,  standing  upon  the 
island,  was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  feet  from  tho 
ground.  From  another,  a  bullet  was  cut  out,  surrounded  by  about  100 
anmili,  at  the  same  time.  The  bull(!t  was  lodgetl  there,  no  doubt,  at  the 
lime  of  the  fight.  We  will  now  return  to  our  narrative  of  the  expedition 
to  this  place  in  December,  1G75. 

After  nearly  a  month  from  their  setting  out,  the  English  army  arrived 
in  tlu!  Narraganset  country,  and  made  their  head  quarters  about  18  miles 
imn  Philip's  fort.  They  liad  been  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  the 
Indians  were  well  enough  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  liad  made  the 
I)est  arrangements  in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  had 
already  sulfered  much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  en- 
camp in  the  open  field,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them ! 

Tlie  l!)th  of  December,  1()75,  is  a  memorable  day  in  the  anna'  <f  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — the  air  filled  with  snow, — the  Vli\:  -iU 
were  obliged,  from  the  low  state  of  their  provisions,  to  march  lo  a  .  "k 
Philip  in  hi«  fort.  Treachery  hastened  his  ruin.  One  oi  his  .iien, 
by  hope  o'i  reward,  betrayed  his  country  into  their  hands.  This  man 
had,  probably,  lived  among  the  English,  as  he  had  an  English  name. 
He  was  called  Pder,j  and  it  was  by  accident  that  himself,  wit  thirty- 
five  others,  had  just  before  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  fortunate  Cap- 
tain Moseb/.  No  Englishman  was  acquainted  with  the  situa  i  ot'Philip^s 
fort;  and  but  for  their  pilot,  Peter,  there  is  very  little  probability  that  they 
could  have  even  found,  much  less  effected  any  thing  against  it.  For  it 
was  one  o'clock  on  that  short  day  of  the  year,  before  they  arrived  within 
the  vicinity  of  the  swamp.  There  was  but  one  point  where  it  could  be. 
assailed  with  the  least  probability  of  success;  and  this  was  fortified  by  a 
kind  of  block-house,  directly  in  front  of  the  entrance,  and  had  also  flankers 
to  cover  a  cross  fin;.  JJesides  high  palisades,  an  immense  hedge  of  fallen 
trees,  of  nearly  a  rod  in  thickness,  surrounded  it,  encompassing  an  area 
of  about  five  acres.  JJetween  the  fort  and  the  main  land  was  a  body  of 
water,  over  which  a  great  tree;  had  been  felled,  on  which  all  must  pass 
and  repass,  to  and  from  it.  On  coming  to  this  place,  the  English  soldiers, 
as  many  its  could  pass  upon  the  tree,  which  would  not  admit  two  abreast, 
rnslied  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swej)t  off  in  a  moment  by  the  tire  of 
Philiji's  men.  Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led  by  their  captains,  supplied 
the  places  of  the  slain.  ]5ut  ai^ain  and  again  were  they  swept  from  the 
fatal  avenue.  Six  captains  and  a  great  many  men  had  fallen,  and  a  i)ar- 
tial,  but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  lace  of  death  took  place. 

Meanwhile,  a  handful,  under  the  fortunate  Mosely,  had,  as  miraculous 
as  it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contending  hand  to 
hand  with  the  Indians,  and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  "  They  nin  ! 
they  run .'"  brought  to  their  assistance  a  considerable  body  of  their  fiJlow 
soldiers.  They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  main 
breastwork,  and  their  slaughter  became  immense.  Flying  from  wigwam 
to  wigwam — men,  women  and  children,  indiscriminately,  were  hewn 
down  and  lay  in  heaps  upon  the  snow.  Being  now  masters  of  the  fort, 
at  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Church,\  Ceneral  JVinsloto  was  about  to 

*  Hidmcs's  Annals,  i.  370. 

t  'I'lie  iiiiinc  of  J'cliT  amonj;  the  Indians  was  so  common,  that  it  is,  perhaps,  past  deter- 
miiialioii  ?»7(o  tliis  one  was.     Mr.  Hiilihunl  vu\h  liiin  a  fii<;itive  from  llic   Narrai^ansel.s. 

;  Aftcrwanis  Uu;  lanious  (^ikuicl  Chunh.  lie  lod  ihu  sccoud  jMrty  thai  culured  thu 
furl,  and  was  badly  wounded  in  llie  course  of  the  fight. 

3* 


30 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Boot  III. 


(liinrter  tlio  army  in  it  for  the  present,  which  offered  «'omfortnble  habita- 
tions to  the  Hick  and  won  tided,  bedsides  a  plcntil'nl  supply  of  pnvisionH. 
IJut  one  of  the  captains*  and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  measure  ;  probal)ly 
from  tlie  appreheuHion  that  the  woods  wis  full  of  Indians,  who  would 
eoiitinuc  their  attacks  upon  them,  and  dii"<.  them  out  in  their  tuni.  There 
wus,  doubtless,  some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened  from  the 
liict  that  many  English  were  killed  after  they  had  post^essed  themselves 
of  the  tiirt,  by  those  whom  they  harl  just  dispossessed  of  it.  Notwith- 
Htaiiding,  had  Church's  advice  been  followed,  |)erhap3  many  of  the  lives 
of  the  wounded  would  have  been  saved  ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in  his 
ju(lf.'m('nt,  iw  his  continued  successes  proved  afterwards. 

After  fighting  three  hours, the  English  were  obliged  to  march  18  miles, 
bofore  the  wounded  couhl  be  dressed,  and  in  a  most  horrid  and  boisterous 
night.  Eighty  English  were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  150  woun<led,  many 
of  whom  die<l  afterwards.  The  English  letl  the  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  fort. 

Philip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  a  place  of 
safety,  until  the  enemy  had  retired  ;  when  they  returned  again  to  the  fort. 
The  lOnglish,  no  doubt,  apprehended  a  pursuit,  hut  Philip,  not  knowing  their 
distressed  situation,  and,  perhajjs,  judging  of  their  loss  from  the  few  dead 
wliicli  they  left  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  harass  them  in  their  retreat. 
JJefore  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire.  Into 
thes;',  Inmdreds  of  innocent  women  and  children  had  crowded  them- 
selves, and  i)eri8hed  in  the  general  conflagration!  And,  as  a  writer  of 
that  day  expresses  himself,  "no  man  knoweth  how  many."  The  English 
li'arned  afterwards,  from  sotne  that  fell  into  their  hands,  that  in  all  about 
700  perislied.f 

The  suflerings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  are  almost  without  a 
I)arallel  in  history.  The  horrors  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remem- 
ItcnMl.  The  myriads  of  modem  Europe,  assembled  there,  bear  but  small 
proportion  to  the  number  of  their  countrymen,  compared  with  that  of  the 
army  of  New  England  and  theirs,  at  the  fight  in  Narraganset. 

Col.  Church,  then  only  a  volunteer,  was,  in  reality,  the  JSTapoleoti  in  this 
fight.  We  will  hear  a  few  of  his  observations.  "By  this  time,  the  Eng- 
lisii  pco|)le  in  the  fort  had  begun  to  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  houses, 
which  Mr.  Church  labored  hard  to  prevent;  they  told  him  they  had  orders 
from  the  general  to  burn  them ;  he  begged  them  to  forbear  until  he  had 
(liscom-sed  the  general."  Then,  hastening  to  him,  he  urged,  that  "The 
wigwams  were  musket-proof,  being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tubs  of 
grain,  and  other  provisions,  suflicient  to  supply  the  whole  army  until  the 
spring  of  tlie  year ;  and  every  wounded  man  might  have  a  good  warm 
house  to  lodge  in ;  which,  otherwise,  wnidd  ne(-essarily  perish  with  the 
storms  and  cold.  And,  moreover,  that  tlie  army  had  no  other  provision 
to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon ;  that  he  knew  that  Plymouth  forces  had  not 


*  ProhnMy  Mosehj. 

tTliprt'  is  priiilcd  ia  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Mass.  i.  300.  a  letter  which  gives  the  partirii- 
hxrs  of  the  Narraj^anset  fight.  I  have  roiii])arocl  it  with  tiie  original,  and  find  it  correct 
ill  the  main  particulars.  lie  mistakes  in  ascribing  it  to  Maj.  Bradford,  for  it  is  signed 
l>y  James  Oliver,  one  of  the  Pliinotith  captains.  Hutchinson  copied  from  a  copy,  which 
was  without  signature.  He  omits  a  passage  concerning  Tift,  or  Tifl'e,  who,  Oticcr  says, 
coiifinm'il  Ills  narrative.  That  man  had  "  married  an  Indian,  a  Wompanoag— he  shot 
ilO  times  at  iis  in  the  swamp— was  talicii  at  Providence,  [l)y  Captain  Fenner,]  .Tan.  14th-— 
lirougiil  to  US  the  16th— executed  the  18th  ;  a  sad  wretrh.  Ho  never  heanl  a  sermon  but 
once  this  1 1'  years  ;  he  never  heard  of  the  name  of  Ji  sits  Christ.  His  father  going  to 
recall  iiim.  lost  Ills  head,  ;\iid  lies  unlmried."  tlubbard  says,  (Narrative,  .5!,). )  that  "  he  was 
condemned  In  die  the  .!,iit||  of  ;i  dailor,  and  trnitors  of  liin^e  dnys  were  (|uarlered.  As 
to  his  religion,  he  was  found  as  ignorant  as  an  li^'nthen,  which,  no  tlouNl,  caused  Llie  fewer 
tears  to  be  shed  al  his  funeral,''     A  sorrowful  record  ! 


Book  III. 

)  habita- 
(vision.s. 
probably 
lo  would 
1.  Thcnii 
from  th(> 
einselvf'S 
Notwitli- 
tlie  livPH 
ut  in  his 

18  miles, 
•oistorouH 
c(l,  many 
isi(lerabl() 

place  ol" 
0  the  fort, 
ving  their 
few  dead 
ir  retreat, 
ire.  Into 
cd  them- 
writer  of 
e  Enpliyh 

all  about 

rt'ithout  a 
e  reinem- 
biit  small 
hat  of  the 

'071  in  this 
the  Eng- 
houses, 
d  orders 
he  had 
at  "Tlio 
tubs  of 
until  the 
od  warm 
Willi  the 
provision 
s  had  not 


the  particii- 
it  corrrrt 
it  is  signeii 
[•opy,  whicli 
DHrer  says. 
i^— he  shot 
Jan.  14th— 
sermon  but 
icr  SoinfT  to 
lilt  "  he  was 
ricrcd.  As 
'lI  liie  fcwLT 


Chai'.  U] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


31 


i 


HO  miicli  as  Olio  bisruit  left."  The  general  was  for  aerediiig  to  Chirch's 
nni|i()sili()M,  l)iit  a  captain  and  a  doctor  prevented  it,  u.s  we  have  before 
observed  ;  tlie  former  threatening  to  shoot  tlu;  gcncnir.s  horse  imder 
him,  if  lie  attempted  to  march  in,  and  the  latter  said,  Church  slioidd  bleed 
to  death  like  a  dog(!,  belbn;  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  such 
advice.  Church  then  procet.-ds  :  "And,  burning  up  all  the  houses  and 
provisions  in  the  fort,  the  army  retiu'ned  tla^  same  night  in  tin;  storm  and 
cold.  And,  I  supjmse,  every  one  that  is  ac(piainted  with  the  eircumstancci} 
of  that  niglit's  march,  deeply  laments  the  miseries  that  atteiuh-d  them  ; 
especially  the  wounded  and  <lyuig  men.  Ihit  it  mercifully  eaiiit  to  pasa 
tlial  C.ipt.  *'/'t'/''e»' ^^t/c/uT  arrived  at  Mr.  kS'/ziiV/i's,  [in  Narragansct,]  that 
very  night  from  Jioston,  with  a  vessel  louden  with  provisions  for  the  army, 
who  must  otherwise  have  perished  for  want."* 

Soon  after  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  his  followers,  V)[\  that  part  of  the 
country,  and  resided  in  different  places  uiton  Connecticut  River.  Some 
re|)()rt  that  he  took  up  his  residence  near  AII)any,  and  that  he  solicited  tho 
3Ioliawks  to  aid  him  against  the  Knglish,  but  without  success. 

The  story  of  tin-  foul  stratag<'m  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  by  Philip 
for  this  obji'ct,  is,  if  it  be  true,  the  deepest  stain  upon  his  character.  Ac- 
cording to  one  of  llie  historiansf  of  the  war,  it  was  reported  at  Boston,  in 
the  end  of  June  or  beginnhig  of  July,  1G7G,  that  "  tho.se  Indians  who  arc 
known  by  the  name  of  IMaucpiawogs,  (or  Mohawks,  i.  e.  man-caters,)  had 
lately  fallen  upon  Philip,  and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  the  variance 
between  Philip  and  the  Mauquawogs  came  to  jjass,  as  is  commonly  re- 
ported and  apprehended,  there  was  a  marvellous  finger  of  God  in  it.  For 
we  hear  that  Philip  being  this  winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawks'  country, 
made  it  iiis  design  to  breed  a  quarrel  between  the  English  and  them  ;  to 
etlect  whicli,  divers  of  our  returned  captives  do  report,  that  he  resolved 
to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks,  and  then  to  say  that  the  English  had 
done  it ;  but  one  of  these,  whom  he  thought  to  have  killed,  was  only 
wounded,  and  got  away  to  his  countrymen,  giving  them  to  understand 
that  not  the  English,  but  Philip,  had  killed  the  men  that  were  miu'dered  ; 
so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mohawks  upon  the  English,  he  brought 
them  upon  himself." 

"  On  Imman  plans  what  accidents  attpiid, 
Crowd  every  walk,  and  darken  to  the  end  !'' 

Power  of  Solilude.i 

Tiie  author  of  the  anonymous  "  Letters  to  London"  has  this  pas- 
sage§  concerning  Philip''s  visit  to  the  Mohawks.  "  King  Philip  and  some 
of  these  northern  Indians,  being  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the  IMohiicks 
marched  out  very  strong,  in  a  warlike  posture,  upon  thviu,  putting  them 
to  flight,  and  pursuing  them  as  far  as  Ilassicke  River,  Avhich  is  about  two 
day.s'  march  from  the  east  side  of  Hudson's  River,  to  the  north-east,  killing 
(liv(>rs,  and  bringing  away  some  prisoners  with  great  pride  and  triumph, 

*"  Our  wounded  men,  (in  number  about  150,)  beiiiEC  dressed,  were  sent  into  Rhode 
Island,  as  the  best  |)lace  for  their  accoinniodalioii  ;  wiiere,  acc'or(hn<;'ly,  tliev  were  kindly 
received  by  the  s^ovcrnor,  and  others,  only  some  churlish  Quakers  were  not  free  to  enter- 
tain tlieni.  until  compelled  by  the  governor.  Of  so  inhumane,  peevish  and  untoward  a 
disposition  are  these  Nabals,  as  not  lo  vouchsafe  civility  to  tliose  that  had  ventured  their 
li\  cs,  and  received  dangerous  wounds  in  their  defence."  A  new  and  further  Nar.  t^»c. 
of  the  bloudij  Iiid.  ll'</',  !2. 
"  t  Dr.  /.  Mather,  IJrief  Hist.  38. 

X  iJy  Joseph  Slorij,  now  the  eminent  Judge  t^lory.  The  words  in  italics  we  have  sub- 
stituted for  others. 

§In  his  third  part,  which  he  calls  "  A  continued  Account  of  the  Bloudy  Indian  War, 
from  March  till  August,  hJ7(3/"  page  13.  foi.  Lond.  1676. 


33 


1,11  r:  OF  KING  niiLip. 


[IJooK  III 


which  ill  Hiiccess  on  that  sido,  whcro  they  did  not  Rxpcct  nny  rncm\, 
liuviiij,'  Intcly  ciulciivon'd  to  tiiiikf!  ii|t  tli(!  aiicictit  miimosilicH,  did  very 
much  datiiit  and  discoura;,'*!  tin;  said  nortlicrn  ImhaiiH,  ho  that  Honic  hiin- 
(IdmIs  caiiK^  in  and  suhinittod  thfniNclvfs  to  tlit;  i']ngli»ili  at  I'liinouth  colony, 
und  Philip  iiinisclf  '\h  nni  sknlking  away  into  some  Hwuini)with  not  above 
ten  int>n  attending  liini." 

The  various  attacks  and  encounters  he  Iiad  with  tho  EngliHli,  from 
February  to  August,  l<>7<i,  are  so  niiniitely  recorded,  and  in  so  niujiy 
works,  that  we  will  not<!idarg(!  upon  theni  in  this  |>lace. 

\Vh(!n  success  no  longer  attended  him,  in  thc!  western  parts  of  Massa- 
chusetts, those  of  his  allies  whom  he  had  seduced  into  tho  war,  upbraided 
und  ac(;used  him  of  bringing  all  their  mistiirtunes  upon  them  ;  that  tlie\ 
bad  no  cause  of  war  against  the  I'lnglish,  and  had  not  engaged  in  it  bin 
1(M"  his  solicitations ;  and  many  of  the  triluts  scattered  themselves  in  dit'- 
fereni  directions.  With  all  that  woidd  follow  biin,  as  a  lust  retreat,  Philip 
returned  to  i'okanoket. 

The  IVcomptiick  or  Dcerficid  Indiana  w(!ro  among  tho  first  Avho  aban- 
doned his  cause,  und  many  of  tho  other  Nipmucks  und  Narragunsi'ts 
soon  followed  their  cxatn])Ie. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  he  attempted  to  surprise  Taunton,  but  was  repulsert.* 
His  camp  was  now  at  Matapoisct.  The  English  came  n|)on  liim  here, 
under  Ca|)tuin  Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  he  escaped 
over  Taunton  River,  as  he  bad  done  a  year  before,  but  in  the  ojjposite 
direction,  and  screened  himself  once  more  in  tho  woods  of  Pocasset.  He 
used  many  stratagems  to  cut  off  Cupt.  Church,  and  seems  to  have  wutclied 
and  followed  him  from  place  to  place,  until  tlie  end  of  this  month  ;  but 
he  was  continually  losing  one  compuny  of  his  men  after  another.  Some 
scouts  ascertained  that  lie,  and  many  of  his  men,  were  at  u  certain  place 
upon  Taunton  Ilivei,  and,  from  appearances,  were  about  to  repass  it.  His 
camp  was  now  at  this  ])lace,  and  the  chief  of  his  warriors  with  liim. 
Some  soldiers  from  liridgewater  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July 
'30,  and  killed  ten  warriors ;  hut  Philip,  having  disguised  himself,  escuped.f 
His  uncle,  Akkompoin,  was  among  tho  slain,  and  his  own  sister  taken 
prisoner. 

The  late  attempt  by  Philip  tipon  Taunton  had  caused  the  people  nf 
Rridgewater  to  be  more  watchful,  und  some  were  continually  on  thescoin. 
Some  time  in  the  day,  Saturday,  29  July,  four  men,  as  they  were  rangiii!j; 
the  woods,  discovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  th(!ro  were  more  iil 
band,  made  all  haste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitants  of  Bridgewater  of 
their  discovery.  Comfort  Willis  and  Joseph  Edson  were  "pressed"  to  go 
"  post"  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  at  Marslilield,  who  "  went  to  I'li- 
inouth with  them,  the  next  day,  [30  .Inly,]  to  send  Capt.  CAurc/i  with  liis 
company.  And  Cupt.  Church  came  with  them  to  Monponset  on  the  sab- 
bath, and  came  no  further  that  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  the 
next  ilay."  Here  Willis  and  Edson  left  him,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the 
evcjiiing.  Upon  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborhood, 
til  men  "went  out  on  Monday,  supposing  to  meet  with  Capt.  Church: 
but  they  came  upon  the  enemy  and  fought  with  them,  and  took  17  ot" 
them  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And  they  all  returned,  and  not  one 
of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ;  and  received  no  help  from  Church"  Tlii^ 
account  is  given  from  aji  old  manuscript,  but  who  its  author  was  is  not 

*  A  captive  negro  made  liis  escape  from  Philip's  men,  nnd  irave  iiolice  of  llicir  iiilon- 
lloii  ;  "  wlicrcupoii  llie  inliabitants  stooti  upon  llicir  j^iiar<l,  niul  soulilicrs  were  tinioiinly 
sent  in  to  lliem  for  ihcir  relief  and  dofence.''     Fri'valeiicij  af  I'raijt'r,  i). 

t"  'Tis  said  tiiat  lie  liad  newly  cut  off  his  hair,  that  ho  might  not  be  biiwn.'  l!u.- 
bard,  Nar.  101. 


W 


ll 


[ItnoK  III. 

y  niciny, 
I,  <li(l  vi-ry 

lOIIH*   llllll- 

itii  (;i>luiiy, 
not  above 

lisli,  from 
no  niuny 

of  Mnswa- 
iiplx'.-iiilt'd 
lliat  tln'y 
(1  ill  it  liiii 
vcs  ill  (lif- 
vi\t,  Philip 

who  almii- 
irragans'-ts 

ropulw'rt.* 

liiiii  licrc, 

\(i  esca|)('tl 

le  ojipo.site 

casset.  lie 

e  watclied 

lonth ;  but 

icr.   Some 

rtaiii  i)lape 

Hs  it.     His 

with  liiiii. 

iidny,  July 

oscaiM'd.f 

ster  taken 

looplc  of 
thesroiil. 
e  niiij,'in!^ 
e  luorc  ill 
watcv  dl' 
'  to  ^'0 
to  Pli- 
li  wit! I  Ills 
tlic  s;ili- 
thoiii  the 
no  in  the 
l)orli(t()(l. 
Church  ; 
ook  17  of 
I  not  one 
/(."  Tills 
vas  is  not 


their  iiiloii- 
ire  tiiiior.^ly 

ivn.'     //«.- 


HI 

Mlt 


Chap.  Ill 


LIFE  OF  KING  PIIIMP. 


83 


I 


certain.*  Church\t  nrcouiit  dilters  consiihTably  from  it.  Iln  snyn,  that 
on  the  evening  of  the  -snine  day  li»!  and  hit*  eonipany  niarclicd  from  I'li- 
nioiith,  "they  lieard  a  siiuv.t  firing  at  a  distanei;  from  them,  but  it  bciiiff 
near  iii!.'ht,  and  tlie  firing  of  short  continuance,  they  milled  the  phicc,  ana 
went  into  lhidg»!watt;r  town." 

On  the  1  August,  thc!  intrepid  Churrh  cnmn  upon  P/irViVs  liead  qiiar- 
ter.-i,  killed  and  took  about  l.'H)  of  his  peo|d<?, /*/i(7i;>  hiniselt  very  narrow! 
eseaping.     Siieh  was  his  jireeipitation,  tliat  he  lell  ail  his  wani[)um  be" 
and  his  w'de  and  s<jn  fell  into  tlui  hands  of  Church. 

No  sooner  had  the  story  of  the  destruetioii  of  the  Indians  begun  to 
attract  attention,  (wliieh, however,  was  not  until  a  longtime  after  they  had 
iM'eii  distroyed,)  niurh  incpiiry  was  made  concerning  the  fate  of  this  son 
of  thi^  famous  Mttacomet;  and  it  was  not  until  considorablo  time  had 
elapsed,  that  it  was  discovered  that  he  was  sold  into  slavery  !  It  is  grati- 
fviiig  to  learn  what  did  liecome  of  him,  although  it  must  cause  pain  in 
every  huinane  lireast ;  ;iot  more  for  the  lot  of  young  Metacomet^  than  for 
the  wretched  depravity  of  tiic  minds  of  those  who  advised  and  executed 
tiie  de'cree  of  slavery  Uj)on  him. 

SoiiK!  o\' Philip^ s  Indians,  who  now  sciTcd  under  Church,  said  to  him, 
"  Voii  have  now  made  Philip  ready  to  die ;  for  you  have  made  him  as 
jioor  and  miseralihs  as  lie  used  to  make  the  English.  You  have  now 
killed  or  taken  all  his  relations — that  they  believed  he  would  soon  have 
iiis  head,  and  that  this  bout  had  almost  broken  his  heart." 

Church^  relates  this  attack  upon  the  flying  chief  as  follows : — "Next 
niorniiig,  [alter  the  skirmish  in  which  ./MomTJoin  was  killed,]  Capt.  CAwrc/i 
movcil  very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Hridgewater  that  listed  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  pilot- 
uia:,  lie  soon  came,  very  still,  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  wliich  the  enemy 
had  fallen  across  tlie  river;  and  the  captain  spied  an  Indian  sitting  upon 
die  stump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  ri\  er,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up, 
and  had  doubtless  despatched  liim,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  calleil 
hastily  to  him  not  to  tire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  his  own  men  ;  upon 
wliit'ii  the  Indian  upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt.  Church's  In- 
dian, seeing  his  face,  perceived  his  mistake,  for  he  knew  him  to  be  Philip ; 
cla])ped  up  his  gun  and  fired,  but  it  was  too  late;  for  Philip  immediately 
threw  himself  olF  the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side  of  the  river, 
and  made  his  escape.  Capt.  Church,  as  soon  as  possible,  got  over  tlie 
river,  and  scattered  in  quest  of  P/n7?p  and  his  company,  but  the  enemy 
scattered  and  fled  every  way  ;  but  he  picked  up  a  considerable  many  of 
their  women  and  children,  among  which  were  Philip's  wife  and  son  of 
about  nine  years  old."  The  remainder  of  the  day  was  spent  in  pursuing 
the  flying  Philip,  who,  with  his  Narraganscts,  was  still  formidable.  They 
picked  up  many  prisoners,  from  whom  they  learned  the  force  of  those  of 
whom  they  were  in  pursuit.  At  night.  Church  was  under  obligation  to 
return  to  his  men  he  had  left,  but  commissioned  Lightfoot,  captain,  to  lead 
a  party  on  o  -covery.  LAghtfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with  good  suc- 
cess, having  ii.adean  important  discovery,  and  taken  13  prisoners.  Church 
immediately  set  out  to  follow  up  their  advantage.  He  soon  came  w  here 
they  had  made  fires,  and  shortly  after  overtook  their  women  and  children, 
who  "  were  faint  and  tired,"  and  who  informed  them  "that  Philip,  with  a 
great  number  of  the  enemy,  were  a  little  before."  It  was  almost  sunset 
when  they  came  near  enough  to  observe  them,  and  "  Philip  soon  came  to 

*  It  is  published  by  Mr.  Mifchel,  in  his  valuable  account  of  Rridffcwatcr,  and  supposed 
to  have  been  written  by  Comfort  VVillis,  named  above.  Sec  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist  Soc.  vii. 
157. 

t  Hist.  Philip's  War,  38.  cd.  4to. 


34 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  IIL 


a  stop,  and  fell  to  breaking  and  chopping  wood,  to  make  fires ;  and  a  great 
noise  they  made."  Church,  concentrating  liis  followers,  formed  tiiem  into 
a  circle,  and  set  down  "  without  any  noise  or  fire."  Their  prisoners 
showed  gr';at  signs  of  fear,  bnt  were  easdy  ])'.it  in  confidence  by  tiie  con- 
cihatory  conduct  of  Church.  Thus  stood  nutters  in  Churches  camp  through 
the  night  of  the  2  August,  lG7(j.  At  di'.vvn  of  day,  he  told  his  [)rison«'rs 
they  inust  remain  still  where  they  wo'-e,  until  the  fight  was  over,  (for  he 
now  had  every  reason  to  expect  a  severe  one  shortly  to  follow,)  "or, as 
soon  as  tlic  firing  ceased,  they  must  follow  the  tracks  of  his  ci»n)pany, 
and  come  to  them.  (An  Indian  is  next  to  a  bloodhound  to  follow  a 
track.)"* 

It  being  now  light  enough  to  make  the  onset.  Church  sent  forward  two 
soldiers  to  learn  Philip's  j)osition.  Philip,  no  less  wary,  had,  at  the  same 
time,  sent  out  two  spies  to  sec  if  any  were  in  pursuit  of  him.  The  re- 
spective spies  of  the  two  famous  chiefs  gave  the  alarm  tq  both  cam[)s  at 
the  same  time ;  but,  unhappily  for  Philip,  his  antagonist  was  [)repared 
for  the  event,  while  he  was  not.  "  All  fled  at  the  first  tidings,  [of  the 
spies,]  lefl  their  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  wooden 
spits,  and  run  into  a  swamp  with  no  other  breakfast,  than  what  Capt. 
Church,  aflerwarda  treated  them  with."  Church  sent  his  lieutenant,  Mr. 
Isaac  Howland,  on  one  side  of  the  swamp,  while  himself  ran  upon  '.he 
other,  each  with  a  small  party,  hoping,  as  the  swamp  was  small,  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  any.  Exjjecting  that  when  Philip  should  discover  the 
English  at  the  farther  extremity  of  the  swamp,  he  would  turn  back  in  his 
own  track,  and  so  escape  at  the  same  place  he  entered.  Church  had, 
therefore,  stationed  an  ambush  to  entrap  bin-,  in  such  an  event.  But  the 
wariness  of  Philip  disappointed  him.  lie,  thinking  that  the  English 
would  pursue  hun  into  the  swamp,  had  forme'  an  ambush  for  them  also, 
but  was,  in  like  manner,  disap[)ointed.  He  had,  at  the  same  time,  sent 
forward  a  band  of  his  warriors,  who  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  C/iurcA.  and 
Hcdand.  They,  at  firet,  attempted  to  fly,  and  thtn  offered  resistance; 
but  Church  ordered  Matthias^  to  tell  them  the  "-nipracticability  of  such  a 
step.  He  accordingly  called  to  them,  and  said,  '•'■  If  they  fired  one  gun  they 
were  all  dead  men."  Tiiis  threat,  with  the  presence  of  the  English  and 
Indians,  so  amazed  them,  that  they  suffered  "the  English  to  come  and 
take  the  guns  out  of  their  hands,  when  they  Avere  both  charged  and 
cocked."  Having  secured  these  wit'i  a  guard,  armed  with  the  guns  just 
taken  from  them.  Church  i)resses  tlu'ough  the  swamp  in  search  of  Philip, 
towards  the  end  at  which  that  chief  had  entered.  Having  waited  imtil 
he  had  no  hopes  of  ensnaring  Capt.  Church,  Philip  now  moved  on  after 
the  com])any  he  had  sent  forward,  and  thus  the  two  parties  met.  The 
English  had  the  advantajre  oi"  the  first  discovery,  nnd,  covered  by  trees, 
made  the  first  fire.  T'LJip  siood  his  ground  for  a  time,  and  maintained  a 
desperate  fig'^t ;  but,  a  main  body  of  his  warriors  having  been  captured, 
which,  by  this  time,  he  began  to  apprehend,  as  they  did  not  come  to  his 
aid,  he,  therefore,  fled  back  to  the  point  where  he  entered  the  swamp,  and 
thus  fell  into  a  second  ambush.  Hero  the  English  were  worsted,  having 
one  of  their  number  slain,  viz.  Thomas  Lucas,X  of  Plimouth :  thus 
escaped,  fur  a  few  days,  Philip  and  some  of  his  best  captains,  such  as 


*  Hist.  Philip's  War,  39. 

t  One  of  Church's  Indian  soldiers,  but  of  wliom  he  makes  no  mention. 

t  An  impriivident  fellow,  given  lo  i.itoxiration,  ard,  from  C/i«rc/i'*  expression  about 
his  being-  killed,  "  not  being^so  careful  as  he  might  have  been,"  it  leaves  room  to  donbl 
whether  he  weic  not,  at  this  time,  under  tlic  elVects  of  liqu--..  Ho  had  been  often  fined, 
and  once  whipped,  for  getting  drunk,  beating  his  wife  and  children,  defaming  the  char- 
acter of  deceased  magistrates,  and  other  misuemcanors. 


[Book  III. 

and  a  great 
I  them  into 
•  prisoners 
)y  the  con- 
np  throiigli 
3  [)risoners 
.'er,  (for  he 
w,)  "  01-,  as 
conipany, 
)  follow  a 

rward  two 
It  the  same 
The  re- 
1  catnps  at 
i  prepared 
?s,  [of  the 
ir  wooden 
that  Capt. 
enant,  Mr. 

upon  the 
to  prevent 
5cover  the 
>ack  in  his 
kiirch  had, 
.  But  the 
e  English 
them  also, 
time,  sent 
hurch  and 
•esistance ; 
of  such  a 
e  g-un  they 
iiglish  and 
come  and 
irged  and 

guns  just 
of  Philip, 
lited  until 
d  on  after 
net.  The 
1  hy  trees, 
intained  a 
captured, 
ime  to  his 
mmp,  and 
;d,  having 
uth :  thus 
3,  such  as 


ssioa  ahoiil 
nni  to  doubt 
often  fined, 
!"■  the  char- 


EAT 


■¥    :k:i'H^r  FMiiiiiO 


Chap.-II] 


MFC  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


33 


.hJLT. 


Tiispaiiiiin  aiul  Tnloson.     Tliis  was  yViijriif;!  tlic  3(1,  and  PhUip's  number:! 
hud  dfcrcascd,  miici!  *iiu  Ist,  17."{,  liy  llit;  excirtions  oi'  Church.* 

PhiUp,  Iiuviii^^  now  but  few  rulIow(;rs  Icir,  was  driven  from  place  to 
plaL-e,  and  laHtly  to  iiis  ain'icnt  scat  near  Pokanoket.  Tlie  Kiif^lisli,  for  a 
long  time,  bad  endeavored  to  kill  liini,  but  could  not  fuid  bim  otl"  bis  guard  ; 
for  lie  was  always  the  first  vvbo  was  apprized  of  tbeir  upproaeb.  Having 
put  to  deatb  one  of  bis  menf  for  advising  bini  to  make  peace,  bis  brotber, 
fearing  tbe  same  fate,  deserted  bim,  am!  gavt;  Captain  Church  an  account 
of  bis  cbief's  situation,  and  offered  to  lead  bim  to  bis  camp.  Early  on 
Saturday  morning,  1'2  Aug.  Church  came  to  tlu;  swamp  wbere  Philip  was 
encamped,  and,  before  be  W!is  discovei'ed,  bad  j>lac(!d  a  giuud  about  it, 
so  as  to  encompass  it,  except  a  small  jtlace.  He  tbcn  ordered  Captain 
G()lding\  to  rusb  into  the  swanifi,  and  fall  u|inn  Philip  in  his  camp  ;  which 
he  inuncdiately  did — but  was  discovered  as  Ik;  approached,  and,  as  usual, 
Philip  was  tbe  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked  from  sleep,  and  hav- 
ing on  but  a  part  of  his  clothes,  lie  fled  with  all  bis  might.  Coming 
directly  upon  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  who  composed  a  part  of  the 
aiiihusb  at  the  edge  of  tbe  swamp,  tbe  Englishman's  gun  missed  fire,  but 
.'lldertnan,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was  loaded  with  two  balls,  "sent  ouf 
through  his  heart,  and  another  not  above  two  inches  from  it.  lie  fell 
upon  bis  face  in  tbe  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him." 

There  were  many  reports  in  circulation  of  tbe  particulars  of  this  last 
gi'eat  tragedy  of  the  Wampanoag  sachem,  which  occasioned,  as  in  many 
other  events,  different  accounts  being  banded  down;  but  all  of  them 
which  we  have  sjeen,  though  manifestly  contradictory  in  some  particulars, 
liave,  nevertheless,  some  Tacts  of  great  importance.  The  following  being 
exceedingly  curious,  we  give  tbe  substance  of  it.  Besides  containing 
some  additional  facts,  it  serves  to  show  one  of  tbe  different  reports.  It  i--. 
contained  in  a  single  sheet,  in  folio  form,  prhited  in  London,  1(577,  aii'! 
was  licensed  4  Nov.  of  that  year.  Its  title  is,  "The  WAKR  in  NEW 
ENGLAND  visibly  enokd.  King  Philip,  that  barbarous  Indian,  now 
Beheaded,  and  most  of  bis  Bloudy  Adherents  submitted  to  Me  -y,  the 
Rest  fled  far  up  into  tbe  Countrey,  which  bath  given  tbe  Inhabitants  En- 
couragement to  pre|)are  for  their  Settlement,  lieing  a  True  and  jierfect 
Account  brought  in  by  Caleb  More,  IMajter  of  a  vessjl  newly  arrived  frou; 
Rhode  Island."  Ls  substance  is  as  follows :  Philip  bad,  when  be  began 
the  war,  300  men,  but  when  be  was  killed,  10  only  remained  of  tiiem. 
He  was  a  "pestilent  ringleader."  The  swamp  in  which  be  was  killed, 
was  "so  loose,  that  our  men  sunk  to  the  middle"  in  the  mud.  "By 
chance,  the  Indian  guide  and  the  [a]  Plimouth  man,  being  together,  tbi- 
guide  espied  an  Indian,  and  bids  tbe  Plimouth  man  sbool,  whose  gun 
went  not  off,  only  flashed  in  tbe  pan  ;  with  that  tbe  Indian  looked  about, 
and  was  going  fo  shoot,  but  die  Plimouth  man  prevented  bim,  and  shot 
die  enemy  through  the  body,  dead,  with  a  brace  of  bullets  ;  and,  approach- 
ing the  place  where  he  laj^,  upon  search,  it  appeared  to  be  King  Philip, 
to  their  no  small  amazement  and  great  joy.  This  seasonable  prey  was 
soon  divided  ;  they  cut  off  his  head  and  bands,  and  conveyed  them  to 
Rhode  Island,  and  quartered  bis  body,  and  hung  it  upon  four  trees.  One 
Indian  more  of  King  Philip^s  company  they  then  killed,  and  some  of  the 
rest  they  wounded.  But  the  swamp  being  so  thick  and  miry,  they  made 
their  escape." 

*  Church,  41.     In  tlio  account  of  Tatcson,  Church's  narrative  is  contiuueci, 
t  Brother  of  ..4  WiTZ/'orw.  * 

X  Ci\i){.  Ros:er  Gouldejij  of  R.  I.    Plimouth  granted  him  100  acres  of  land  or,  Fo- 
cassct,  in  1G76,  for  his  eminent  services.     J'lim.  Records. 


36  LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP.  [Bcoe  Hi. 

"  Cold,  with  the  beast  he  slew,  he  sleeps ; 
O'er  him  no  filial  spirit  Weeps  j 

Even  that  he  lived,  is  for  his  conqueror's  tongue ; 
By  foes  alone  his  dcalh-son j  must  be  sung ; 

No  chronicles  hut  theirs  snail  toll 

His  mournful  doom  to  fuiure  limes ; 

May  these  upon  his  virtues  dwell, 

And  in  his  fate  forget  his  crimes." — Spragiie. 

Tho  name  of  the  man  stationed  with  Mdernxan  was  Caleb  Cook,*  who 
had  shared  in  many  of  Church^  hazardous  expf-litions  h(!fon!  th(^  prcHCiit. 
Seein<^  tluit  he  could  not  have  tlie  honor  of  killitig  Philip,  ha  was  desi- 
rotis  if  j)ossil)le  of  having  a  memento  of  the  miglity  exploit.  He  therefore 
prevailed  upon  Alderman  to  exchange  guns  with  him.  This  gun  was 
kept  in  the  family  until  the  present  century,  wlten  the  late  Isaar  Lolhrop 
Esq.  of  Plimoiith  ohtained  the  lock  of  it  from  Mr.  Sylvanun  Cook,  late  of 
Kingston.  Si/lvanus  was  great-grandson  of  Caleb.]  The  .stock  and  har- 
rel  of  the  gun  aie  still  retained  by  the  descendants  of  the  name  of  Cook.\ 

We  are  able  to  add  yet  a  little  for  the  gratitication  of  the  cm-ious  :  a  lock 
showti  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  is  said  to  be  the  ,samc  which 
Aldrrman  tised  in  sFiooting  Philip.  This  Alderman  was  a  stibject  of  JVec- 
tamoo.  In  the  commencement  of  this  war,  he  went  to  the  governor  of 
riiniouth,  and  desired  to  remain  in  peace  with  the  English,  and  iminedi- 
ately  took  up  bus  residence  upon  an  island,  remote  I'rom  the  tri!'<'.<  en- 
gaged ill  the  war.  But  after  Philip  bad  returned  to  his  own  r.nutrv, 
Alderman,  upon  some  occasion,  visited  him.  It  was  at  this  time  :)iat  he 
learned  the  late  of  liis  iirother  before  spoken  of;  or  his  murder  was  ac- 
tually coK.Miitted  wliile  he  was  present.  Tiiis  caused  his  liight  to  the 
Knglish,  which  he  thought,  ])rol)al)ly,  the  last  res(»rt  for  vengeance.  He 
"came  down  from  thence,  says  Church,  (where  Philiji^s  c;\u\\;  now  was,) 
on  to  Sand  Point  over  again.t  Trips,  tind  holluw'd,  and  made  fci<'i.s  to  be 
fetch'd  over"  to  the  island,  i'e  was  immediately  brought  over,  and  gave 
the  information  desired.  Capt  Church  had  but  just  arrived  upc^  Rhode 
Island,  and  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  upper  end,  where  Alderman 
landed.     He  had  been  at  home  but  a  le^v  minutes,  when  "they  spy'd  two 


liorsemen  coming  a  great  pace,'' 


he  })rophesied,  "  they  came  with 


tydings."  Major  Sanford  and  Cnj.!.  i- tiding  w(;re  the  horsemen,  "who 
immediately  ask'tl  Capt.  Church  irh'^i  ht  would  give  to  hear  some  news  of 
Philip.  He  reply'd,  Thai  was  what  he  wanted."  The  expedition  was  at 
once  entered  upon,  and  Aldenmm  went  as  their  pilot.  But  to  return  to 
tJie  fall  of  Philip  : — 

"By  this  time,"  continues  Church,  "the  enemy  perceived  they  were 
waylaid  on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  ta.ked  siioit  about,"  and  were  led 
out  of  their  dangerous  situation  by  tht;  jrreat  cajjtain  Annawon.  -'The 
man  that  had  shot  down  Philip  ran  with  all  speed  to  Capt.  Church,  and 
informed  him  of  Iiis  exploit,  who  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it, 
and  let  no  man  more  know  it  until  they  had  drove  the  swami)  clean  ;  but 
when  they  had  drove  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  es- 
caped, or  at  lejist  the  most  of  tiieiii,  and  die  sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew 
gone  that  they  could  not  easily  track  them,  th6  whole  company  met  to- 
gether at  the  place  wlit^re  the  enemy's  night  shelter  wa.s,  and  then  Capt. 

*  Baijlies,  in  liis  N.  I'limouth,  ii.  IbB,  says  his  name  was  Francis,  but  as  ho  gives  no 
authoriiy,  we  adlu'i'c  to   ilder  auihoriiy. 

t  Tins  Caleb  Conk  w.>  son  o(  Jacob  of  Pliniouih,  and  was  born  there,  "'J  Mar.  1(1.51. 
lie  iiad  ;w()  or  mnro  l.iolln'rs  5  .faroh,  l)orn  11  .W;iv,  103.5,  and  Francis,  !)  Jan.  ir)(J,3-4. 
1  fence  ii  is  not  probable  ihat  /''/'a/tci'f  was  a  soldier  at  this  time,  as  hu  was  only  in  hiii 
l.Jiiiye.ir. 

\  Col.  Mass.  I  Hit.  Sue.  iv.  GJ. 


1' 

I 


p\  '.. 


/"     * 


oy  were 

\\cre  led 
^'The 

urrh,  and 
aliout  it, 

can ;  but 
had  es- 
tiic  dew 
met  to- 

len  Capt. 

lie  e;ives  no 


i| 


Crap.  H] 


LiFi;  OF  KING  Piin.ir. 


37 


I 


C/)J»f/t  trave  them  t}i(>  in'.v.s  n{  Philip's  dvnili.  Upon  '.vhieh  the  wliole 
army*  fXave  three  loud  Im/./.as.  Capt.  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be 
pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland.  So  some  of  (,'apt.  Church's  In- 
diaiisi  took  hold  of  him  hv  his  stocUitifrs,  mid  some  by  h:;<  Kmall  bre'-ehes, 
bi'ini'"  otiirrwisf!  naked,  and  drew  him  through  the  mud  unto  the  u[)lan(i  ; 
and  a  doll  lid,  great,  ntdied  dirty  beast,  he  looked  like."  (Now  follows 
one  of  the  most  barbarous  passages  in  the  life  of  the  excellent  Church. 
As  the  word  excellent  may  surpris<!  some  of  my  readers,  I  will  add,  in  cut 
far  as  it  is  possible  for  a  warrior  to  he  so.)  Capt.  *'hnrch  thtiii  said,  "  For- 
asmuch as  he  has  caused  mani/  an  Knirlmh-.nau's  bodjj  to  lie  unburied  and 
rot  ahore  s;round,  not  one  of  his  bones  shall  be  buried  T 

Witli  the  great  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followei-s,  one  of  whom 
was  his  chief  captain's  son,f  and  the  very  Indian  who  fired  the  fust  gun 
at  the  conunencemeiit  of  the  war. 

^'Philip  having  on^•  very  remarkable  hand,  being  much  scarred,  occa- 
sioned by  the  sphtting  of  a  pistol  in  it  1bimerl\,  Capt.  Church  gave  the 
head  and  that  liai.  1  to  ^'llderman,  the;  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to 
such  gt'iitlemen  as  would  itestow  grauiities  upon  him ;  and  accordii  gly 
he  got  many  a  penny  by  it."| 

The  barl)arous  usag(;  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now 
executed  upon  the  fallen  Philip.  Church,  ''calling  his  old  Itidian  execu- 
tioner, bid  him  behead  and  (piarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  with  his 
iiatchet,  and  stood  oxer  him,  but  befoiv!  he  struck,  he  made  a  small  speech, 
directing  it  to  Philip"  saying,  "  low  have  been  a  very  grerd  man,  and  have 
tnade  many  a  man  afraid  of  you ;  but  so  biif  as  you  be  I  will  now  chop  your 
ass  [arse]  for  you."    He  then  jiroceeded  to  the  execution  of  his  orders. 

His  head  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon  a  gibbet 
for  20  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  Boston,  where  it  was  exhibited 
ill  savage  triumjih,  and  his  mangled  body  was  denied  the  right  of 
sepulture. 

Church  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  same  day,  and  ar- 
rived with  the  prisoners  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tuesday, 
August  15,  "ranging  through  all  the  woods  in  their  way."  They  now 
"rec<'ived  their  premium,  which  was  .'10  shiUings  per  head,"  for  all  ene- 
mies killed  o'-  ♦aken,  "instead  of  all  wages,  and  Philip's  head  went  at  the 
same  price."  Vh'is  amounted  to  only  four  and  sixpence  apiece,  "which 
was  all  the  re    ird  they  had,  except  the  honor  of  killing  Philip." 

During  the  bloody  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  and  often 
with  their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he  would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver 
their  enemies  into  their  hands  ;  and  when,  upon  stilted  days  of  pi  yer,  the 
Indians  gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  rebuke  of  l*ro\  ideiice. 
and  animated  them  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor;  and  on  the  contrary, 
when  their  arms  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  ii.nnediate 
interposition  in  their  favor.  The  philosophic  mind  will  be  shocked  at 
the  expressions  of  some,  very  eminent  in  that  day  for  piety  and  excel- 
lence of  moral  life.  Dr.  Increase  Mather,^  in  speaking  of  the  etlicacy  of 
))rayer,  in  bringing  about  the  destruction  of  the  Indians,  say-,  "  .Nor  could 
tliey  [the  English]  cease  crying  to  the  Lo'"d  against  Philip,  until  they  had 
)»raye(l  the  bullet  into  his  heart."  And  in  speaking  of  tiu!  slaughter  of 
/^/)(7i//s  peo|)le,  at  \arraganset,  he  says,  "  We  have  heartl  of  two-and- 
twi'iity  Indian  captains,  slain  all  of  them,  and  brought  down   to  hell   in 

*  Kifj'litecn  Eiiif'isli  anct  twcniy-two  Indian-  constitultMi  his  army  a  week  before,  but 
wo  know  not  liow  iiiany  were  at  the  tnkiiiu''  ol  /'/(iVi/).  thoiiirh  we  may  sunpose  about 
the  .satr.f  ;  iui>','-  r.     Hence  this  expedition  eost  tiie  colony  £*>. 

t  •  erv  ,iiobab!y  a  son  of  Vncompoin,  or  Woonaslivm. 

^  Ii;  1)1$  •'  t'lrivalency  of  Prayer,"  page  10. 


38 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 


one  dny."  Again,  in  speaking  of  a  chief  who  liad  sneered  at  the  Eng- 
lish religion,  and  who  had,  "  withal,  added  a  most  hideous  hlaspheniy, 
immediately  upon  which  a  hullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and  dnsiied  out 
his  hrains,  sending  his  cursed  soul  in  a  moment  amongst  the  devils,  and 
l)laspliern(!rs  in  iicll  forever."* 

Tiiese  extracts  are  made  with  no  other  view  than  to  show  the  habiu 
of  thinking  in  those  times. 

Tii(!  low  and  vulgar  epithetsf  sneeringly  cfist  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
Englisii  contemporaries  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a  single  individual,  but 
to  the  English  in  general.|  It  is  too  obvious  that  the  early  historians 
viewed  the  Indians  as  inferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  far  as  hardly  to 
allow  them  to  he  human. 

Like  Mnssasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a  button  upon 
his  '•oat.§  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gookin, 
respecting  Philip's  feelings  upon  religious  matters;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a  time  when  he  was  willing  to  listen  to.  such  men  as  the  excel- 
lent and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  s|)eaking  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says, 
"  There  are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  and  chiefest  sachem, 
named  Pliilip,  living  at  PawkunnawkuU.  Some  of  his  chief  men,  as  I 
hear,  stand  well  inclined  to  hear  the  gospel :  and  himself  is  a  person  of 
good  undei-standing  and  knowk-dire  in  the  best  things.  I  have  heard 
him  speak  ve^y  good  words,  arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted: 
l)Ut  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to  embrace  Jesus  Christ,  his  sensual  and 
carnal  lusts  are  strong  bands  to  hold  him  fast  under  Satan's  dominious."|| 
And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  "It  was  not  long,  before  the  hand  which  now 
writes,  [1700,]  upon  a  certain  occasion  took  off"  the  jaw  from  the  exposed 
skill'  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  uid  the  renowned  Samuel  Lee  hath 
since  been  a  pastor  to  an  English  congregation,  sounding  and  showing 
the  i)raised  of  heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  gi-ound,  where  Philip  and 
his  Indians  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  devil."1I 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grandson  to  Massasoit,  is  so  well  known  to 
be  such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform 
the  reader  of  its  origin.  The  following  passage  from  Mr.  Josselyn's  work** 
will,  besides  proving  him  to  be  the  author  of  the  error,  at  least  the  first 
writer  timt  ?•  denominates  him,  furnish  some  valuable  information. 
Speaking  of  the  Indians  in  general,  he  says,  "Their  beads  are  their 
tnoncy  ;  of  these,  there  an,  two  sorts,  blue  beads  and  white  beads ;  the 
first  is  their  gold,  the  last  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain 
shells,  so  c'.nningly,  that  neitfier  Jew  nor  Devil  can  counterfeit.+f  They 
drill  tK^'.n  and  string  them,  end  make  many  curious  works  with  them,  to 


'  i'rpvalciic  of  Prayer,  page  7. 

I  ?i'cli  a-  ''''i'i,  wolves  blood-hounds,  demons,  deirils-incamate,  caitiffs,  hell-Iwmul.i. 
jicncis,  Kon:ti  rslicasis,  6lc.  Occasional  quolations  will  show  what  authors  have  used 
thc^i'. 

\  i'he  autho''  of  •  Indian  Tales"  has  falhcreti  all  ho  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Hubbard. 
He  mail  be  i,  'ijed  i>pon  to  point  out  the  jmssagc  in  that  valuable  author's  works  where 
he  has  rallc'l  m-^  c-'umj  of  the  Indians  "  hell-lwunds."  iSuch  loose,  gratuitous  expres- 
sions will  not  do  at  the  bar  of  history. 

(i  Magualia. 

II  1  Co/.  Mass.  Hist.  Sac.  i.  200. 

f  Mr.  Lie  ./as  taken  by  the  French  in  a  voyage  to  England,  and  carried  into  their 
country,  where  he  died,  in  l(i!)l.  This  event,  it  was  thotight.  hastened  his  end.  Per- 
haps the  surviving  natives  did  not  attribute  (he  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory, 
and  Icicdiing  a  religinn  lliev  could  not  liolievc;  but  might  they  not  with  equal  propriety? 

*"*  .VccounI  of  two  \oyages  to  New  England,  1  I'i,  113. 

tt  Of  this  he  was  misinformed.  There  was  much  sjiurious  wampum,  which  became  a 
subject  of  legislation,     f^ee  Hazan's  Hisl.  Col.  vol.  ii. 


)0K   III. 

e  Eng- 
pheiiiy, 
led  out 
ils,  and 

5  hah\\A 

by  their 
lual,  but 
istorians 
lardly  to 

•istiaiiity 
)ortance, 
on  upon 
,  Gookin, 
ows  that 
lie  excel- 
he  says, 

sachem, 
[uen,  as  I 
)erson  of 
ve  heard 
onvicted : 
nsual  and 
unions."|l 
nkh  now 
e  exposed 
:  Lee  hath 

showing 
'hilip  and 

nown  to 
to  inform 
I's  work** 
the  fii-st 
formation. 

are  their 
leads ;  the 

if  certain 
,tt  They 
li  tiiem,  to 


Ihell-houmls. 
Is  have  used 

|r.  Hiihlmrd. 

lorks  where 

llous  expres- 


Bcl  into  their 
nul.    Vox- 

pir  tprritorv, 
propriety  ? 

|:h  became  a 


Cn.u'.  III.] 


NANUNTP^NOO. 


41 


whole  company  at  Paiducket — Incidents  rclalins:  to  that  fghf — J^'otice  of 
Copt.  Piirsc — J\''(tnuntiiwo  siirpn,ieil  and  taken — His  magnanimity — 
Speech  to  his  captors — Is  executed  and  his  body  burnt — (.'assassinnamo'n — 
Catapazet — Monopoidc — An.nawo.n — His  escape  from  the  swamp  tvhen 
Philtj)  i"(is  killed — Capl.  Church  sent  out  to  capture  him — Discovers  his 
retreat — Takes  him  prisoner — His  ma<>;nanimous  behavior — His  speech  to 
Church — Presents  him  ivith  Philip''s  ornaments — Description  of  them — 
Church  takes  Annawon  to  Plimoulh,  where  he  is  pid  to  death — CIuinna- 
pi> — His  connections  and  marriap;c — Jit  the  capture  of  Lancaster — Jlc- 
covnt  of  his  w'ives — fVectamoo — He  is  taken  and  shot — Tuspaquin — 
His  sales  of  lands — His  operations  in  Philip^ s  fVar^Surrenders  himself, 
and  is  put  to  death — Refections  npon  his  executioiwrs — Tatosojj — Early 
notices  of— Captures  a  garrison  in  Plimouih — Trial  and  execidion  oj 
Keweenam — Totoson  dies  of  a  broken  heart — Barrow  cruelly  murdered 

TVASKS. 

A'lmunteiioo,  son  of  Miantnnnomoh,  "  was  chief  sacliem  of  all  the  Nar- 
nifransctH,  and  heir  of  all  his  father's  ])ri(ie  and  insolency,  as  well  as  of  his 
nialieo  against  the  English."*  Notwitiistanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a  contemporary,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Mianlunno- 
j/io//,  to  find  excuse  lor  "malice  and  insolency"  tenfold  more  than  was 
contained  in  the  breast  of  JVanuntenoo. 

Tlie  I'iMglish  had  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  his  tribe, 
liiniied  them  to  death  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies 
l)k'acliiiig  in  the  wintry  blast!  Tlie  swamp  fight  of  the  19  Dec.  1G75, 
could  not  be  forgotten !  JVanvntenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we 
caiuiot  doubt  that  he  acquitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we 
liave  of  liim. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  English  was  Canonchef. 
l\v  had  been  in  Boston  the  October  iiefbre  the  war,  upon  a  treaty,  at 
wlii<'ii  time  he  received,  among  other  presents,  a  silver-laced  coat.  Dr. 
Mather  says,  speaking  of  th  .^  Narragansets,  "their  great  sachem  called 
Qjianonrhet,  was  a  principal  ringleader  in  the  NaiTaganset  war,  and  had 
as  jureat  an  interest  and  influence,  as  can  \m  said  of  any  among  the  In- 
dians ;"f  anil  that,  "  when  he  was  taken  and  slain,  it  was  an  amazing  stroke 
to  the  eneniy."t 

The  name  of  Canonchet  stands  first  to  the  treaty,  to  which  we  have 
just  alhided,  whicii  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct.  1(J75.  By  that 
tiraty,  the  Xarragansets  agreed  to  deliver  to  tiie  English  in  10  days,  "all 
and  euery  one  of  the  saiil  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Philip,  the 
Porasset  Hqva,  or  the  Saconett  Indians,  Quabaug,  Hadley,  or  any  other 
sachem?;  or  j)eople  that  bane  l)in  or  are  in  hostillitic  with  the  English,  or 
any  of  their  allies  or  abettors."^     The  names  to  the  treaty  are  as  follows: 

"  Quananchett's  v'^  ma^-k, 
Witnesses.  sachem  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Conanacns  a7iu  the  Old 

RitnAKD  Smith,  Queen  and  Pomham  aiid  Quaunapeen,     (seal) 

.Iames  Brow>'F.,  Manatannoo  counccllir   his  -[- 

.Samikl  Goivvoy,  Jr.  mark,  and  Caunoivdcua  in  his  behalf,     (seal) 

hderpreters.  Ahanmanpowett's  -\-  mark, 

John  Nowhk.nett's  X  »w/i>  counceller  and  his     (seal) 

Indian  interpreter.  Cornman,    chciffe    counceller    to 

Ninnegrett,  in  his  behalfe,  and  a  seal  (S.)" 

rp.t'oiialily  he  (|uesti()iieil,  in  liiis  iiiirliciilar,  wiien  tlie  more  glaring  error  of  the  name 
ot'ihi>  person  said  to  lia\e  killed  rhilip,  is  staring  us  in  the  face. 

^  lliihbard,  G7. — i\b-.  Oldwixnn  calls  liiiii  '•  the  mighty  sachem  of  Nnrraganset." — 
lirii.  Empire.  \  HiUf  Hisl.'H'i.  "  \  I'revokncij  of  Prayer,  \\. 

^  It  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Hazard's  Collections,  i.  53G,  537. 

4  * 


42 


NANUNTENOO. 


[Book  III. 


Tlie  Indians  having  carried  their  whirlwind  of  wnr  to  the  very  doors 
of  Plitnouth,  caused  the  sending  out  of  Capt.  Peircc,  (or,  as  his  nunie  is 
uniformly  in  die  records,  Pcirsc,)  lo  chvert  them  from  these  ravages,  and 
(h;stroy  as  many  of  them  jus  lit;  was  ahh>.  lie  had  a  large  company,  con- 
sisting of  70  men,  '20  of  wliom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these,  no 
«Ionbt,  Peirse  thought  himself  safe  against  any  j)ovver  of  the  Indians  in 
that  regiun. 

Meanwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  capt/-.iii  of  the  Narragansets,  JVanun- 
tc.noo,  learning,  we  pi*esume,  by  his  spies,  tiie  dnection  the  English  were 
taking,  assenjhled  his  warriors  at  a  crossing  })lace  on  Pawtucket  itiver,  at 
a  point  adjacent  to  a  place  since  called  Jlttltborough-Gore,  and  not  far  dis- 
tant from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  ju(ij,'"d  that  JVanunttnoo  was  upon  an 
ex|)editi()n  to  attiick  Plimouth,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force 
was  estimated  at  upwards  of  ;10()  men. 

On  arriving  at  this  fatal  place,  some  of  jY(tmmlenoo\9  men  showed 
themselves  retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagent 
succeeded, — Peirse  Ibl lowed.*  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  west(!rn  side, 
than  the  warriors  of  Aanu/i/tJioo,  like  an  avalanche  from  a  mountain,  rushed 
down  upon  him:  nor  striving  for  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than 
their  fues,  fought  them  fice  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A  part  of  J^^'anuntenoo's  ibrce  remained  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  to 
prevent  the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  effectually  did,  as  in 
iiie  event  will  appear.  When  Caj)t.  Peirse  saw  himself  henuned  in  by 
numbers  on  every  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  margin  of  the 
river,  in  two  ranks,  back  to  back,f  and  in  this  manner  fought  until  nearly 
all  his  men  were;  slain.  Peirse  had  timely  sent  a  messenger  to  Providence 
for  assistance,  and  although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than 
six  nr  eight  miles,  from  some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived  ;  andMr. 
i/i7/;f;«;v/t  adils,  "  As  Solomon  saith,  a  faithful  messenger  is  as  snow  in 
harvest." 

Tliis  dreadful  fight  was  on  Sunday,  2(5  March,  1G7G,  when,  as  Dr. 
JMalhcr  says,  "Capt.  Peirse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  him, 
«Md  eight,  (or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English."  The  Rev. 
Till .  JWwman  of  Rehoboth  wrote  a  letter  to  Plimouth  dated  the  day  after 
the  slaughter,  m  which  he  says,  "52  of  our  English,  and  11  Indians," 
were  slaiii.§  The  company  was,  no  doultt,  increased  by  some  who  vol- 
imt(M>re(l  as  they  marclKul  tJu'ough  the  country,  or  by  such  as  were  taken 
for  j)ilots. 

.\''anunlcnoo\s  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
la'-_j  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Indians  that  were  after- 
Avards  taken  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  iloul)t,  is  not  far  from 
the  truth. II 

An  Englishman,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  who  escaped  from  this  dis- 
astrous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  the  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner: 
The  friendly  Indian  l)eing  taken  for  a  Narraganset,  as  he  was  pm-suing 
with  an  u[>lirted  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  one  interfered,  seeing 
him  pursue  an  unarmed  Englishman  at  such  great  advantage.  In  this 
maimer,  covering  themselves  in  the  woods,  they  escaped. 

A  friendly  Indian,  being  pursued  by  one  of  J\ranunenoo's  men,  got 
behind  the  root  of  a  fallen  tree.     Tiius  screened  by  the  earth  raised  upon 


*  Dr.  MallfT  (Hrief  Hist.  2I'.)  says,  "  a  small  iiinnbcr  of  the  oemy  who  in  desperate 
subtlety  ran  away  Ironi  t!i  -ni,  and  they  wont  limping  to  make  the  Ennjlish  believe  lliey 
were  lame,"  and  thus  elTei/ted  their  ul)jocl. 

t  Di'diH-'s  llisi.  Seiuu.ie.  121.  t  Narrative,  64. 

(&  See  the  letiei  fi^i\  in^-  tlie  names  of  the  company  in  Deanc's  Scituatc,  122, 123. 

II  Mr.  Htibbard's  account  is  the  same. 


QE   III. 

doors 
unie  19 
Mi,  and 
y,  con- 
i3se,  no 
ans  in 

Vanun- 
h  were 
ivcr,  at 
far  dis- 
pon  an 
is  force 

showed 
atageni 
•rn  side, 
,  rushed 
re  than 
very, 
river,  to 
id,  as  in 
;d  in  hy 
I  of  the 
il  nearly 
)vid(nicc 
ore  than 
and  Mr. 
snow  in 

1,  as  Dr. 
k^illi  liim, 
he  Rev. 
lay  after 
lulians," 
lo  vol- 
0  taken 

>ns,  the 
)poar  as 
e  aftor- 
far  from 

tliis  dis- 
nianner : 
)ursuing 
,  seeing 
In  this 

men,  got 
sed  upon 

desperate 
elicve  lliey 

rrative,  G4. 
123. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  THILIF. 


\VJ 


(|ii(';-ts  them  "to  pay  to  this  l)earer,  for 
money,  and  £5  in  trucking  cloth,  at  nic 


adorn  the  persons  of  their  sagamortis  and  principal  men,  and  yoinig 
•\V(imcM,  as  heltH,  ginlles,  tahlcts,  Ixmlers  for  their  women's  hair,  hnicelcts, 
necklaces,  and  links  to  liang  in  tlieir  ears.  Prince  Plnlip,  a  little  licrnre  I 
came  for  Kngland,  [lti7J,]  coming  to  IJoston,  had  a  coat  on  imd  Imskins 
set  thick  with  these  heads,  in  pleasant  wild  works,  and  a  liroad  licit  of 
tlie  same  ;  his  accoutrements  wen;  valued  at  £^0.  The  I'lnglish  mer- 
chant giveth  them  10.9.  a  fathom  iov  tlieir  white,  and  as  inucii  more,  or 
near  upon,  for  tlitrir  Ithn;  heads."  "The  roytelet  now  of  the  I'ocanakets 
is  prince  Pliilip,  aliius  J\lct(tcon,  the  grandson  oi' Massasoity^ 

In  Noveinher,  !()(!!•,  Philip  sold  to  the  selectmen  of  Dedham,  the  tract 
of  land  called  IVoollommonuppoifue  "  within  the  town  Iiounds,  [u\'  Ded- 
Jiani,]  not  yet  purchased."  What  the  full  tMjusideration  jiaid  to  him  was, 
we  do  not  learn.     Jn  an  order  which  he  sent  to  them  ath-rwards,  he  re- 

the  use  of  King  Philip,  £5  5,9. 
iioney  jirice."  In  a  receipt  signed 
hv  Pdtr,  the  following  amount  is  named  :  "In  reference  to  the  payment 
of  King  Philip  of  Mount  Hope,  the  full  and  just  sum  of  £5  .'is.  in  money, 
and  twelve  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  three  pounds  of  iiowder,  and  as  much 
lead  as  to  make  it  up  ;  which  is  in  full  satisfaction  w  ith  £10  that  he  is  to 
receive  oiWathanitl  Pn?!e."f 

While  Mrs.  Rotvlundson  was  a  captive  in  the  wilderness  witli  the  allies 
ol'  Philip,  she  mentions  meeting  with  him;  and  althongh  she  speaks  ollen 
with  bitterness  of  the  Indians  in  general,  yet  of  him  nothing  of  that  nature 
appears  in  her  journal.  The  party  she  was  with  visited  Philip  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Northfield,  then 
called  Sipiakeng.  Ihiving  arrived  at  the  jioint  of  crossing,  Mrs.  Rouiand- 
son  says,  "We  must  go  tjver  the  river  to  Phil{p\'i  crew.  When  I  was  iu 
the  canoe,  I  could  not  Init  be  amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  pagans 
that  were  on  the  bank  on  the  other  side."  She  was  much  afraid  they 
meant  to  kill  her  here,  but,  being  assured  to  the  contrary,  become  more 
resigned  to  her  fate.  "Then  came  one  of  them,  (she  says,)  and  gave  me 
two  spoonfuls  cf  meal  (to  comfort  me,)  and  another  gave  me  half  a  pint 
of  pens,  which  was  worth  more  than  many  bushels  at  another  time. 
Then  I  went  to  see  King  Philip  ;  he  ])ade  me  come  in  and  sit  down  ; 
and  asked  me  whether  I  would  smoke  it;  (a  usual  compliment  now  a 
days,  among  the  saints  and  sinnei"s ;)  but  this  no  ways  suited  me."| 

"Dining  my  abode  in  this  place, /"/itV//;  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt 
for  his  boy,  which  I  did;  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling."  "After- 
ward he  asked  ine  to  mak(!  a  cap  tor  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to 
dinner;  I  went,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers; 
it  was  made  of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears'  grease;  but  I 
thought  I  never  tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life."§ 

It  is  extremely  gratifying  to  hear  any  testimony  in  favor  of  tl/e  Inimaii- 
ity  of  men  so  near  a  state  of  nature.  We  speak  not  of  tnis  because  such 
testimonies  are  few,  for  they  are  many,  as  it  is  unnecesssry  to  ajiprizti 
die  reader  of  oven  a  few  pages  in  this  book.  To  say  the  ieast  of  Philip\'i 
liuuianity,  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  have  any  knowl- 
edge, as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
(in  what  is  new  New  Ilamiisliirc  and  Vermonf,)  towards  Wachuset, 
"having  indeed  my  life,  (says  ]Mrs.  Rowlandso^,)  but  litde  spirit,  Philip, 
who  was  in  the  company,  came  up,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said, 

*  Account  of  two  Voyasfos  to  New  Mii-rlnnd,  I  W.  Ho  is  also  called  grandson  of 
Mns-fiiysiiit .  in  the  work  entitled  J'nsiiit  l^tate  t'f  Ni;w  Englajid,  in  rcsprct  to  the  Indian 
II'"'.  fol.  London,  lG7f)  ;  tin;  author  of  lliat  work  doubtless  copied  from  Josselyn. 

t  .^IS,  Documeiils  anionn-  our  state  papers. 

i  Xarralicc  of  her  Cupliiitij,  i3C,  o'J.  §  Ibid.  40. 


40 


lAVEH  OF  I'lIILU'S  ('HIEF  CAPTArNS, 


[Hook  III 


'  Two  loeeks  more  and  you  shall  be  mutres.1  afrainJ'  1  nskecl  him  if  lif 
Npoke  triH!:  ho  suid,  '  Yea,  and  (juickli/  you  shall  come  to  your  masUr* 
again,''  who  hud  hciui  ^(uks  (loiii  us  thrtjo  \v(ukM."f 

1(1  hriiijfiiij,'  our  a('(;oiiiit  of  this  truly  f^rcnt  uiun  towards  a  close,  w«i 
must  not  forgot  to  |»rfsoiit  tiio  reader  with  a  Kpeeimeii  of  ihi?  laufjuage  in 
wliieh  lie  spoke.     The  following  is  the  Lord's  prayer  in  NVampanoag: — 

^Yoo-shun  kes-uk-qnt,  (jut-tian-at-um-unrh  koo-wc-su-nnk,  kuk-ktl-as-soo- 
tam-oonk  pey-au-moo-utch,  kut-le-nan-tam-oo-onk  ne  nai,  nc-ya-ne  ke-suk-ifut 
kah  oh-ke-it.  .'h-sa-tna-i-in-ne-an  ko-ko-ke-suk-o-dn-r  nut-as-e-suk-ok-ki 
pc-tuk-iiun-nefr.  Kah  nh-iiuo-an-tnm-a-i-in-man  nuui-inulch-c-se-ong-an- 
on-ash,  ne-ivutch-e  ne-na-wun  wonk  nul-ah-(jno-un-l(tm-av-o-un-non-og  nish- 
uoh  pasuk  noo-na-mon-luk-qnoh-who-n(tn,kah  ahquc  sfi::;~'ii)m-pa-g{n-nc-(in 
I  a  (lukk-e-hd-tn-ong-n-nit,  (pit  noh-ipia-wns'sin-nc-an  iritlrk  matcti-i-lnt.\ 

Sinee  wo  are  upon  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  pro|)erly  he 
added.  There  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  iMass.  Hist.  Society  a 
large  skinnner,  which  some  have  mistaken  I'or  a  bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root 
of  ash,  tiiat  will  hold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical 
inscri))tion,  in  gilt  letters:  "  Jl  trophy  J'roiii  t/if  irigivam  of  King  l'iiili|); 
when  he  was  slain  in  1()76,  by  Richard ;  presented  by  lObeiiezer  Richard, 
his  grandson. ^^§ 


CIIAPTER  III. 

LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF    CAPTAINS. 


"  I  am  a  man,  and  yon  arc  nnother." 

Blcck-hawk^s  speech  t   President  Jaclcson. 


Navuntenoo — Reasons  for  lis  aiding  Philip — His  former  name — Meets 
the  English  and  Indians  unikr  Capt.   Peirse — Fights  and  destroys  Mx 

*  Qiiinnapin.     Socliis  life.  t  INJir.  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  G.S. 

X  Eliot's  liulinn  Hihlc,  Luke  xi.  2— I. 

^  No  mention  is  niiule  to  wiioni,or  when  it  was  presented.     It  does  not  appear  Id  us 
to  bo  of  »uch  antiquity  as  its  inscription  pretends ;  and  the  trutii  of  which  may  very 


! 


CiiAP.  nil 


NANCNTENOO. 


43 


tli(!  roots,  tlm  riuliiiii  that  iMirsm-d  waitnl  lor  liiin  fo  run  from  liis  natural 
lort,  kiiowin;;  lio  would  not  dari'  to  iiiaiiitaiii  it  lori;,'.  'I'lio  other  soon 
tlioii^jht  of  uii  cxpfiht'iit,  u  linh  was  to  inakt^  a  [lort-lioli-  in  his  hreust 
work,  wliifli  hf  easily  iliil  l>y  tli;.'ifiiiir  tliroufih  tho  dirt.  WUm  lin  liad 
done  this,  he  put  his  gun  through,  and  shot  his  pursiii  r,  then  tlt-d  in  pir- 
lect  sali'ty. 

AnothiT  esi'nped  in  a  manner  v<'ry  similar.  In  liis  flight  lie  got  be- 
hin<l  a  large  rock.  This  atlonled  him  ii  good  shelter,  hut  in  the  «'iid  ho 
Fjiw  nothing  IhU  certain  death,  and  tiie  longer  he  held  nut  tiie  more  misery 
lie  must  suffer.  In  this  de|(|orahle  situatioii,  he  bethought  himself  to  try 
tJK!  following  device.  Putting  his  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  very 
gradually  above  the  rock,  as  though  to  discover  the  position  olhis  enemy: 
it  had  the  desired  effect — Ik;  lire<l  u[)on  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now 
nislicd  upon  him,  before  ho  could  reload  his  gun,  inid  despatched  him. 
Thus,  its  iMr.  Hiihliard  says,  "  it  is  worth  the  noting,  wiiat  faithfulness  and 
courage  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  shewed  in  this  fight."  'I'hat  this 
most  excellent  author  did  not  approve;  of  the  severity  exercised  towards 
those  who  ap[)(!ared  friendly,  is  abundantly  proved  by  his  writings.  In 
another  plact;  he  says,  "  Possibly  if  some  of  the  English  bad  not  been  too 
shy  in  making  use  of  such  of  them  as  were  well  aflected  to  their  interest, 
they  never  need  have  sidfered  so  much  from  their  enemies." 

A  notice  may  be  reasonably  expected  of  the  unfortunate  Capt.  ff'ilHam 
Pcirst;  of  Scituate.  lie  was  one  of  those  adventurous  spirits  "who  never 
knew  fear,"  and  who  sotight  rather  than  shrunk  from  dangers.  lie;  was, 
like  his  great  antagonist,  in  the  Narraganset  fight;  and  in  KITM,  wiien  iho 
govenunent  of  Plimouth  raised  a  force  to  go  against  the  Dutch,  who  had 
encroached  upon  them  in  Connecticut,  bo  was  appointed  ensign  in  one 
of  the  companies.  He  resided  in  several  places  before  going  to  Plimouth. 
Mr.  ])euvj\  in  his  History  of  Sciluate,  gives  a  genealogical  account  of  his 
family,  finm  which  we  leam  that  he  had  a  second  wife,  and  several  sons 
and  (laughters.  Of  what  fimily  he  was,  there  is  no  mention.*  lie  pos- 
sessed considerable  estate,  and  made  bis  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with 
the  Indians. 

The  "sore  defeat "  of  Capt.  PeiVsf,  and  the  tide  of  the  Ii'dians'  suc- 
cesses about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  their 
whole  strength. 

^yanuntenoo  came  down  from  the  country  tipon  Connecticut  River, 
early  in  Rlarch,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  seed  corn  to  plant  such 
ground  as  the  Ilnglish  had  been  driven  from,  and  to  eflect  any  other 
object  he  might  meet  with.  Whether  be  had  efl'ected  the  first-named 
object  before  falling  in  with  Pcirsc,  we  are  not  able  to  state ;  but  certain 
it  is,  that  he  was  but  few  days  after  eiicanijied  very  near  the  ground  where 
tiie  fight  had  been,  and  was  there  fallen  upon  at  unawares,  when  but  a 
few  of  his  men  were  present,  and  there  taken  ])risoner. 

JWtmintenoo  was  nearly  as  niin'li  dreaded  as  Philip  himself,  and  con- 
sequently his  cai)ture  caused  great  rejoic.ig  among  his  enemies,  and  re 
quires  to  be  jiarticularly  related. 

Four  volunteer  companies  from  Connecticut  began  their  tnarch  into 
the  enemy's'  country  the  next  day  afler  Pawtucket  fight.  Among  the 
captains  of  these  companies,  Geor<ce  Dcnison  of  Southerton  was  tin;  most 
conspicuous.  Tiie  others  were  commanded  by  James  Avery,  John  Slauntoriy 
and  3Iaj()r  Palms,  who  also  had  tlu;  chief  command.     With  these  wero 

*  III  tlio  Records  of  Plimoiitli.  under  dale  Mnrrli,  lf>G9,  tlierc  is  lliis  entry  ; — "  Michel 
y'(//-AV  of  Writtuato'"  was  prosoiileil  al  ilie  court  lor  vnsccmly  earriagos  towards  ^orah 
l^irhols  of  Srittiiate,''  and  '•  forasimicli  as  there  appeared  but  one  leslimony  to  the 
p'sentnienl,  and  that  the  leslimony  was  wrillen  and  not  read  viito  the  deponaiit,  the 
court  saw  cause  to  remit  the  said  p'senlnieut.'' 


.<^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


^|2£    MIS 

^  1^   12.2 

H2.0 

1.4 


2f  Ii4  I 

u 

KtUb 


urn 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)872-4S03 


44 


NANUNTENOO. 


[Book  III. 


three  companies  of  Indians;  one  led  by  Oneko,  composed  of  Mohegans; 
one  of  Pecjuots,  hy  Cassusinnamon ;  and  llic  other  of  Nianticks,  by  Catapo' 
zct ;  in  all  al)out  80. 

When  this  furmidable  army  came  near  to  JVanuntenoo^s  camp,  on  the 
Hrst  week  in  April,  1G7G,  "they  met  with  a  stout  Indian  of  the  enernie's, 
whom  tiu-y  presiuitly  slew,  and  two  old  scjuaws,"  who  informed  them  of 
the  situation  of  JVanuntenoo.  At  the  same  time,  their  own  scouts  brought 
the  same  intelligence.  The  news  of  the  enemy's  a|)proach  reached  the 
chief  at  the  moment,  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "that  he  was  divcrtizing  himself 
with  the  recital  of  Cupt.  Pierce's  slaughter."  But  seven  of  his  men  were 
about  him  at  the  moment ;  the  rest  were  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  aHairs.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two 
sentinels  upon  an  adjacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  appeared, 
their  surprise  was  so  great,  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the  English,  that, 
in  their  fright,  tiiey  ran  by  their  sachem's  wigwam,  "as  if  they  wanted 
time  to  tell  w  hat  they  saw."  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a  third,  to  learn 
the  cause  of  the  flight  of  the  first,  but  he  fled  in  the  same  manner;  and 
lastly  lie  sent  two  more,  one  of  which,  "  either  endued  with  more  courage, 
or  a  better  sense  of  his  duty,  infurmed  him  in  great  haste  that  all  the 
Englisli  army  was  upon  him :  whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult,  and 
but  little  to  attempt  un  escape,  and  no  means  to  defend  himself,  he  began"* 
to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running  with  great  swiflness  around  the  hill,  to 
get  out  of  sight  upon  the  opposite  side,  he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary 
pursuers,  and  they  immediately  followed  him  with  ibat  eagerness  their 
important  object  was  calculated  to  inspire. 

The  pursuera  of  the  flying  chief  were  Calapazet  and  his  Nianticks, 
"and  a  few  of  the  English  lightest  of  foot."  Seeing  these  were  gaining 
upon  him,  he  first  cast  off  his  blanket,  then  his  silver-laced  coat,  and 
lastly  his  belt  of  peag.  On  seeing  these,  a  doubt  no  longer  remained  of 
its  being  J^/anuntenoo,  which  urged  them,  if  possible,  faster  in  the  chase. 
There  was  in  the  company  of  Calapazet,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  who 
outran  all  his  companions,  and  who,  gaining  upon  Jvanuntenoo,  as  he  fled 
upon  the  side  of  the  river,  obliged  him  to  attempt  to  cross  it  sooner  than 
lie  intended.  Nevertheless,  but  for  an  accident  in  his  passage,  he  would 
doubtless  have  effected  his  escape.  As  he  was  wading  through  the  river, 
his  foot  slipped  upon  a  stone,  which  brought  1  is  gun  under  water.  Thus 
losing  some  time  in  recovering  himself,  and  also  the  use  of  his  gim,  prob- 
ably :: M  de  him  despair  of  escaping;  for  Monopoide  came  up  and  seized 
upoii  Inn,  "  within  30  rods  of  the  river  side." 

..Vanufi/enoo,  having  made  up  his  itiiud  to  surrender,  made  no  resistance, 
although  he  was  a  man  of  great  physical  strength,  of  superior  stature,  and 
acknowledged  bravery  ;  and  the  one  who  seized  upon  hinj  very  ordinary 
in  that  respect.  One  of  the  first  Englishmen  that  came  up  was  Robert 
Staunton,  a  young  man,  who  presumed  to  ask  the  captured  chief  some 
(|uestions.  He  appeared  at  first  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  in- 
dignity, but  at  length,  casting  a  disdainful  look  upon  his  youthful  face, 
"this  manly  sachem"  said,  in  broken  English,  "YOU  MUCH  CHILD! 
NO  UNDERSTAND  MATTERS  OF  WAR!  LET  YOUR  BROTH- 
ER OR  CHIEF  COME,  HIM  I  WILL  ANSWER."  And,  adds  Mr. 
Hubbard,  he  "  was  as  good  as  his  word :  acting  herein,  as  if,  by  a  Pythag- 
orean metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had  possessed  the  body 


*  This  elegant  passage  of  Mr.  Hubbard  brings  to  our  mind  that  inimitable  one  of 
Cluviirero,  in  his  account  of  the  woful  days  of  the  Mexicans  :  "  They  had  neilher  arms 
to  repel  the  multiiude  and  fury  of  their  enemies,  strength  to  defend  themselves,  nor 
space  to  fight  upon ;  the  ground  of  the  city  was  covered  with  dead  bodies,  and  the  water 
of  every  ditch  aud  caual  purpled  willj  blood."    Hist.  Mexico,  iii.  73. 


Chap.  HI] 


NANUNTENOO. 


45 


of  tliis  western  pagan.  And,  like  JUtUius  Regulns*  he  would  not  accept 
of  his  own  life,  when  it  was  tendered  him."  This  tender  of  life  to  JVa- 
nunttnoo  was,  no  douht,  upon  the  condition  of  his  obtaining  the  suhniis- 
«irtn  of  his  nation.  He  met  tiie  idea  with  indignation ;  and  when  the 
i'iiiglish  told  him  that  he  should  be  i)ut  to  death  if  he  did  not  comply,  in 
tiiu  most  composed  manner  he  rt>|)lied,  that  killing  hitn  would  not  end 
the  war.  Souie  of  h''"  captors  endeavored  to  reflect  upon  him,  by  telling 
liim,  that  he  had  Sitiu  he  tvould  bum  the  English  in  their  houses,  an<l  that 
hi!  had  boasted,  in  defiance  of  his  promise  last  made  to  the  English,  which 
vviis  :o  deliver  the  Wampanoags  to  them,  that  he  would  not  deliver  up  a 
tVampanoag  or  the  paring  of  a  Wampanoag's  nail.  To  this  he  oidy  re- 
plied, "OTHERS  WERE  AS  FORWARD  FOR  THE  WAR  AS 
MYSEiF,  AND  I  DESHIE  TO  HEAR  NO  MORE  ABOUT  IT." 
llud  the  English  not  burned  his  ))eople  in  their  houses?  Did  tiiey  ever 
deliver  up  any  that  had  committed  depredations  upon  the  Narragansets .' 
No ! — Who,  then,  will  ask  for  an  excuse  for  the  magnanimous  J\''anun- 
ienoo  "^  So  indignant  was  he  at  their  conduct,  that  he  would  hear  nothing 
uhout  peace;  "refusing  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any 
iiiotioii  that  way." 

I'nder  the  eye  o{  Denison,  JVanuntenoo  was  taken  to  Stonington,  where, 
by  the  "advice  of  the  English  commanders,  he  was  shot."  His  head 
was  cut  off  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire. 
The  English  prevailed  u|)on  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  allies,  viz.  Pe- 
quDts,  Mohegans  and  Nianticks,  to  be  his  ext'cutioncrs,  "thereby  the 
more  firmly  io  engage  tiie  said  Indians  against  fhe  treacherous  Narra- 
gaii.seis."t  "Herein,"  says  another  writtjrj  of  that  day,  "the  English  dealt 
wisely,  for  by  this  means  the  three  Indian  nations  are  become  abomina- 
ble to  the  other  Indians."  And  a  respectable  writer§  of  our  own  times 
ssays,  "  It  may  be  pleasing  to  the  reader  to  be  informed"  of  the  fate  of 
J\'anuntenoo ! 

When  it  was  announced  to  the  noble  chief  that  he  must  be  put  to  death, 
he  was  not  in  the  least  daunted,  and  all  he  is  reported  to  have  said  is 
this : — 

"I  LIKE  IT  WELL;  I  SHALL  DIE  BEFORE  MY  HEART 
IS  SOFT,  OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  THING  UNWORTHY  OF 
MYSELF."  With  J\/'anmUenoo,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  43 
others.  II 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  « Letters  to  London'^^  says  the  Indians 
were  "  commanded  by  that  fiimous  but  very  bloudy  and  cruel  sachem, 
QwonoJisAof,  otherwise  called  Myantonomy"  whose  "carriage  was  strangely 
proud  and  lofl;y  after  he  was  taKen  ;  being  examined  why  he  did  foment 
that  war,  which  would  certainly  be  the  destruction  of  him  and  all  the 
heathen  Indians  in  the  country,  &c.,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to 

*  Marcus  Attilius  Regiilus,  a  Roman  consul  and  general,  taken  prisoner  by  the  Car- 
thaginians, 251  years  B.  C.  Tliey  sent  him  to  Rome  to  use  his  endeavors  to  efl'ect  a 
peace,  by  his  solemn  promise  to  return  witliin  a  given  period.  The  most  excruciating 
tortures  awaited  him.  should  he  not  execute  his  mission  according  to  his  instructions. 
When  arrived  at  Rome,  he  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  hold  out,  and  maintain  the  war 
against  the  Carthaginians,  staling  their  situation,  and  the  great  advantages  that  would 
accrue.  He  knew  what  would  be  his  fate  on  returning  to  L'arlhage,  and  many  a  noble 
Roman  besought  him  not  to  return,  and  thus  sacrifice  his  lifej  but  he  would  not  break 
his  promise,  even  with  his  barbarous  enemies.  This  is  what  is  meant  by  not  accepting 
his  own  life  when  tendered  him.  He  returned,  and,  if  history  be  true,  no  Indian  nation 
ever  tortured  a  prisoner,  beyond  what  the  (^arthaginians  inflicted  upon  Marcus  Attilius 
RefTii/us.     Sec  Eckard's  Ilonum  Hint.  i.  188-t). 

t  Hubbard.  \  I.  Mather.  ^  Deave,  Hist.  Scitiiate,  124. 

II  Manuscript  letter  in  Hist.  Iil)rary.  Both  Hubbard  and  Mather  say  44 ;  perhaps 
Ihey  included  Nanuntenon. 

H  Elsewhere  cited  as  771*  Present  Slate,  &c. 


46 


ANN  A  WON. 


[Rook  IlL 


any  iiiterrogntorics,  !nit  tliirt :  tlint  ho  was  l)()ni  u  prince,  and  if  princrs 
nunu  to  spt'uk  with  liiiii  lit;  woiiltl  itiiswcr,  Itnt  noiu;  prcHciit  l)cin^  such, 
liu  tlioii!r|it  hiinsflt'oltli^cd,  in  honor,  to  iiolil  liis  ton<^n(^;"  uml  that  ho  sai(i 
ho  would  rather  die  tiiaii  reniain  a  prisoner,  and  reipiested  titat  Oncko 
niifjjiit  pnt  him  to  death,  as  he  was  ofeciiia!  rank.  "Yet  withall  thn-ateii- 
«;(l,  he  had  2000  men,  [w!io]  wonld  r(!venf,'e  iiis  «leatli  severely.  VVh(<re- 
Ibre  onr  forees,  fearing  an  eseape,  |)ut  tlie  stoniest  nitm  to  tlic  sword,  hut 
preserved  Mijantonomi/  till  tliey  retnrned  to  Stoneinj^on ;  where  (uir 
Indian  fri^Muis,  and  most  of  tlu^  Knirhsh  soldiers,  deelaring  to  the  eoiii- 
inanthTS  their  fear  that  the  iln^lisli  shonid,  upon  conditions,  release  him, 
and  that  then  lie  wonhl,  (thoni;li  the  Kn^lisli  might  have  peace  with  liitii,) 
be  very  pernicions  to  those  Indiinis  that  now  assisted  us,  the  said  Indians, 
(on  these  consideratio'is,  and  the  mischiefs  and  murUiers  he  had  done 
during  tiiis  war,)  ])ermitted  to  put  him  to  death.*  And  that  all  might 
sjiare  in  the  glory  of  destroying  so  great  a  jtrince,  and  come  imder  the 
obligation  of  fid*;lity,  each  to  other,  the  t'eijiiods  shot  him,  the  Mohegiiis 
cut  otf  his  head  and  (|nart(;red  his  body,  and  the  Ninnicrofts  men  made 
the  fire  and  burned  his  «|iiarters,  and,  as  a  token  of  th(;ir  love  and  fidelity 
to  the  I'iiiglish,  presented  his  h«'ad  to  the  council  at  Hartford!"  This 
must  close  our  notic*;  of  JVanitnkvoo,  in  this  place,  and  we  hasten  to 
ti])eak  of 

Jlniiawon,  a  Wampanoag,  and  mw  of  Philip^s  most  famous  couns(;llors 
and  captains.  He  was  his  fiist  friend,  and  icsisttul  as  long  as  th(Te  was  a 
beam  of  hope  ;  and  when  at  last  every  chanct?  of  success  had  fiiiled,  he 
gave  himself  up  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  apitear  in  the  ibllowing 
account. 

At  the  swamj),  when  Philip  was  killed,  he  csca|)ed  with  most  of  his 
men,  as  has  been  relatful,  by  his  thoroughly  miderstanding  the  situation 
of  bis  enemies.  "  I'ercr'iving  (says  Church)  they  were  waylaid  on  the 
east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who 
seemed  to  be  a  great  surly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and 
often  called  out,  l-oo-tnjih,  I-oo-Uuth.  Captain  Church  called  to  his  Indian 
Pcter,\  and  asked  him  who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it 
was  old  ^Innnwon,  Philip^s  great  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand 
to  it,  and  ftght  stoutly." 

"  <  'aptain  Church  liad  been  but  little  while  at  Plimouth,  [after  the  death 
of  Philip,]  before  a  post  from  K(>hobotb  canu;  to  iidbrni  the  governor  that 
old  Annawon,  Philip^ s  chief  captain,  was  with  bis  com[)any  ranging  al)out 
their  woods,  and  was  very  ortiuisive  and  p(M'nicious  to  Rehoboth  and 
Swansey.  (ya|)tain  Church  was  innnetliately  sent  for  again,  and  treated 
with  to  engage  in  one  ex|)edition  more.  He  told  tlnun  their  encourage- 
ment was  so  poor,  he  feared  his  soldiei¥  would  be  »lull  about  going  again. 
IJut  being  a  hearty  friend  to  the  cause,  be  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jahez 
Howland,  his  old  lienttMiant,  and  some  of  his  soldiei's  that  nsoA  to  go  out 
with  him,  told  them  how  the  case;  was  circums-tanced,  and  that  he  had 
intelligence  of  old  Jlnnawon\<t  walk  ai  1  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt 
him.  They  did  not  want  nuich  entreating,  but  told  him  they  wonld  go 
with  him  as  long  as  then;  was  an  Indian  left  in  the  woods.  lie  moved 
and  ranged  through  the  woods  to  Pocasset." 

In  the  early  part  of  this  expedition,  somc!  of  Captain  ChurclCs  Indian 
scouts  captured  a  lumiber  of  Jlnnawoii's  company,  but  from  whom  they 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief,  oidy  that  lie  did  not  lodge  "  twice  in 
a  place." 

"Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church  had  gained  over  to 


•  This  seems  lo  us  tlic  most  probal)U«  nrcounl  of  llic  iifTair  of  all  we  have  seen, 
t  The  son  of  Awashonks,  it  is  sup|>osed. 


[Rook  IlL 

if  princes 
ciiij,'  such, 
mt  lie  8!ii(i 
liat  Oncko 
I  liiri'iitcii- 
,  VVliriT- 
swoni,  but 
ivlicro  our 
)  Uio  coiii- 
ileiLsi!  Iiiiii, 
witli  him,) 
id  IndianH, 

liiiti  (loiu; 
:  nil  ini^'lit 
!  uiuliT  tlir 
;  Molicj^iiis 

iiKMi  inado 
mid  lulclitv 
rd!"  This 
t  liastcii  to 

(•oims(?iU)rs 
tiion!  was  u 
d  faih'd,  ho 
le  Ibllowiiif^ 

most  of  his 

ht;  situation 

laid  on  the 

neniy,  who 

voice,  and 

his  Indian 

ered  tiiat  it 

rs  to  stand 

;r  the  dcatli 
>vernor  that 
liginj;  about 
lioboth  and 
ind  treated 
lencDurage- 
toing  a^ain. 
fo  Mr.  Jnhez 
1(1  to  go  out 
Ihat  he  had 
Inds  to  innit 
]y  woidd  go 
lie  moved 

[ch\t  Indian 
honi they 
"  twice  in 

led  over  to 


Ive  seen. 


niAP.  Ill] 


ANNAWON. 


47 


I 


l)e  on  his  side,  ]>rayed  that  ho  might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  Ids 
father,  who,  he  said,  was  about  four  miles  from  that  |)lace,  in  a  swamp, 
with  no  other  than  a  young  K(|uaw.  Captain  Chvrcfi  inclined  to  go  with 
him,  thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligt^nce  ni'Jinna- 
woii;  and  so  taking  one  Knglishman  and  a  few  Indians  ^vith  him,  leaving 
the  rest  there,  he  went  wilh  his  new  soldier  to  look  his  father.  When 
lie  came  to  the  swamp,  lie  bid  the  Indian  go  and  se«>  if  he  could  find  his 
father.  He  was  no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a  truck 
coining  down  out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  company 
lay  close,  some  on  one  side  of  tli(^  track,  and  sonw;  on  the  other.  They 
heard  the  Indian  sohlier  making  a  howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length 
somebody  answered  him  ;  but  while  they  were  listening,  tlu\v  thought 
they  heanl  somebody  coming  towards  them.  Presently  they  sjiw  an  old 
man  coming  nj),  with  a  gun  on  his  shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  ftdlow- 
ing  in  the  track  wliich  they  lay  by.  They  let  them  coiikj  between  them, 
and  then  started  np  and  laid  hold  of  them  both.  Captain  Church  imme- 
diately examined  them  apart,  telling  them  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they 
told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young  woman  what  (rompany  they  came 
from  lust.  She  snid  from  Captain  ./77niff{(!o>iV.  He  asked  her  how  many 
were  in  company  with  him  when  she  left  him.  She  said  '  filly  or  sixty.' 
He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it  was  to  tin;  place  where  she  left  him. 
She  said  she  did  not  undei-stand  miles,  but  he  was  up  in  S(piaimaconk 
swamp.  The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Phili/t\<t  coimcil,  u\h^u 
examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account."  On  being  asked  whether 
tliey  coukl  get  there  that  night,  answer»;d,  "If  wo  go  pre8«;nUy,  und  travel 
stoutly,  we  may  get  there  by  sunsiit."  The  old  man  said  ho  was  ot\/1nna- 
uioii's  comjiany,  and  that  .flnnawon  li;id  sent  iiim  down  to  find  some 
Indians  that  were  gone  down  into  JNIount  Hopo  neck  to  kill  provisions, 
("uptain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  com|)aiiy  were  all  his  prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  lieen  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
with  him  and  another  man,  (^nptain  Church  was  now  at  great  loss  what 
he  should  do.  He  ""vs  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportunity  of 
giving  a  finishing  lnv,..  to  the  Indian  power.  lie  had,  us  himself  says, 
hut  "  half  u  do/(>n  men  beside  himself,"  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity 
of  sending  some  one  buck  to  give  Lieutenant  Ilowland,  whom  he  left  at 
the  old  fort  in  Pocasset,  notice,  if  he  shoiiiil  proceed.  IJut,  without 
wasting  time  in  pondering  npon  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  ques- 
tion to  hit  men,  "  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  liiin  and  give 
.hinatpon  a  visi* "  All  answered  in  the  aflirmativc,  but  retninded  nim 
"  that  they  knew  this  Captain  ,/lnnnicon  was  a  great  soldier  ;  that  he  hud 
b(!on  a  valiant  captain  under  ^auhmequin,  [JVoosamequin,]  Philip^s  father  ; 
und  that  he  hud  be-  n  Philip's  chiefluin  all  this  war."  And  they  further 
told  Cu|)tain  CAurcA,  (and  these  men  knew  him  well,) that  ho  was  "a  very 
subtle  man,  of  great  resolution,  and  hud  often  said  that  ho  would  never 
Im!  taken  alive  by  the  English." 

They  also  reminded  Tiim  that  those  with  Jinnatoon  were  "  resohite 
fijUows,  some  of  Philip's  chief  soldiers,"  and  very  much  feared  that  tw 
make  the  attempt  with  such  a  hundful  of  soldiers,  would  be  hazardous  in 
the  extreme.  IJut  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Church, 
who  rcunarked  to  them,  "  that  he  had  a  long  time  sought  for  Jinnmoon, 
but  in  vain,"  and  doubted  not  in  tin;  least  but  Providence  would  protect 
tliem.    All  with  one  consent  now  desired  to  proceed. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  belonging  to  Plimouth,  was  the  only 
Knglishman  in  the  company,  except  the  captain.  Captain  Church  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.     He  made  no  other 

*  Caleb,  doubtless,  who  was  present  at  the  lime  Fhilip  was  killed. 


48 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  FII. 


reply  than  this :  "  I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when  you  are 
with  me."  Tiie  Indian  who  limnght  in  his  father  informed  C'a|)tain 
Church,  thai  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  take  his  horse  with  Inm,  which 
lie  had  hronght  thus  far.  He  therefore  scut  him  and  his  father,  witii  tlie 
liorse,  back  to  Lieutenant  Howlaiid,  and  ordered  thetn  to  tell  iiim  to  take 
his  prisonere  immediately  to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  n<'xt 
morning  in  the  Rehoboth  road,  where,  if  alive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the  journey.  Ca|)tain 
Church  turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman, 
and  asked  him  whether  he  would  be  their  pilot.  He  said,  "  You  having 
given  me  my  life,  I  am  under  obligations  to  serve  you."  They  now 
inarched  for  Squannaconk.  In  leading  the  way,  this  old  man  would 
travel  so  much  faster  than  the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight, 
and  coiise(iuentIy  might  have  escaped  without  feju*  of  being  recaptured, 
but  he  was  true  to  his  word,  and  would  stop  until  his  wearied  followers 
came  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamps  and  thickets  until  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pilot  ordered  a  stop.  The  captain  asked  him  if  he  had  made  any 
discovery.  He  said,  "  About  that  hour  of  the  day,  Annawon  usually  sent 
out  his  scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow 
dark  the  scouts  returned,  and  then  we  may  move  securely."  When  it 
was  sufliciently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed,  Captain  Church 
asked  the  old  man  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for  liim.  He  bowed 
very  low,  and  said,  "  I  pray  you  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  me  as 
to  fight  against  Captain  Jlnnawon,  my  old  friend,  but  I  will  go  along  with 
you,  and  be  helpful  to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall  offer 
to  hurt  you."  They  had  proceeded  but  a  short  space,  when  they  heard 
a  noise,  which  they  concluded  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar.  This 
warned  them  that  they  were  in  the  vicinity  of  Jlnnawon' s  retreat.  And 
here  it  will  be  very  proper  to  give  a  description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in 
the  south-easterly  corner  of  Rehoboth,  about  eight  miles  from  Taunton 
Green,  a  few  rods  from  the  road  which  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the 
south-easterly  side  of  it.  If  a  straight  line  were  drawn  from  Taunton  to 
Providence,  it  would  pass  very  nearly  over  this  place.  Within  the  limits 
of  an  inuTiense  swamp  of  nearly  3000  acres,  there  is  a  small  piece  of 
upland,  separated  from  the  main  only  by  a  brook,  which  in  some  seasons 
is  dry.  This  island,  as  we  may  call  it,  is  nearly  covered  with  an  enor- 
mous rock,  which  to  tins  day  is  called  Annawon^s  Rock.  Its  south-east 
side  presents  an  almost  perpendicidar  precipice,  and  rises  to  tlie  height 
of  25  or  30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping,  and  easy  of  ascent, 
being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or  40°.  A  more  gloomy  and  hid- 
den reces:?,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer  wiives  over  it, 
could  han'ly  be  found  by  any  inhabitant  of  tlie  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  the  rock,  Caj)fain  Church,  with  two 
of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the  top  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  see 
distinctly  the  situation  of  the  whole  compiuiy,  by  the  liglit  of  their  fires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lo(l;j,cd  a  siiort  distance  from 
one  another.  Annawoii's  camp  was  formed  by  felling  a  tree  against  the 
rock,  with  bushes  set  up  on  each  side. 


-, 


"  He  passed,  in  the  heart  of  that  ancient  wood — 
*         *         *  ^         *  *  t. 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  a  vauhi'd  bed 
Had  been  hewn  of  oUl  for  the  kingly  dead 
Arose  on  his  inidnig;ht  way." 

Mrs.  H'einans's  Sword  of  the  Tomb. 


With  kim  lodged  bis  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.    Their  guns 


[Book  III. 

II  you  nro 
I  Cuptuiii 
111,  wliich 
I  with  tlio 
in  to  tuke 

tlie  next 
;t  him. 

Cajituiii 
g  woiimri, 
lu  hiiviiig 
L'hey  now 
an  would 
It  of  sight, 
'Captured, 

followers 

ras  setting, 
made  any 
Mially  sent 
in  to  grow 
When  it 
lin  Church 
He  bowed 
pon  me  as 
liong  with 
shall  offer 
;hey  heard 
tar.  This 
•eat.  And 
situated  in 

I  Taunton 

md  on  the 

'aunton  to 

the  limits 

II  piece  of 
e  seasons 
an  enor- 

Isoiith-east 
;lie  height 
of  ascent, 
and  h  id- 
les over  it, 

with  two 

could  see 

heir  fires. 

liin!e  from 

Igainst  thu 


Chm-.  HI] 


ANNA  WON. 


49 


Wo  mi. 
[heir  giins 


were  discovered  standing  and  leaning  against  a  stick  resting  on  two 
crotches,  safely  covchmI  li-oiii  the  weather  by  a  mat.  Over  their  fires 
wt're  pots  and  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  rousting  upon  their  spits.  Captain 
Church  was  now  at  some  loss  how  to  proctied,  seeing  no  possibilif"  of 
getting  down  the  rock  without  discovery,  which  would  have  been  lata). 
He  therelbre  cre<!ps  silently  back  again  to  the  foot  of  the  rock,  and  asked 
tiie  old  man,  their  pilot,  if  there  was  no  other  way  of  coming  at  them. 
He  answered,  "  No ; '  and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belcnging  to  tliu 
roinpaiiy  were  ordered  to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come  luiy 
odier  witiioiit  danger  of  being  shot. 

The  fruitful  mind  of  Church  was  no  longer  at  loss,  and  the  followng 
stratagem  was  put  in  successful  practice.  He  ordered  the  old  man  and 
tlie  young  woman  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  baskets 
upon  their  Imcks,  and  when  Annawon  should  discover  them,  he  would 
take  no  alarm,  knowing  them  to  lie  those  he  had  lately  sent  forth  upon 
(iiscovtiiy.  "Captain  Church  and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down  also, 
uiitltn-  tlie  shadow  of  those  two  and  their  baskets.  The  captain  himself 
crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with  his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped 
over  the  young  man's  head  to  the  arms.  The  young  Annaivon  discover- 
ing him,  whipped  his  blanket  over  his  head,  and  shrunk  up  hi  a  heap. 
The  oKl  Cajitain  Jlnnawon  started  ii|)  on  bis  breech,  and  cried  out '  Ho- 
wohf  which  signified,  'VVelcom.'"*  All  hope  of  escape  was  now  fled 
forever,  and  he  made  lo  etlbrt,  but  laid  himself  <lown  again  in  perfect 
silence,  while  his  captors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.  For  he  sup- 
jiosed  the  English  were  far  more  numerous  than  they  were,  and  before 
he  was  undeceived,  his  company  were  all  secured. 

One  circumstance  much  facilitated  this  daring  project.  It  has  been 
l^efore  mentioned  that  they  hearti  the  ])ounding  of  a  mortar,  on  their 
a])proach.  This  continued  during  their  descent  down  the  rock.  A  squaw 
was  pounding  green  dried  corn  for  their  supper,  and  when  she  ceased 
pounding,  to  turn  the  corn,  they  ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded 
again,  tliey  mov<;d.  This  was  the  reason  they  were  not  heard  as  they 
lowered  themselves  down,  from  crag  to  crag,  supported  by  small  bushes 
that  grew  from  the  seams  of  the  rock.  The  pounded  corn  served  aller- 
wanls  for  a  sup|)er  to  the  captors. 

Jlnnawon  would  not  have  been  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  treachery 
of  those  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  their  Lucun  exclaim,  as  did 
the  Roman, 

"  A  race  renowned,  the  world's  viciorioiis  lords, 
Turned  on  tlicmselves  with  their  own  hostile  swords." — Rmce. 

The  two  companies  situated  at  a  short  distance  from  the  rock  knew 
not  the  late  of  their  captain,  until  those  sent  by  Church  announced  it  to 
tliein.  And,  to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  they  were  told,  that  Capt. 
Church  had  encompassed  them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resist- 
Diice  would  be  immediate  death  ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they 
should  have  good  qinirter.  "Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and 
many  of  them  relations,"  readily  consented:  delivering  up  their  guns 
and  hatchets,  they  were  all  conducted  to  head  quarters. 

*  II  is  a  curious  fart,  tliat  amonfj  the  triltos  of  the  west  the  same  word  is  used  lo  signify 
approbation:  thus,  when  a  speech  liad  been  made  to  some  in  that  region,  which  pleased 
them,  at  the  end  of  each  paragraph  they  would  exclaim,  " /ioa/i.'  Hoah!"—\V'M's 
Trai'iils  in  America. 

Vhe  fact  l)ecomes  still  more  curious  whi-n  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farlhi'r 
west—even  on  the  North-west  Coast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  signilicalion.  See 
Dixon's  Voyage,  189.  4to.  London,  1789.     In  this  \\ork  it  is  spelt  Whoah. 


50 


ANN  A  WON. 


[Book  III. 


"Things  b(;iii;r  tliiis  fur  aettied,  Captain  Church  nskcd  JInnawon  what  he 
had  for  siipixT,  Tor,'  Huid  h»!,  'J  am  couio  to  sup  with  you.'"  ^nnaioon 
ropliud,  "  Tauhut"  with  a  "big  voice,"  and,  looking  arotind  upon  his 
womon,  ordered  them  to  hasten  nnd  [irovide  Capt.  Church  and  Ins  coni- 
)»uny  some  sufiper.  Me  asked  Caj)t.  Church  "  whether  ho  would  eat  cow 
hoef  or  horeo  heel'."  Church  said  lie  would  prefer  cow  hecf.  It  was 
soon  ready,  and,  by  tiie  aid  of  some  salt  ho  had  in  his  pocket,  ho  made 
a  good  meul.  And  hero  it  should  be  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (which 
h(>  carried  in  his  pocket)  was  the  only  provision  ho  took  with  him  upon 
this  iixpedilion. 

When  HU|)per  was  over,  Capt.  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  telling  them 
if  they  would  let  him  .ileep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of 
the  night,  he  not  having  slept  any  for  30  hours  before;  but  after  laying  a 
huif  liour,  and  feeling  nu  disposition  to  sleep,  from  the  momentous  cares 
upon  his  mind, — for,  as  Dr.  Young  says  in  the  Revenge, 

"  Tlic  dead  alone,  ir.  such  a  night,  can  rest, — '' 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  wntch  were  at  their  posts,  but  they  were  all  fust 
asleep.  Annawon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Church,  ond  they  lay 
for  some  time  looking  one  upon  tl>e  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  JInnawon, 
because  he  could  not  sjMiak  Indian,  and  thought  JInnawon  could  not  speak 
English,  but  it  now  appeared  that  he  could,  from  a  conversation  they  held 
t(»gether.  Church  had  laid  down  with  JInnawon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of 
which,  however,  he  did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  con- 
siderable time,  Annatoon  got  up  and  walked  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church 
considered  was  on  a  common  occasion  ;  but  being  gone  some  time,"  he  began 
to  suspect  some  ill  design."  He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  him- 
self, and  lay  as  close  as  he  possibly  coidd  under  young  Annawon's  side,  that 
if  a  shot  should  be  made  pt  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  of  young  Anna- 
won  also.  After  laying  a  while  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of 
the  moon,  Annnwon  coming  with  something  in  his  hands.  VVhen  ho  l:od 
got  to  Captain  Church,  he  knelt  down  before  him,  and,  after  presenting  him 
what  he  had  bfougiit,s])oke  in  English  as  follows; — "  Great  captain,  you  have 
killed  I'liilip,  and  conquered  his  countn/.    For  I  believe  that  I  and  my  com- 

?any  are  the  lad  that  war  asrainst  the  linglish,  so  suppose  the  tear  is  ended 
y  your  means,  and  there/ore  these  things  Mong  unto  you.''^  He  then  took 
out  of  his  pack  a  Ix'autifuily  wrought  belt,  wliicb  belonged  to  Philip.  It 
was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and  of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the 
shoulders  of  Capt.  Church,\\.  reached  to  his  ankles.  This  was  considered, 
at  that  time,  of  great  value,  Iveing  embroidered  all  over  with  money,  that 
is,  wampumi)eug,*  of  various  colors,  curiously  wrought  into  figures  «tf 
birds,  beasts  and  Howcsrs.  A  8v.cond  l)elt,  of  no  less  exquisite  workman- 
ship, was  next  prcjsented,  which  belong'^d  also  to  Philip.  This,  that  chief 
used  to  ornament  his  head  A^ith :  from  the  back  part  of  which  flowed 
two  flags,  which  decorated  his  back.  A  third  was  a  siniillcr  one,  with  a' 
star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore  upon  his  breast.  All  three  were 
edged  with  red  hair,  which,  Annawon  said,  was  got  in  the  country  of  the 
Mohawks.  These  belts,  or  some  of  them,  it  is  believed,  remaiii  at  this 
day,  the  properly  of  a  fatnily  in  Svvansey.  He  next  took  from  his  pack 
two  horns  of  glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it  appears, 
were  all  that  remained  of  rlie  eflbcts  of  the  great  chief.  He  told  Capt. 
Church  that  those  were  Philip^s  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to  adorn 
himself  with,  wiicn  he  sat  m  state,  and  he  thought  liimself  hapi)y  in 
liuving  an  op[)ortunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

*  An  Iroijuuis  word,  signifyiiig  a  7nuscle,     Gordon's  Hist.  Pennsylvania,  page  398 


;ooK  III. 


ClIAI'.  Ill] 


QUINNAriN. 


ni 


whixl  he 
\nnaioon 
pon  his 
18  coin- 
cat  cow 
It  was 
lin  niado 
t  (which 
irii  upon 

ing  ihcm 
B  rest  of 
laying  a 
0U8  cares 


e  all  fust 
they  lay 
/Innawon, 
not  speak 
they  held 
escape,  of 
laid  a  con- 
ch Church 
"he  began 
»se  to  him- 
!  side,  that 
mg  ^nna- 
le  light  of 
en  ho  I'.ad 
nting  him 
n,youhave 
'  "nil/  corn- 
is  ended 
[then  took 
'hilip.    It 
about  the 
[onsldercd, 
foney,  that 
Iguri's  of 
vork  man- 
that  chief 
:h  flowed 
le,  with  a* 
[hree  were 
itry  of  the 
tin  at  this 
lis  pack 
it  appears, 
told  Capt. 
to  adora 
happy  in 


Ipagc 


Tlie  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  discourse,  in  which  ^lunmpoii 
"gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  lind  liiul  foruicrly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  o    Indians,  when  ho  served  .huhmcfptin,  Philip^a 

father." 

Morning  ht-ing  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Taunton.  In  the 
way  they  met  Lieutenant  Howland,  according  to  appointment,  at  his  no 
small  surprise.  They  lodged  at  'J'auntou  that  i:iglit.  Th*^  next  day 
•'Ca|)t.  Church  took  old  Jlnnnwon,  and  lialf  a  do/cu  Indian  soliiiers,  ami 
Jiis  own  men,  and  went  to  Rhode  Island  ;  the  rest  were  ^rnt  to  IMimouth, 
under  Li""it.  Howland. 

,^nvaivon,  it  is  said,  had  confessed  "that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of 
tiie  English,  that  had  been  taken  alive;  ten  in  on  <  day,  and  could  not 
deny  but  that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured  ;"*  and  therefore  no  mercy 
was  to  be  expected  from  those  into  wlios(!  hand'!  he  had  now  fall<'n.  His 
captor,  Capt.  Church,  <lid  not  mean  that  he  sin  I  have  i)ecn  put  to  death, 
and  iiad  entreated  hard  for  hin  ;  but  tn  his  iice  froiii  I'limouth,  not 

long  alter,  lu;  was  remorsi^lessly  executed.  \V  «  shall  again  have  occasion 
to  advert  to  th-J  execution  of  Jinnawon,  and  shall  now  pa:)s  to  consider 
the  events  in  the  lifi;  of  a  sachem  of  nearly  «;qual  interest. 

(^u'mnapin  was  by  birth  a  noble  N»irraganset,  bemg  the  son  of  Coi^ina- 
quan,  otherwise  Conjancujuond,  who  was  ncphetv  to  Cnnojiinis.  There- 
lore  Miu-Humwmoh  wna  uncle  to  Qiiinnapin,  and  Canomcus  was  his 
great  uncle. 

We  find  his  name  spelled  in  almost  every  possible  way,  and  for  the 
amusement  of  the  reader  will  offer  a  few  of  them — (^uanopin,  Ouonopirt, 
(lunnapin,  (^uantwpm,  Quenoquiri,  Panoquin,  and  Qi(anepm.  Ilis  name 
has  also  been  confounded  with  that  of  Qmiupen,  the  "  old  queen"  of 
Narraganset. 

In  1G72,  (^uinnnpin  confirmed,  by  a  writing,  the  sale  of  a  tract  of  land 
previously  granted  by  Coginaquan,  his  father. 

This  sachem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  Philip^s  ^var,  and 
from  the  punishment  which  the  English  executed  upon  him,  on  his  falling 
into  their  hands,  wo  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  war, 
although  but  little  is  recorded  of  him  by  the  historians  of  that  period. 
From  Mrs.  Rowlarulson's  account  of  him,  we  must  conclude  he  was  not 
wanting  in  Pttentions  to  the  fair  sex,  as  he  had  certaiidy  three  wives,  one 
of  whom  was  a  sister  o''  fVootonekanuske ;  consequently  he  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  Etiglish  method  of  calculating  relationships,  brother-in-law  to 
tiie  famous  Metxomet  himself. 

Qidnnapin  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
the  10  Feb.  1675,  O.  S.,  and  he  purchased  Mrs.  Rowlandson  from  a  Nar- 
raganset Indian  who  had  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  the  garrison, 
among  the  captives  of  that  place.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which 
caused  her  to  notice  him  m  her  Narrative.f  fVetlinwre,  whom  she  men- 
tions in  the  following  extract  as  his  wife,  we  have  said,  avjis  }f'crfamoo, 
the  "queen  of  Pocp^sset." 

In  the  winter  cf  1676,  when  the  Narraganseta  were  at  tiiuch  "  great 
straits,"  from  the  loss  of  their  provisions,  in  the  great  swamp  fight,  ("  corn 
being  two  shillings  a  pint  with  them,")  the  English  tried  to  bring  anout  a 
peace  with  them ;  but  their  terms  were  too  hard,  or  some  other  cause, 
prevented.  "  Canonchet  and  Panoquin  said  they  would  fight  it  out,  to 
the  last  man,  rather  than  they  would  become  servants  to  the  English."t 
A  truly  noble  resolution,  and  well  worthy  of  the  character  we  have  of 
Canonchet. 


"  Hubbard,  Nar.  108. 

t  Mr.  IVillard's  edition  of  it,  (p.  25.)  Lancaster,  182S. 


+  Hubbard. 


n 


QITINNAPIN. 


[Book  hi. 


"My  inastpr  (Hnyh  Mrn.  limditmlaon)  liud  tlinui  HqiinwH,  living  sotnc- 
timos  with  oiu;  uiid  Hoiiictiiiics  with  iiiinthtT.  Onnx,  tliiH  ol<t  Hr|imw  nt 
wl;oso  wigwam  1  wuh,  iiimI  with  wh«)iri  my  iiiiuutcr  [(^uinnnpin]  hail  l)t!cu 
tliosn  thrt'o  wjitiks.  Another  was  h'dlimorc,  witli  whom  1  had  hvi'd  anil 
sitrvud  all  this  whilo.  A  uuveru  and  ])rond  dame  uiii!  wiw;  hoHtowin;; 
pvory  day  in  drussin^^  liorHtslfncai'  as  mnch  timo  as  any  of  the  gi-ntry  of 
tilt;  land — povvdiTing  Ix-r  hair  and  painting  Imt  t'uci',  going  with  hi'r 
necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears,  and  hracitjets  upon  her  hands.  When 
Hhe  had  dressi^d  herscdf,  her  work  was  to  make  girdles  of  wampinn  and 
l)eails.  The  third  sijunw  [or  wife]  was  u  young  one,  hy  whom  he  liad 
two  paj)oosc9."* 

While  the  iVarragansets  and  Nipnincks  were  oncamfiod  at  a  place  on 
Connecticut  River  at  considerahle  distance  ahove  Northampton,  perha|)s 
near  as  far  as  llellows  Falls,  Mrs.  Howtnndnon  says,  "  IMy  moster  s  maid 
came  home:  she  had  l)e(;n  gone  three  weeks  into  the  Narraganset  conn- 
try  to  fetch  corn,  where  they  hail  stored  up  somo  in  the  groimd.  She 
broui^fU  home,  about  a  pr.ck  and  a  halj'ofcom"  I 

We  shall  relate?,  in  the  life  of  JVepanet,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  to 
Philip's  quarters  for  the  rcdem|)tion  of  Mra.  Roiclandson.  This  was  not 
long  after  Sudhiu'y  fight,  and  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  connuemornte 
it  by  a  great  dunite,  "  which  was  carried  on  hy  eight  of  them,  (as  Miu  H. 
relates,)  four  men  and  four  squaws ;  my  master  and  mistress  [  (^irm- 
napin  and  fVeetantoo]  Ix'ing  two.  He  wr.s  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt, 
with  great  stockings,  his  garters  himg  round  with  ahillinsrs,  and  had  gir- 
dles of  wainpnm  upon  his  head  and  siiouidiTS.  She  had  a  kearsey  cout, 
covenjd  with  girdles  ofwampom  from  the  loins  ujiward.  Her  arms,  from 
her  elbows  to  her  hands,  were  covered  with  bracelets;  there  were  liand- 
fuls  of  necklaces  about  her  neck,  and  several  sorts  of  jewels  in  her  ears. 
She  had  fine  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes,  her  hair  powdered,  and 
her  face  painted  red,  that  wus  always  b(?tbre  black.  And  all  the  dancers 
were  atler  the  same  maimer.  There  were  two  others  singing  and  knock- 
ing on  a  kettle  for  their  music.  They  kept  hopping  up  and  down  one 
after  ant)ther,  with  a  kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing  warm  upon 
80tno  embers,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on  till  almost 
night,  throwing  out  their  xoampom  to  the  sianders-by.  At  night  I  asked 
them  again,  if  I  should  go  home:  they  all  as  one  said.  No,  except  my 
husba.:d  would  come  for  nie.  When  we  were  lain  down,  my  master 
went  out  of  the  wig«vam,  and  by  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  Jamrs- 
the-printer,  who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to- 
morrow, if  he  would  let  him  have  one  pint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar 
called  his  own  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  aiid  see  if  he 
would  promise  it  before  them  three ;  and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it, 
which  he  did,  and  had  it.  Philip  smelling  the  business,  called  me  to  him, 
and  asked  mo  what  1  would  give  him,  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to 
speak  a  good  word  for  me,  that  I  miglit  go  home  to-morrow  ?  1  told  him 
1  could  not  tell  what  to  give  him,  I  would  anything  I  had,  and  asked  him 
what  he  would  liave.  He  said  two  coats  and  20  shillings  in  money,  half 
a  bushel  of  seed  corn,  and  some  tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  his  love, 
but  I  knew  that  good  news  as  well  as  that  crafty  fox.  My  master,  after 
he  had  his  drink,  (piickly  came  ranting  into  the  wigwam  again,  and 
called  for  Mr.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying  /le  was  a  good  man ;  and 
then  again  ho  would  say.  Hang  him  a  rogue.  Being  almost  drunk,  he 
would  drink  to  iiiin,  and  yet  presently  say  he  should  be  hanged.  Then 
he  called  for  me ;  I  trembled  to  hear  him,  and  yet  I  was  fain  to  go  to  him, 
and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.    He  was  the  first  Indian  I 


i 


•  Narrative,  63,  64. 


Book  hi. 

\ff  soriH'- 
(qimw  at 

luul  \U'.l'\l 

ivt'd  ami 
ic'Htowiii;; 
^('iilry  «)t' 
witli  lior 
i.  Wli.'ii 
piMii  niid 
II  hu  luul 

j)la(;(i  OH 
I,  iH'rIuips 
nr  ri  nm'ul 
iSL't  coim- 
iiul.      She 

,   Hoar  to 
IS  was  not 
iiH'inornto 
13  Miu  R. 
(ss  [  Qiitn- 
laml  Hliirt, 
1  had  gir- 
iirsey  coat, 
nriiiH,  from 
vcvii  hand- 
I  her  ears, 
(lered,  and 
i«  (lancers 
md  knock- 
<lown  one 
vnrm  upon 
till  almost 
It  I  asked 
xcept  my 
[my  master 
led  James - 
homo  to- 
Mr.  Hnar 
\  see  if  ho 
Id  have  it, 
nc  to  him, 
|\vs,  and  to 
1  told  hitn 
lasked  hirii 
|oney,  half 
his  love, 
uster,  after 
gain,  and 
I  man ;  and 
drunk,  he 
k1.    Then 
|go  to  him, 
Indian  I 


Ciup.  in  1 


TUSI'AQIJIN. 


r>;i 


i 


ill 


saw  drunk,  all  the  time  1  was  among  them.  At  last  his  squaw  ran  out, 
and  he  after  her,  roui.d  the  wigwam,  with  his  nu)nev  jingling  at  his  knees, 
hilt  she  eHea|ie<l  him;  hut  having  an  old  squaw,  ho  run  to  her,"*  and 
troubled  the  otimrs  no  more  that  night. 

A  day  <»r  two  aller,  tht;  sagamores  had  a  couiu'il,  or  ffenernl  court,  as 
they  called  it,  in  which  the  giving  u|)  of  Mm.  R.  was  dehatetl.  All 
seemed  lo  consent  tor  her  to  go  except  Philip,  \%\\o  would  not  come  to 
tlu;  council.  However,  she  was  soon  dismissi-d,  and  some  who  were  at 
first  opposed  to  lu-r  going,  s(!cnu!d  now  to  rejoice  at  it.  They  shook  her 
i)y  the  hand,  and  asked  lier  to  senti  them  sonu;  t<:bacco,  and  some  onu 
thing  and  some  another. 

When  the  extensive  system  of  war  carried  on  by  Philip  was  broken 
in  the  west  by  intestiiu;  bickt.rings,  (^uinnapin  returned  with  Philip  to  bis 
coinitry  of  the  Wamimnoags.  About  the  end  of  July,  l(I7(i,  Captain  Church 
learne(i  by  a  captive  8(iuavv  that  (^uinnapin  and  Philip  wen;  in  a  "great 
cedar  swamp"  near  Aponaganset  with  "abimduncc  of  Indians."  This 
news,  togetlier  with  a  discovery  the  captain  soon  after  nuule,  induced  him 
to  leave  that  country  without  disturl>ing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Hoon 
after,  QiinniH/n'/i  escaped  from  a  company  of  Jlridgevvater  nu'ii,  who 
killed  jlkkompoin,  as  ho  and  Philip^s  company  were  crossing  Tautiton 
Kiver.     The  next  day.  Church  pursued  him,  but  he  eft'ectt-d  his  escape. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  some  considerable  time  after  the 
war,  was  shot  at  Newjtort  in  II.  '.tlaiul.  It  appears  that  (^uimmpin  had  bad 
sonu!  difticidty  with  the  11.  Island  |)eopIe,  who,  some  tinu)  b(;ft)re  the  war, 
had  (^ast  him  into  prison ;  but  that  by  some  means  bo  had  escaped,  aiul 
htjcome  active  in  the  war.  He  was  reported  "u  young  lusty  suchcm,  and  a 
very  rogue."f 

Tu.ymquin,  whose  biography  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  o^  Philip's 
most  tuithftd  captains,  and  sachem  of  Assawomset,  as  we  Iiave  before 
had  occasion  to  notice,  in  speaking  of  John  Sassamon.  His  name  in 
printed  accounts  difters  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  from  tValHspamdn. 
Also  in  our  life  o^Ttdoson  it  was  necessary  to  speak  of  this  chief,  trom 
a  surv<!y  of  the  tieeds  which  he  executed  of  various  large  tracts  of  land, 
it  is  evident  his  sachenulom  was  very  extensive.  It  will  Imj  necessary  to 
glance  at  some  of  the  conveyances  of  }Valiutpaquxn  for  several  reasons, 
the  principal  of  which  is,  that  the  part  he  acted  in  the  great  drama  of 
1G75  and  1G7G  may  not  be  underrated.  FJis  conveyances  to  the  Rev.  John 
Sassamon  and  bis  family  are  already  related. 

On  9  Aug.  1GG7,  "  Tuspcquin,  otherwise  called  the  Black-sachem,''^  for 
£4,  sells  to  Henry  Wood  of  Plimoutli  his  right  and  title  to  the  land  on 
the  east  side  of  "  Namassakett"  River,t  bomuled  "  on  one  end"  by  the 
I)oiul  called  Black-sachemtS  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  WanpawcuU;  on  the 
other  end,  by  a  little  porul  called  Jisnemsctitl.  How  nmch  was  included 
in  the  given  bounds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  the  descrip- 
tion possibly  tell  how  far  said  tract  extended  back  from  the  river.  With 
Tuspaqnin,  his  wife,  Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  witnessed  only  by 
two  Englishmen. 

On  17  July,  1GG9,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  Tfilliam  sell  for  £10  a  tract 
or  parcel  of  land  near  "  Assowampsctt,"  half  a  mile  wide,  and  "in  length 
from  said  ponds  to  Dartmouth  path."  IJesides  two  Knglish,  Samuel 
Henri],  Daniel  and  Old  Harry  were  witnesses.  Experience  Mitchell,  Henry 
Sampson,  of  Duxborough,  Thomas  Little,  of  Marshtield,  and  Thomas  Paine, 
of  Eastham,  were  the  purchasers. 

June  10,  1G70,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sold  for  £G,  to  Edward 

*^Niirralivc,  73—75. 

t  Capt.  Move's  account  of"  The  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  ended,"  dec. 
j  Tuspaquin,  however,  reserved  the  riglil  "  to  gcll  ceder  barke  iu  the  gwamps." 
5  • 


84 


TUSPAUUIN. 


[Book  III. 


Gnt}!,  "ill  tlio  liclinlf  of  tlio  court  of  Pliinoiitli, '  "nil  tlmt  our  inoddow 
that  lyt.'tli  ill  or  iirart!  tlir  town  of  iMiitiilclKTry,"  on  i\w  west  nidu  of  u 
tract  IxHoii^iii):  to  7»/iH  .VA/r/t  and  Coiustiiut  .S'o»//ut'or</»,  " mid  iH  Ix'twccn 
A.sNowain.xrtt  I'ond  and  'raiinloii  path,  hcin;;  in  thrcti  imrscIlM  vpon  thm> 
lirookt's;"  also  another  |taiccl  on  tii«;  other  nido  of  Taunton  path.  VVii- 
liusstMl  l»y  "./wiiV,"  the  witb  of  7'(M/<rt7iJi»i,  and  two  lOngliHJi. 

,M0  Jiini',  U>7%  Tnstnuiuin,  "sachem  of  NainasHftkett,  and  Mmitnwapurt 
alias  lyillidin  his  r«)n,  hcII  to  Edward  draij  and  Josias  h'insluw,  lands  on 
tile  easterly  side  of  AHSowninsett,  to  iiejrin  where  Naniasket  Kiver  falletli 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  Hoiitli  by  the  pond  ;  thence  by  |)erishalili;  hounds 
to  TiisiKKiuin^a  i'ond,  and  so  liuiiiu  to  the  lands  forniorly  Kold  to  Hfiir/ 
If  nod. 

',i  July,  1(J73,  Timpaquin  and  his  son  WUlinm  sell  to  Ifenjnmin  Clnirch  of 
Diixhoroiijrh,  house  carpenter,  and  John  Tompson  of  Harnstaliii-,  lands 
nl)out  iMiddlehorough,  for  wiiicli  they  paid  him  ilir>.  It  is  descrihed  as 
"lyiiii^  att  and  iieare  the  township  of  Miidhiherry,"  l»<tmided  westerly  hy 
a  river  called  Monhifr^in,  which  runs  into  a  pond  called  (linsiiiinsct't, 
luid  so  hy  a  cedar  swamp  to  TitsptKfidii's  IVtiid  ;  tiii-nce  liy  IL  nrij  IVoiuCa 
land  to  a  place  called  PorhahoqwU.      Naliudset    Kiver  is  named 


as  a 


northern  houndary  ;  and  ti;c  two  "  places"  called  Tusmmamst  and 
Mansapanoh  are  also  named,  likewise  a  pond  cailt'd  Siilptiitlt,  and  a 
"river's  mouth  i  idled  Tuppatneit  which  runneth  into  a  pond  called  f^i/iV- 
tuivashelt."  Two  Englisli;  .'iani  Harry,  and  Joseph  of  Naniasket,  were 
witnesses. 

1  Nov.  1073,  William  Jf'atnspaquin,  ^Issawcta,  Tobias  and  fincnt,  for 
£10.  soil  to  three  English  of  Barnstable  a  tract  of  land  bounded  by  (.iuc- 
ta(iiiasli  Pond  northerly,  by  Ciueta(iuasli  Kiver  easterly,  tinepetuitt 
Pond,  &c. 

14  May,  1(»75,  the  two  Timpaquins,  fiither  and  son,  "  make  over  to  Jr>lin 
Tompsoii,  Constant  SouthtcoHli"  lunl  others,  of  Middleboroiigh,  "all  that 
tract  of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  called  commonly  Asso- 
wamsM  neck  or  necks,  and  places  adjiurent,"  as  a  security  against  the 
claims  of  others,  &c.  of  other  lands  deeded  at  the  same  time;  if,  there- 
fore, they  are  not  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded, 
then  they  "are  not  to  be  outcd  of  Assuwamsett  neck."  I'ottawo,  alias 
Daniel,  Porjinan,  Paffatt,*  alias  Joseph,  were  witiu'sses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £;J^i.  "sterling."  It  consisted  of 
uplands  and  meadows  about  the  pond  called  JWnipokct,  (^mticiis,\  &c,, 
and,  judging  from  the  price  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  large  tract. 

Thus  are  a  few  of  the  acts  of  Watuspaquin  sketched  |)revious  to  the 
war.  We  are  now  to  trace  his  operations  in  quite  another  sphere.  In 
our  o|)iiiion,  Mr.  Hubbard  was  right  in  styling  him  "the  next  note-d  cap- 
fain  to  Philip,"  hut  erroneously  calls  Old  Ihispaquin  "the  Black-sachenrs 
son."  He  does  not  appear  to  have  known  of  the  son  WiUiam.  Indeed, 
we  hear  nothing  of  him  in  the  v.ir,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  liite 
of  his  father. 

Ill  the  spring  of  lOTH,  Tuspaquin  was  marching  from  place  to  plnc(» 
with  about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  humbling 
the  pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  Philipi's  western  disasters,  occa- 
sioned by  the  disaffection  of  his  Pocomptucks  and  others,  his  expectations 
might  have  been  realized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  1!» 
buildings  in  Scituate  were  burnt  on  20  April;  and  on  the  H  May,  had 
not  a  shower  prevented,  most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would 
have  shared  the  same  fate.     Tuspaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men 


*  Two  names,  probably;  but  in  the  IMS.  there  is  no  ronima  bntwcpn,  as  is  often  the 
case.  t  Titicut,  probably,  now. 


[Hook  III. 

moddow 

Hide  of  a 

hftwtTii 

poll    tllHM' 

til.     VVit- 

ulowapurt 

lands  (III 

k»T  lallctli 

lit;  Itoiiiids 

to  Htnnj 

Church  of 
hie,  lauds 
s(Til)rd  as 
cstcrly  Ity 
tiisiinnsett, 
nj  IVofuCs 
MK'd  as  u 
vxcst  and 
(7/,  and  a 
illcd  f^HlV- 

ikct,  wen; 

rirwnt,  for 
1  l»y  Uiii;- 
riiicpetuitt 

■er  to  y.'/m 
1,  "all  thai 
)iily  »7.vsa- 
gaiiist  the 

if,  there- 
Is  dt'oded, 

awo,  alias 

lisistcd  of 

icus,\  &c., 

kct. 

HIS  to  the 
licre.  In 
it(3d  cap- 

l-sacheni's 
IndiM'd, 

Id  the  fan; 

to  i>Iar» 
Itiuinb'.iiig 
f-'rs,  oci'a- 
l)eotatioiis 
Ji  that  Ifl 
IjMay,  had 
Iter  would 

his  men 

lis  often  tli8 

3W. 


CukV.  Ill  1 


TUSI'AQI^IN. 


55 


J 


ill  thiri  attack.*  The  inhaliitaiits  exerted  theiiLtelveH  to  repel  tlie  Iiidiaim, 
but,  roiiHeioiiri  of  their  Htren^th,  they  iiiaintaiiied  their  ^'rouiid  iiiiiil  (hi; 
next  day,  when  they  retreati.-d.  NoiwithNlaiKliiig  the  ruin,  they  HiieceedutI 
in  hiirniii^'  17  hiiildin^  het'oie  they  deeainped. 

On  II  iMay,  1(>7<>,  tliere  were  elt.>v«-n  houses  and  live  liartis  hiirnt  in  I'li- 
nioiidi,  and  a  few  weeks  all(!r,  seven  houses  more  and  two  hariis.  Tiiese 
were  prol)jd>ly  Hiieh  aa  were  at  a  eonsiderahlt!  distaiiee  from  the  villap-, 
and  liati  ehieily  been  deserted.  This  "mischief"  was  nttrihiited  tu  Tus- 
paquin  and  his  men. 

Aliout  this  time,  livnjnmin  Church  was  eommissioned  by  the  jfovern- 
ment  of  I'iimouth  to  lead  parties  in  diflerent  direetions  over  the  colony  ; 
and  from  the  time  he  commenced  o|)eration8,  tho  Indiana  i(>umi  but  few 
opportunities  to  do  misehitd' in  I'iimouth  colonj. 

Tuspaquin  still  kepi  his  ground  in  the  Assawomset  roimtry,  and  for  a 
lonjj  time  batHed  all  the  skill  Capt.  Church  was  master  of,  who  used  »;very 
endeavor  to  take  him  prisoner.  Church  received  his  commission  !:24  July, 
l()7(i,  and  the  same  night  set  out  on  an  cx|)cditioii  against  Tuspaquin. 
Ills  Indian  scouts  brought  him  before  day  U|)on  a  company  of  Tuspaquiti's 
people  in  Middleboroiigh,  every  one  of  whom  fell  into  his  hands.  How 
many  there  were.  Church  does  not  say.  Ho  took  thum  directly  to  Pli- 
inouth,  "and  disposed  of  them  all,"  exce|)l  "one  Jeffery,  who,  proving  very 
ingenious  and  faithful  to  him  in  informing  where  other  pan'.els  of  tho 
Indians  harbored,  Capt.  Church  |)romisc<l  him,  that  if  ho  continued  to  Ite 
tiiithful  to  him,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country,  but  should  lio 
his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  his  lioi-se,  &c.,  ancl  accordingly  ho 
nerved  him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived."! 

Thus  strengthened  by  Tujtpaquiii's  own  men,  Church  pursued  his  suc- 
resstvs  with  a  manifold  advantage.  There  was  n  small  tribe  residing  near 
Muiiponset  I'oml,  which  was  next  captured  without  loss  on  either  side, 
and  there  was  hencuifbrth  scarcely  u  week  passed  wherein  ho  did  not 
captivate  some  of  these  peo|>l«;. 

Not  long  aller  this,  it  was  found  that  Tuspaquin  had  encamped  about 
Assawomset,  aiul  Church  set  out  on  an  expedition  there ;  but  finding  Old 
Tuspaquin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  lietween  the  two  great  ponds,| 
he  was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acushnet  and  Dart- 
mouth. As  he  was  crossing  Assawomset  neck,  a  scout  from  Tuspaquin's 
camp  fired  upon  him,  but  did  him  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  Jlnnawon  having  bt^en  surprised  by  the  indefati- 
gable Church,  Tuspaquin  saw  no  chance  of  holding  out  long;  therefore 
a|)pears  alterwanls  only  intent  upon  kiteping  out  of  the  way  of  the  Eng- 
lish. This  could  not  bo  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were 
ranging  in  every  direction. 

On  4  Sept.  1G7(J,  according  to  Churches  account,  Tuspaquin's  company 
were  encamped  near  Sippican,  doing  "  great  damage  to  the  English  i*i 
killing  their  cattle,  horses  and  swine."  The  next  day.  Church  and  his 
rangers  were  in  their  neighborhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation, 
which  was  "sitting  round  their  iires  in  u  thick  place  of  brucli,"§  in  seem- 
ing safety,  the  ca[)tain  "ordered  every  man  to  creep  as  he  did;  and  sur- 
rounded them  by  creeping  as  near  as  they  could,  till  they  should  be  dis- 
covered, and  then  to  run  on  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  possible, 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  (Nar.  71.)  the  Indians  were  led  by  one  Tusguogen,  but  we  are 
satisfied  T^ts}iaqmn  is  meant. 

t  Church,  Narrative,  31. 

\  Just  below  where  Sampson's  tavern  now  stands. 

^I  suspect  Mr.  Hubbard  mistakes  the  situation  of  this  place,  in  sayinp  it  was  "  in 
Lakenham,  upon  Pocassel  neck."  Church  is  so  unrewarding  of  all  geography,  that  il  is 
quite  uncertain  where  it  was.  If  it  were  near  Sippican,  it  was  a  long  way  from  any 
part  of  Pocassel. 


56 


TF;.-3PAaUlN.— TATOSON. 


[Book  III. 


(for  their  prisoners  were  their  pay.)  Tliey  did  so,  taking  every  one  that 
was  ^t  tlie  fires,  not  one  escaping.  Upon  examination,  they  agreed  in 
their  story,  that  they  helonged  to  Tispaqiiin,  who  was  gone  with  John 
Bump  and  one  njore  to  Agawoni  and  Sijjican  to  kill  horses,  and  were 
not  expected  back  in  two  or  three  days."*  Church  proceeds:  "This 
same  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great  captain,  and  tlie  Indians  repv^Ked  that 
he  wasi  such  a  groat  pouwau,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that  no  bullet  could 
enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  woidd  not  have  him  killed,  for  there  was  a 
war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  and  he  would  have  him 
saved  to  go  with  them  to  fight  the  easteri:  Indians.  Agreeably,  he  lell 
two  old  squaws  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until  their 
Captain  Tispaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church  had  been  there, 
and  had  taken  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them  down 
to  Plymouth ;  and  would  spai'e  all  their  lives,  and  liis  too,  if  he  would 
come  down  to  them  and  bring  the  other  two  that  were  w>th  him,  and 
they  should  be  his  solrliers,  &c.  Capt.  Church  then  returned  to  Plymouth, 
leaving  the  old  squaws  well  provided  for,  and  bisket  for  Tispaquin  when 
he  returned." 

This  Church  called  laying  a.  trap  for  Tuspaqiiin,  and  it  tunied  out  as 
he  expected.  V/e  shall  now  see  with  what  faith  the  English  acted  on 
this  occaf'on.  Church  liad  assured  him  that,  if  he  gave  himself  up,  he 
should  not  be  killed,  but  he  was  not  at  Plimouth  when  Tuspaquin  came 
in,  having  gone  to  lioston  on  business  for  a  few  days ;  "  but  when  he 
returned  from  Boston  ho  found,  to  his  grief,  the  heads  ofAnnawon,  Tis- 
paquin, &c.  cut  off,  which  were  the  last  oi'Philip^s  friends" ! 

It  is  true  that  those  who  were  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged 
in  killing  the  English  wore,  in  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  off 
from  ])ardon  by  a  law  ;  that  time  had  now  passed  away,  and,  like  many 
other  laws  of  exigency,  it  should  then  have  been  considered  a  dead  letter; 
leaving  out  of  the  case  the  faith  and  promise  of  their  best  servant.  Church, 
View  it,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  be  found  to  justify  this 
flagrant  inroad  upon  the  promise  of  Captain  Church.  To  give  to  the 
conduct  of  the  Plimouth  government  a  pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder 
expression  I  cannot  use,)  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  Tusjiaquin  having  pretended 
tliat  a  bullet  could  not  penetrate  him,  trial  of  his  invulneral)leness  was 
resolved  upon.  So  he  was  placed  e.s  a  mark  to  shoot  at,  and  "  he  fell 
down  at  the  first  shot"  ! 

This  was  doubtless  the  end  of  numerous  others,  aa  we  infer  from  the 
following  passage  in  Dr.  Mather's  Prevalkncy  of  Prayer.  He  asks, 
"  Where  are  the  six  Narraganset  sachems,  with  all  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors? Where  are  the  Nipmuck  sachems,  with  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors ?  Where  is  Philip  and  Squaio- sachem  of  Pocasset,  with  all  their 
captains  and  counsellors  ?  (Jod  do  so  to  all  the  implacal>le  enemies  of 
Christ,  and  of  his  people  in  N.  England"!!  The  next  of  P/a'/i/j's  captains, 
in  our  arrange:M<'nt,  is 

Tatoson,  also  a  great  captain  in  the  war  of  1()7.5.  It  scorns  rather 
uncertain  whether  lie  were  a  Narraganset  or  Wumpanoag.  He  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Nairagansc^ts  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  (]uite  certain  that  his  residence  afterwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester  ;t  and  when  he  signed  tlie  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  among  the  Narragansets  upon  a  mission 
or  visit. 


*  Rv  tliis  it  seems  tlic  ])lace  iniy;lit  liave  hecn  as  I'ar  ofT'is  Pocasset. 

t  ()i>   llie  rij^iit  of  tlio  inain  roa.l.  as  you  ])ass  from  IMala])oiset  to  Rochester  vil 


lOT. 


and  aljout  two  miles  I'rcsni  the  former,  at  a  small  distance  'Vom  the  road,  is  a  kind  of 
island  in  a  niirv  swamj).  i'|)on  this,  it  is  said,  was  Tuloson's  camp,  Tiiis  island  is  con- 
nected by  an  isthmus  to  the  main  land. 


Chap.  HI] 


TATOSON. 


57 


We  fii'st  meet  with  Tatoson*  or,  a3  hi.s  unme  is  commonly  prititcd, 
Totoson,  in  KifKi,  in  the  respectnl)!*^  company  ol"  3Ir.  Secrctai-y  Morton  of 
I'Wiiiuuih,  aud  .flcanootus,  fVanno  rto"graue  anil  sago  Indians,"  and  a 
iiunil)i;r  more,  ol*  whose  cliaracti  ,.s  we  are  not  so  well  prepared  to  si)eak. 
Anion*'  this  assemblage  he  is  oiiy  consiacuons,  however,  as  a  witness  to 
adee(l  ofthe  lands  npou  Weequancdt  neck.  Mr.  JVfor/on'*  name  follows 
Tatosoii's,  on  this  instrnment. 

Tliore  was  a  general  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  1G71,  as  will  be 
menlioned  in  the  lite  of  Jlwashonks.  Among  a  great  numb(!r  ordered  to 
appear  at  Plimoutli  the  same  year,  to  bind  themselves  more  strongly  in 
allkviance  to  the  English,  we  tind  the  name  of  Tatoson,  or,  as  his  name 
Wits  tlien  written,  Tautozcn.  Also  l^oby,  alias  JVauh7iocommt,\  and  Jf'ill, 
alias  IVashawanna.  >. 

Tatoson  was  a  son  of  the  "  noted  Sam  Bairow"  but  of  his  own  family, 
or  whetiier  h(!  had  any,  we  are  not  informed. 

On  tjje  12th  of  Jnae,  1G7G,  several  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  in  by 
Bradford  iim\  Church,  were  "conventcd  before  the  couneell"  at  Plimonth  ; 
being  "such  of  them  as  were  aceuscd  of  working  vnsufferable  mischeiti'e 
vpon  some  of  ours."  Among  them  was  one  named  flatukpoo,  or,  as  he 
was  often  called,  Tuknoo.l  Against  him,  several  charges  were  brought, 
such  as  his  going  oft  to  the  enemy,  and  trying  to  deceive  the  governor 
al)out  the  prosjiect  of  war ;  telling  him  that  Philip's  men  had  deserted 
him,  and  that  he  had  only  a  few  old  men  and  boys  remaining. 

At  this  time  were  ])resent  three  other  Indians,  whose  names  were 
Woodcock,  (^uanapawhan  and  John-num.  The  two  first  were  accused  by 
a  squaw  of  destroying  Clark's  garrison  at  Eel  River  in  Plimouth,  and 
nuirdpring  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been  done  on  the  12  March  pre- 
vious, and  with  such  secrecy  and  effect,  that  the  English  knew  not  whom 
to  accuse  of  it.  Many  supposed  that  fVatuspaquin  conducted  the  affair, 
and  I\lr.  Hubbard  charges  it  uj)on  him  without  hesitation,  but  it  is  now 
quite  certain  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  in  the  seq\iel  we  shall 
show. 

The  two  just  mentioned,  finding  themselves  detected,  accused  their 
follow  prisoner,  Johi-nntn.  It  appeare  that  JVum  not  only  owned  himself 
guilty  of  this  charge,  but  acknowledged,  also,  that  he  was  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  "  Jacob  Mitchel  and  his  wife,  and  John  Pope,§  and  soe  cen- 
tfliice  of  death  was  pronounced  against  them,  which  accordingly  eme- 
diately  was  executed." 

Uefbre  these  were  executed,  they  implicated  a  fourth,  whose  name  was 
Keweenam.  Although  Tatoson  commanded  the  company  that  put  to 
death  the  peo})le  at  Clark's  garrison,  yet  Keweenam  set  the  e.\i)edition  on 
foot.    He  lived  at  Sandwich,  and  was  probably  one  of  T'atoson^a  men. 

*  So  almost  always  in  the  MSS. 

t  Somclimcs  called  Toby  Cole.  The  same,  wc  conclude,  who  joined  Philip  after- 
wards, and  fell  into  the  hands  of  Capt.  Church,  as  did  his  niothc,  and  many  more  at 
the  same  time. 

X  This  Indian,  whoin  we  shall  have  occasion  several  times  to  mention,  was  not  one  of 
those  sent  in  by  P  idford,  as  appears  from  Mati.jr,  (Brief  Hist.  '10.)  luit  tlipy"  informed 
iliat  a  hloudy  Indian  called  Ttickpoo,  (who  the  last  summer  murdered  a  man  of  Boston, 
at  Naniaskct,)  with  al)out  20  Indians  more,  was  at  a  place  within  16  miles  of  Plimouth." 
Eigiit  Enelish  and  fourteen  Indians  succeeded  in  teiking  them  all.  and  Tuckpoo  was 
immediately  executed. 

4  The  murder  of  those  people  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  Mr.  Hubbard  in  his 
" 'I'able."  The  passag'e  fcdlows:  "In  June,  l(uil,  [1C73?]  a  man  and  a  woman  were 
slain  by  the  Indians  :  another  woman  was  wounded  and  taken  ;  but  because  she  had 
kept  an  Indian  child  before,  so  much  kindness  was  showed  her,  as  that  she  was  sen! 
back,  after  they  had  dressed  her  wound  ;  the  Indians  guarded  her  till  she  came  within 
siglit  of  the  Endish."  Mr.  Mitchel  informs  us  that  the  name  of  the  wounded  woman 
was  Dorothy  Ilaywood.    See  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vli.  169. 


58 


TATOSON. 


[Book  III. 


However,  on  Saturday,  the  11  March,  he  was  at  Mr.  fVUliam  Clark%  and 
ol)served  how  every  part  of  the  garrison  was  conditioned.  He  then  went 
to  his  chief,  Tatoaon,  and  toht  him  that  it  could  he  easily  taken,  as  it  was 
but  slightly  fortified  ;  and  that  the  next  day,  being  Sunday,  would  be  the 
proper  time  to  execute  their  plan,  as  the  residents  would  mostly  be  gone 
to  meeting;  "and  in  case  they  left  a  man  at  home,  or  so,  they  might  soon 
dispatch  him." 

This  intelligence  was  pleasing  to  Tatoson,  and  he  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  Their  names  were  as  follows :  Woo- 
nashenah,  Miwquiiah,  fVapanpowett,  Tom,  "  the  son  of  Tatosori's  brother," 
Uttsooweest,  and  Tom  Piant ;  which,  with  the  three  before  named,  nia  le 
up  the  whole  company.  Commencing  their  march  before  night,  t!<ey 
arrived  in  the  borders  of  Plimouth,  where  they  lay  concealed  until  the 
people  had  gone  to  public  worship.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
they  came  upon  the  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After 
killing  all  they  met  with,  they  took  what  plunder  they  could  carry,  and 
burned  the  buildings  ;  then  again  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  were  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
and  children.  Three  only  were  of  Mr.  Clark's  family,  but  there  were 
eight  others  belonging  to  the  other  two.  Mvs.  Elizabeth  Clark,*  one  ot' 
the  heads  of  the  family,  was  among  the  slain.f 

Keioe.tnam  was  beheaded,  but  how  the  other  three  were  disposed  of,  we 
are  not  informed  ;  it  is  very  probable  that  the  whole  number  suffered  in 
due  time.  At  the  tiial  of  Keweenam  and  the  other  three,  some  of  them 
pleaded  that  the  govenior's  proclamation  was  now  their  protection  ;  from 
which  it  would  seem  that  they  had  surrendered  themselves.  But  there 
was  none  to  plead  their  case,  except  their  accusers,  and  they  explained 
its  things  in  their  own  way.  The  court  said,  "  Forasmuch  as  the  council 
had  before  this  engaged  to  several  Indians  desirous  to  come  in  and  tender 
themselves  to  mercy,  that  they  shv/uld  find  favor  in  so  doing :  it  was  fully 
made  known  to  such  Indians  ns  were  then  |)resent,  that  the  said  engage- 
ment was  to  be  understood  with  exception  against  such  as  by  murder  as 
above  said  had  so  acted,  and  not  against  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the 
field  in  a  souldieilike  way." 

This  kind  of  argument  would  answer  among  duelists,  but  when  did 
the  Indians  agree  to  fight  the  English  according  to  <Aei>  rules  of  war  ? 
The  former  might  with  equal  propriety  demand  that  the  English  should 
conform  to  tlieir  manner,  and  not  depend  on  their  numbers,  forts,  and 
superior  weapons. 

Although  the  murder  at  Clark^s  garrison  was  one  of  those  homble  acts 
in  Indian  warfare,  which  would  justify  the  most  rigid  retaliation,  still,  as 
the  English  began  the  war,  they  had  no  right  to  expect  but  that  it  would 
be  prosecuted  by  the  Indians  in  all  the  ways  at  their  command.  On  this 
ground  the  philanthropist  will  ever  condemn  the  severity  of  the  English. 

When  Capt.  Church  came  upon  Philip  and  a  great  number  of  his  peo- 


^ 


*  "  Who  was  the  dauffhtcr  of  a  godly  father  and  mother,  that  rame  to  N.  Eiidand  on 
llio  account  of  reli^fion.  "  They  also  killed  her  sucking  child,  and  knockocl  another 
child  (who  was  about  eight  years  old)  in  the  head,  supposing  they  had  killed  him,  bin 
allerwards  he  came  to  himself."     /.  Mother,  llricf  Hist.  2i. 

t  We  relate  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Present 
State,  &,c.  furnishes  the  followiflg  valu.'\i)le  facts  :  "  About  this  time,  [his  last  dale  men- 
tioned being  II  March,]  one  Mr.  (^Idrk's  wife,  children,  and  all  his  family,  at  his  farm- 
house, two  mil(!S  from  i'limouth,  wore  surprised  and  killed,  except  one  boy.  who  was 
knockt  down,  and  lell  for  dead,  but  afterwards  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house 
they  plundered  of  provision  and  goods  to  a  great  value  ;  eight  complete  arms,  30/.  [lh.\ 
of  powder,  with  an  answerable  i|nantity  of  lead  for  bullets,  and  150/.  in  ready  money  ; 
(he  said  Mr.  Clark  hinise)!' narrowly  escaping  their  cruelty,  by  being  at  that  instaut  ai  a 
meeting." 


[Book  III. 

Clark's,  and 
!  then  went 
n,  as  it  was 
3ul(l  be  the 
t!y  be  gone 
might  soon 

nself  at  the 
ows:  Woo- 
i'a  brother," 
imed,  made 
nigiit,  t!«"y 
d  until  the 
le  morning, 
nds.  After 
.  carry,  and 

stly  women 
there  were 
irk,*  one  of 

(osed  of,  we 
:  suffered  in 
me  of  them 
ction  ;  from 
But  there 
ty  explained 

the  council 
I  and  tender 

it  was  fully 
laid  engage- 
murder  as 

emie  in  the 

when  did 
les  of  war  ? 
jlish  should 
Is,  forts,  and 

ioiTible  acts 
lion,  still,  as 
liat  it  would 
On  this 
[e  English. 
)f  his  peo- 

|.  EiiHand  on 
Ickcd  aiiotlicr 
lilled  iiiin,  bill 

If  the  Present 
Isl  chile  nieii- 

al  his  farm- 
fcoy,  who  was 

The  house 
Ims,  30/.  [lt>.] 
lady  moiiev  ; 
It  instaut  at  a 


Chap.  Ill] 


TIASHQ. 


50 


pie,  the  3d  of  August,  1G76,  "  Tispaquin,  Toloson,  &.r."  prevented  the 
entire  destruction  of  some  of  them,  by  combating  the  English  while  their 
chief  and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a  small  swamp  into  which 
tliey  had  fled.  "  In  this  swamp  skirmish  Capt.  Church  with  his  two  men 
which  always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  mc^t  with  three  of  the  enenjy, 
two  of  which  surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain's  guard  seized 
them  ;  but  the  other,  being  a  great  stout  smiy  fellow,  with  his  two  locks 
tv'd  up  with  red,  and  a  great  rattlesnake's  skin  hanging  to  the  back  i)art 
of  his  head,  (whom  Capt.  Church  concluded  to  be  Tolo^un,)  ran  from 
them  into  the  swamp.  Capt.  Church  in  person  pursued  him  close,  till, 
coining  pretty  near  up  with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders, 
but  it  missing  fire,  the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned  and  presented  at  Capt. 
Church,  and  missing  fire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  the  fog  and 
dew  of  the  morning,)  but  the  Indian  turning  short  for  another  rim,  his 
foot  trip'd  in  a  small  grape-vine,  and  he  fell  flat  on  his  face.  Capt.  Church 
was  by  this  time  up  with  him  and  struck  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  an  inch 
and  an  half  into  the  back  part  of  his  head,  which  dispatclied  him  without 
another  blow.  But  Capt.  Church  looking  behind  him  saw  Totoson,  the 
Indian  whom  he  tho't  he  had  killed,  come  flying  at  him  like  a  dragon  ; 
but  this  happened  to  be  fair  in  sight  of  the  guard  t'uit  were  set  to  keep 
the  prisoners,  who  spying  Totoson  and  others  that  were  following  him,  in 
the  vei7  seasonable  juncture  made  a  shot  upon  them,  and  rescued  their 
captain,  though  he  was  in  no  small  danger  from  his  friends'  bullets,  for 
some  came  so  near  him  that  he  thought  he  folt  the  wind  of  them."*  The 
celebrated  Church,  in  the  skirmishes  he  had  in  these  two  days,  August  1 
and  2,  took  and  killed  173  Indians. 

Little  more  than  a  month  after, the  fall  of  Philip,  Church  surprised 
Tatosori's  whole  company,  about  50  persons,  lie  was  the  last  tliat  was 
left  of  the  family  of  Ban'ow;  and,  says  Church,  "the  wretch  reflecting 
upon  the  miserable  condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart 
became  a  stone  within  him,  and  he  died.  The  old  squaw  [that  Church 
had  employed  to  persuade  him  to  submit]  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brush 
over  him — came  into  Sandwich,  and  gave  this  account  of  his  death  ;  and 
offered  to  show  them  where  she  left  his  body,  but  never  had  an  opportu- 
nity, for  she  immediately  fell  sick  and  died  also." 

The  fate  of  the  father  of  Barrow  does  not  so  much  excite  sympathy, 
as  does  that  of  the  son,  but  is  one  of  those  cases  more  calculated  to  arouse 
the  fiercer  passions.  The  old  chief  fell  into  the  hands  of  Capt.  Church, 
in  one  of  his  successful  expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church 
says,  in  his  history,  that  he  was  "  as  noted  a  rogue  as  anj  among  the 
enemy."  Capt.  Church  told  him  that  the  government  would  not  permit 
him  to  grant  him  quarter,  "because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbari- 
ties," and  therefore  ordered  him  to  prepare  for  execution.  "Zfarrojo 
replied,  that  the  sentence  of  death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  indeed 
he  was  ashamed  to  live  any  longer,  and  desired  no  more  favor,  than  to 
smoke  a  wiiiflT  of  tobacco  before  his  execution.  When  he  had  taken  a 
lew  whiffs,  he  said,  'I  am  rer.dy  ;'  upon  which  one  of  Capt  Church's 
Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  into  liis  brains." 

Tiashq,\  or  T)jasks,\  "  was  tlie  next  man  to  Philip,'"  says  Church ;  there 
were  others  also  said  to  be  "  next  to  him,"  and  it  may  be  all  reconciled 
by  supposing  these  chiefs  as  having  the  chief  command  over  particular 
tribes.  ]Mr.  Hubbard^  says  only  this  of  the  famous  Tiashq :  "  In  June 
last,  [1G7G,]  one  Tiashq,  a  great  captain  of  Philip^s,  his  wife  and  child, 
or  children,  being  taken,  though  he  escaped  himself  at  fii-st,  yet  came 
since  and  surrendered  himself."     Dr.  /.  Mather,  writing  under  date  of  522 


*  Hist.  Philip's  War,  11.         t  tlubhanl,  Mather. 


Church.  J  Narrative,  lOG. 


60 


TIASHQ. 


[Book  hi. 


July,  iCi7G,  says  it  was  "  tliis  week"  that  Capt,  Church  and  liin  Indian  sol- 
diers foil  n|)ou  Tiashq  aiMJ  liis  company.  It  appears  tlicrolbre  lliat  Mr. 
Hubbard  is  in  error,  as  the  account  yiven  l»y  Church  corroborates  tiiat  of 
MiUher,  wlio  speaks  thus  of  liis  o])erations:  "It  having  been  his  maimer 
wlien  he  taketh  any  Indians  by  a  promise  of  favor  to  tliem,  in  case  tliey 
acquit  tlieniselves  well,  to  set  them  an  'lunting  after  more  of  these  wolves, 
whereby  the  woi*st  of  them  sometimes  do  singular  good  service  in  linding 
out  the  rest  of  their  bloody  fellows.     In  one  of  these  skirmishes,  IHashij, 


Philip's  chief  captain,  ran  away  leaving  his  gun  behind  him,  and  nis 
Btjuaw,  who  was  taken."*  Tliese  Indian  soldicre,  who  perlbrnied  tiiis 
exploit,  were  forced  upon  it  by  Church.  They  had  been  seeking  Indians 
about  Aponaganset  River,  and  discovered  thct  a  large  company  of  them 
had  just  been  gathering  the  apples  at  a  deserted  settlement  on  the  east 
side  of  it.  The  English  and  Indians  immediately  pursued  in  their  traek.r 
"  Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  comitry  road,  where  tlie 
track  parted :  one  parcel  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the  great  cedar 
swatnj),  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  Tiie  captain  halted  and  told  his 
Indian  souldiers  that  they  had  licard  as  well  as  he  what  sc  ne  men  had 
said  at  Plymouth  about  them,|:  &c.,  that  now  was  a  good  opportunity  for 
each  party  to  prove  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should 
follow  one,  and  the  English  the  other,  being  equal  in  number.  Tiie 
Indians  declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where 
without  him  :  said  thtu  should  not  think  themselves  safe  without  hivi.  Hut 
the  captain  insisting  upon  it,  they  submitted.  He  gave  the  Indians  their 
choice  to  follow  which  tmck  they  pleased.  They  replied.  They  loert 
light  and  able  to  travel,  t  lerefot  c  if  he  pleased  they  ivoxdd  take  the  leeat  track. 
And  appointing  the  ruins  of  John  Cook's  house  at  Cushnet§  for  the  place 
to  meet  at,  each  company  set  out  briskly  to  try  their  fortunes."||  When 
the  parties  met,  "they  very  remarkably  found  that  the  number  that  each 
company  had  taken  and  slain  was  equal.  The  Indians  liad  killed  three 
o*"  the  enemy,  and  taken  63  prisoners,  as  the  Engl'sli  had  done  before 
them."1I  IJoth  parties  were  much  rejoiced  at  their  successes,  but  the 
Indians  told  Capt.  Church  "  that  they  had  missed  a  brave  opportunity  by 
parting.  They  came  upon  a  great  town  of  the  enemy,  viz:  Capt.  Tyasks' 
com[)any.  {Tyasks  was  the  next  man  to  Philip.)  They  fired  upon  the 
enemy  before  they  were  discovered,  and  ran  iipon  them  with  a  shout. 
The  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  children,  and  many  of  them  their 
guns.  They  took  Tyasks'  wife  and  son,  and  thought  that  if  their  captain 
and  the  English  company  had  been  with  them  they  might  have  taken 
some  hundreds  of  them,  and  now  they  determined  not  to  part  any  more."** 
This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Capt.  Church,  was  a  "  remarkable  prov- 
idence," inasmuch,  perhaps,  as  the  equality  of  tiieir  successes  prevented 
either  party  from  boasting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the  other.  Nev- 
ertheless, Church  adds, — "  But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to  take  more 
arms  than  the  English."  It  would  add  not  a  little,  perhajis,  to  the  grati- 
fication of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  the  Indian  captain  in 
this  far-famed  exploit,  or  even  that  of  one  of  hi§  men  ;  but  at  present  they 
are  hid  alike  from  us  and  from  liim. 


■♦  Brief  Hist.  42.  f  C/i«rc/i ,  33. 

\  Tiie  tlcicstaiion  in  wliich  tlie  Indians  were  iield  by  "  .some  men,"  in  many  otlier 
places  as  well  as  in  Plimoutii,  will  ol'ten  appear  in  tiiis  work.  Sucli  people  could  know 
nothing'  of  human  nature,  and  many  would  not  have  believed  the  Indians  capable  of 
gooa  actions,  thou<rh  oiie  from  the  dead  had  assured  them  to  the  contrary. 

^  Abbreviated  trom  Acushnet,  See  Doiifr/ass,  Summary,  i.  403.  who  writes  it  Ac- 
rushnot.  Thus  many  Indian  names  are  changed.  Instead  of  Aponaganset,  we  hear 
PoTKHxanxet,  and  for  Asonet,  Sonet,  &c.  Cushnel  is  the  river  on  wliicli  New  Bedford 
and  Fairhaven  stand. 

II  Church,  yi.  IT  Ibid.  36.  **  Ibid. 


rBiioiw-  III. 

Iiuliuii  sol- 
re  that  Mr, 
U09  tlmt  ot* 
his  maniior 
in  case  tlu-y 
lesu  wolves, 

0  in  iin(rni<r 
lies,  l\nsh(], 
iin,  and  his 
Conned  tliis 
:hig  Indians 
ny  of  th'.'Mi 
on  the  east 

their  truck.r 
J,  where  the 

great  cedar 
md  told  his 
ue  men  had 
lortunity  for 
they  should 
mher.     The 

any  where 
(t  him.  But 
ndians  their 
,  They  were 
le  ivest  track. 
or  the  place 
s."||  When 
ler  that  each 

1  killed  three 
one  before 

ses,  but  the 
lortunity  by 
It.  Tyash^ 
tipon  the 
a  shout, 
them  their 
leir  captain 
lave  taken 
>y  more."** 
able  jirov- 
preventcd 
ler.  Nev- 
take  more 
o  the  grati- 
captain  in 
resent  they 


(3. 

many  otlier 
could  know 
IS  capiible  of 

A'rites  it  Ac' 
set,  we  hear 
Vew  Bedford 

Ibid. 


th 


Chap.  IV.]  MAGNUS.  GI 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chief  women  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — Magivus — Her  country  and 
relations — Her  capture  and  death — Awashonks — h  greatly  annoyed 
in  the  events  of  l()7l — Her  men  disarmed — Philip's  endeavors  to  engage 
her  against  the  English — CJnirch  prevents  her — tsfnally  in  the  power  of 
Philip — Reclaimed  by  Church — Some  particulars  of  her  family. 

Although,  liefore  we  had  finished  the  life  of  Weetamoo,  we  deemed  it 
jiroper  to  have  deferred  it  to  this  chajjler,  but  na  we  had  been  led  rather 
imperceptibly  into  many  particulars  concerning  lier  in  that  place,*  we 
cduld  not  break  off  our  narrative  without  a  greater  imjiropriety  than  an 
o?nission  here  would  have  been,  and  shall  theiHjfore  begin  here  with  one 
of  her  cotemporaries,  the  bare  facts  in  whose  life  are  suflicient  to  main- 
tain a  high  interest,  we  believe,  in  the  mind  of  every  reader. 

Magnus  was  squaw-sachem  of  some  part  of  the  exttuisive  country  of 
tlie  Narraganseta,  and  was  known  by  several  names  at  different  and  the 
same  times;  as.  Old  Queen,  Sunk  Squaic,\  Qiiaiapen,  and  Matantuck. 
She  mairied  Mriksah,  or  Mexar-,  a  son  of  Canonicus,  and  was  sister  to 
JVinigrct.  She  had  two  sons,  Scuttup  and  (^uequaquennrt,  otherwise 
QiiequeguJient,  called  by  the  English  Gideon,  and  a  daughter  named 
<}uinemiquet.  These  two  died  yoimg.  Gideon  was  alive  as  late  as  IGGl ; 
Scuttup,  and  a  sister  also,  in  1664.  She  was,  in  1675,  one  "  of  the  six 
present  sachems  of  the  whole  Narraganset  coimtry  " 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English  army,  to  catise  the  Nnrra- 
gansets  to  fight  for  them,  wnom  they  had  always  abused  and  treated  with 
contemjrt,  since  before  the  cutting  off  of  MiardunnomoK's  head,  marched 
into  their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  single  sachem  <f  the  nation. 
They  fell  in  with  a  few  of  their  people,  who  could  not  v-ell  secrete  them- 
selves, and  who  concluded  a  long  treaty  of  mere  verbosity,  the  import  of 
which  they  could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less  ;  for  when  the 
army  left  their  country,  they  joined  again  in  the  war.  The  English 
caused  four  men  to  subscribe  to  their  articles  in  the  name,  or  in  liehalf 
of  Qitaiapen  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  took  four  others  as  hostages  (cir 
their  due  fulfilment  of  those  articles.  Their  names  were  Wohequob,  We- 
nwchim,  Pewkes,  and  Wenew,  who  are  said  to  have  been  "  near  kinsmen 
and  choice  friends"  to  the  sachems. 

We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  next  year,  when  herself  and  a  large 
company  of  her  men  Avere  discovered  by  Major  Talcot,  on  the;  9  July,  in 
Narraganset.  The  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a  hill,  having 
pitcheil  their  tents  in  a  valley  in  the  vicinity  of  a  swamp,  ns  was  usuidly 
their  custom.  About  300  of  the  English,  moimted  ujion  fleet  horses, 
divided  into  two  sqiiadrons,  antl  fell  upon  them  before  they  were 
aware  of  their  approach,  and  made  a  great  slaughter.  The  Mohegani. 
and  Pequots  came  ufion  them  in  the  centre,  while  the  lioi-semen  beset 
them  on  each  side,  and  thus  prevented  many  from  escaping  imo  the 
swamp.  When  all  were  killed  and  taken  within  the  encampment,  Capt 
N'eiohury,  who  commanded  the  horsemen,  dismounted,  and  with  his  men 
rushed  into  the  swamp,  where,  without  resistance,  they  killed  a  hundred, 

*  l^ook  iii.  cliap.  1. 

t  Ti'iimhull,  i,  3V7.  from  Hubbard,  I  suppose,  i,  .^1.  Female  chiefs  were  called 
taiinks  by  the  Indians,  which  sij^nitied  wife  of  the  sachem  ;  but  writers,  beinjr  irnorant 
of  that  fact,  ihoiifrlu  it  a  proper  name  of  a  particular  person,  and  hence  the  appellations 
of  Snuke,  i^nnke,  Snake,  &.c.  applied  to  Mtivnus. 

6 


()2 


AWASnONKS. 


[FOOK  III. 


and  inadn  many  prisoncra.  In  all,  they  killod  and  took  171*  in  tl>iH 
swamp  rtylit,  or  nilh(!r  massacre.  Not  an  Englishman  waa  hurt  in  tiio 
afliiir,  and  hut  one  Moiiegan  killed,  and  ojic  wounded,  wl.icii  wn  can 
liardly  suppose  was  done  hy  Ma^nus^s  people,  as  they  made  no  resistance, 
hut  rather  l)y  themselves,  in  tluur  fury  mistaking  one  another.  Ninety 
ol"  the  captives  were  put  to  ..  th  !  among  whom  was  Magnus,\  Tiie 
Kwainp  where  this  afltiir  took  place  is  near  the  present  town  ot'Wai*- 
wick,  hi  Rhode  Island. 

We  now  a|>proacli  atFaii's  of  great  interest  in  our  biographical  history 
of  the  Indians. 

Awujfhonks,  squaw-sachem  of  Sogkonate,:|  was  the  wife  of  an  Indian 
called  Tolonij,  hut  of  whom  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  important 
standing  among  the  Indiana,  few  deserve  a  more  particular  attention  ;  and 
we  shall,  therefore,  go  as  minutcdy  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will 
(;nahle  us. 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  Awaskonks  is  in  iG/l,  when  she  entered 
into  articles  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  Plimouth  as  follows: — "  In 
admitting  that  the  court  are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary 
coming  in  now  at  last,  and  submission  of  herself  unto  us  ;  yet  this  we  ex- 
pert  that  she  give  some  meet  satisfaction  for  the  charge  and  trouble  she 
iias  |)ut  us  upon  hy  her  too  long  standing  out  against  the  many  tenders  of 
peace  w»  have  made  to  lier  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  an  in- 
tention to  endeavor  the  reducement  of  such  as  have  been  the  incendiaries 
of  the  trouble  and  disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of 
her  people  as  shall  give  tliemselves  and  arms  unto  us,  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed, shall  receive  no  damage  or  hurt  tr^m  us,  which  time  appointed 
is  ten  days  from  the  date  hereof.  Thus  we  may  the  better  keep  off  such 
from  her  lands  as  may  hereafter  bring  upon  her  and  its  the  like  trouble, 
and  to  regulate  such  as  will  not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted 
!ier  lands  to  the  authority  of  the  government.  And  that,  if  the  lands  and 
estates  of  such  as  we  are  necessitated  to  take  arms  against,  will  not  de- 
tray  the  charge  of  the  expedition,  that  she  shall  bear  some  due  ])roportioa 
of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof,  and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  her 
agreement  hereunto,  she  hath  subscribed  her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel 
Barker  and  John  Almey. 

Mark  X  of  the  squaw-sachem  Awasuncks  ; 
the  mark  X  of  Totatomet,  and  Somaqaonet." 

Jflinessed  at  the  same  time  hy  "Tattacomhett,  » 

-Samponcut,  and 
Tamoueesam,  alias  Jeffery." 

Plimouth,  24  July,  1671. 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  same  capacity,  4  Sept.  fol- 
lowing, when  "  between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  rf 
Dartmouth,  made  a  like  submission."  Ashawanomuth,  JVoman,  Marhorkum,^ 
James  and  John,  were  other  witnesses. 

Atvashonks  was  at  Plimouth  when  the  former  articles  were  executed, 
from  which  it  appears  there  was  considerable  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony. 
There  were  about  this  time  tnany  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  in 
<lifferent  places.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from  Philip,  or  at 
least  to  give  a  check  to  Mieir  joining  with  him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point 

*  Trumbull.    200,  says  Cobbel's  vianusrript ;  240,  Hu!)bard. 

t  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  i.  1)7,  98.  I.  Mather's  llrief  Hist.  39.  TrunihuH's  Hist. 
Conneclicul,  i.  347. 

\  The  point  of  land  bpi>,w  Pocasset,  and  now  cliicfly  included  in  ihc  (own  of  Conip- 
tou,  Rhode  Island,  and  coinmoiily  called  Seconet. 


I 


:nooK  III. 

*  in  tl'ia 
irt  in  tlit> 

II  we  ctui 
esistancc, 
.  Ninrtv 
us.\  Tlie 
■  of  War- 

:al  liistory 

in  Indian 
important 
ition  ;  and 
neuts  will 

le  entered 
ws : — "  In 
voluntary 
this  u'c  ear- 
rouble  she 
tenders  of 
siee  an  in- 
cendiaries 
)  many  of 
3  time  ap- 

appointed 
p  off  such 
ie  trouble, 

submitted 
lands  and 

11  not  de- 
|)roportiou 

hem,  her 

of  Samuel 

|NCK3  ; 
LONET." 


Sept.  fol- 
town  f  f 
irhorkum,^ 

lexecuted, 
Vh  colony. 
Indians  in 
lilip,  or  at 
I  the  point 


liiill's  Hist. 
of  Comp- 


Chap.  IV.] 


AWASHONKS. 


fif{ 


of  attacking  the  English  settlements,  under  a  pre  ten  jo  of  injury  done  him 
in  his  planting  lands. 

Not  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  suhpciibed  articles,  but  all  their 
men,  that  could  be  prevailed  with,  did  the  same.  Tnc  August  following, 
42  oi'  Awrshonks^s  "nen  signed  a  paper,  approving  v  hat  slui  had  <lone,  anil 
binding  themselves  in  like  manner.  Out  of  42,  we  can  give  names  of 
three  onl^ — Tolaiomet,  Tunuokum  and  Sausamnn. 

It  appears  from  the  following  letter  li-om  Awashonk.t  to  (Jov.  Prince, 
that  those  who  submitted  themselves,  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the 
English : — 

"  August  11,  1071,  Honored  sir,  I  have  received  a  very  great  favor  from 
your  honor,  in  youre  of  the  7th  instant,  and  as  you  are  pleased  to  signify, 
that  if  I  continue  faithful  to  the  agreement  made;  wirh  youi-selvt^s  at 
riimouth,  I  may  expect  all  just  favors  from  your  honor.  I  am  fully  re- 
solved, while  1  live,  with  all  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagomcni,  and  in  a 
peaceable  submission  to  your  connnands,  according  to  the  best  of  my 
])oor  ability.  It  is  true,  and  1  am  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  are 
some  Indians  who  do  seek  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to 
his  majesty's  authority  in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself 
of  my  integrity  and  real  intentions  of  peace,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will 
aftbrd  me  all  due  encouragement  and  protection.  I  had  resolved  to  send  in 
all  my  guns,  being  six  in  number,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter; 
but  two  of  them  were  so  large,  the  messengers  were  not  able  to  carry  them. 
I  since  proffered  to  leave  them  with  Mr.  Barker,  but  he  not  having  any 
order  to  r.  ceive  them,  told  me  he  conceived  I  might  do  well  to  send  them 
to  Mr.  Almy,  who  is  a  person  concerned  in  the  juristliction,  which  I  re- 
solved to  Ao ;  but  since  then  an  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Broad- 
J'aced-will,  stole  one  of  them  out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  rim 
away  with  it  to  Mount  Hope;  the  other  I  think  to  send  to  Mr.  Almy.  A 
list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to  me,  and,  I  hope,  and  am  persuaded,  faith- 
ful to  you,  is  here  enclosed.  Honored  sir,  I  shall  not  trouble  you  further, 
but  desiring  your  peace  and  prosperity,  in  which  I  look  at  my  own  to  be 
included,  I  remain,  your  unfeigned  servant,  X  AwAsu^cKS." 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it. 

October  20,  1671,  Gov.  Prince  wrote  to  Awashonks,  that  he  had  receiv- 
ed the  list  of  nameo  of  her  men  and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  them- 
selves to  his  majesty's  authority  ;  and  assured  her  that  the  English  would 
befriend  her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  intimates  her  disapi)ointment  and 
his  own,  that  she  had  succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of 
her  subjects.  "Though,"  he  continued,  "  I  fault  not  you,  with  any  fail- 
ing to  endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  outwent 
their  deserts,  for  aught  yet  appeareth.  I  could  have  wi.shed  they  had 
been  wiser  for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably 
succeed  you  in  your  government,  and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly 
tied  unto  you  by  nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disre- 
gard and  affront  his  majesty's  interest  and  authority  here ;  and  the  amity 
of  the  EngUsh  ?  Certainly,  if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice, 
and  wish  they  would  yet  show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late." 
He  closed  by  recommending  her  to  send  some  of  here  to  the  next  court, 
to  desire  their  arms,  that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the 
approaching  season.  Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  hue- 
band. 

On  the  20  June,  1072,  the  folloAving  writing  appears  on  record  : 
"Wheras  Awaahunckes,  squa-sachem,  stand  indebted  vnto  Mr.  John  Almey 
the  Bume  of  £25  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  pence  a  pound,  or  peage  ntt 


04 


AWASIIONKS. 


[Hook  III. 


IG  |.eney,  and  20  polo  of  stoiio  wuU  utt  £4,  wliich  stone  wall,  or  £4,  is  to 
be  viidorHtood  t'»  bo  prto  oftlio  Hue  and  twenty  pound,"  therefore  ^ii:>rt- 
slionks,  liavin!4  fuilca  to  |)ay  agreeably  to  her  promise,  agrees  to  set  off 
land  on  the  north  side  of  "  tiie  Indian  field,"  next  Punkateesett,  on  tho 
cast  line  till  it  meets  with  "  a  great  runing  brooke,"  thence  northei  !y  to  a 
fresh  meadow,  thence  bounded  to  tiie  river  by  a  salt  cove  : — tliis  "  \s 
mortgaged  vnto  the  court  of  Plymouth"  for  tho  payment  of  said  debt, 
wliich  debt  is  to  be  paid  10  of  February,  1672,  O.  S. 

"  The  mark  X  of  Awasiiunkes." 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  the  family  of  t'Jjt^as/ionfts,  wo 
give  from  the  Records  of  Piimouth  tiie  following  exceedingly  valuable  facts. 

July  14,  1G73.  "  Whereas  Mamuneway  [a  son  of  Jlwashonks]  hath  by 
full  and  clear  testimony  [iroved  to  this  court,  in  behalf  of  hiimielf  r.nd 
brethren,  the  sons  of  Toloney,  and  a  kinsman  of  theirs  called  Anumjiash, 
[commonly  written  .V«m/JosA,]  son  to  Pokaltawn^^,  that  they  are  the 
chief  proprietors  and  sachems  of  Saconett,  or  places  commonly  so  called; 
and  yet  it  being  also  probable  that  Tatuckamna*  Awashunckes  and  those 
of  that  kindred  who  are  of  the  same  stock,  the  more  remote  may  have 
some  rig'it  to  lands  there,  as  they  are  relations  to  the  above  said  Maman- 
etvay,  &c.  and  have  been  long  inhabitants  of  that  place.  This  court  ad- 
viseth  tnat  convenient  proportions  of  land  be  settled  on  the  above  said 
Tatacamana  Awashanks,  &/C.  at  Saconett  aforesaid ;  concerning  which, 
the  above  said  Mamaneway  and  his  brethren  and  kinsman  who  have 
proved  their  right  to  those  lands  do  not  or  cannot  agree,  this  court  do  ap- 
point that  some  meet  persons,  by  order  of  this  court,  shall  repair  to  the 
place,  and  make  settlement  of  the  said  lands  by  certain  and  known 
boundaries  to  intent  that  peace  may  be  continued  among  the  said  Indians, 
and  they  may  all  be  accommodated  for  tlieir  subsisting  and  payment  of 
their  debts  in  an  orderly  way." 

The  same  year,  we  hoar  again  of  Tokapiona,  or,  as  he  is  then  oallnd, 
Totoinonna,  who,  with  his  brother  Squamatt,  having  endeavored  to  hinder 
the  English  from  possessing  some  lands  in  Dartmouth,  was,  from  some 
consideration,  not  named,  induced  to  relinquish  his  right  to  them.  And 
the  next  year,  1674,  Mamanawachy,  or,  as  his  name  was  before  written, 
Mamaneway,  surrendered  his  right  also.  The  rights  of  these  Indians,  it  is 
said,  had  been  sold  by  others. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Awashonks  until  about  the  commencement  of 
Philip's  war.  The  year  before  this  war,  Mr.  Bc.yamin  Church,  allorwards 
the  famous  and  well-known  Col.  Church,  settled  upon  the  [peninsula  of 
Sogkouate,  in  the  midst  of  Awas/ionks^s  people.  This  peninsula  is  on  the 
north-east  side  of  Nari'aganset  Bay,  against  the  south-east  end  of  the  island 
of  Rhode  Island.  Here  he  lived  in  the  greatest  friendship  with  these 
Indians,  until  the  spring  of  the  year  167.'),  when  suddenly  a  war  wp« 
talked  of,  and  messengei-s  were  sent  by  Philip  to  Awashonks,  to  engage 
her  in  it.  She  so  far  hstened  to  their  persuasions,  as  to  call  her  principal 
people  together,  and  make  a  great  dance ;  and  because  sh.e  respected  Mr. 
Church,  she  sent  privately  for  him  also.  Church  took  with  him  f  man 
that  well  understood  Indian,  and  went  directly  to  the  place  appointed. 
Here  "  they  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  from  all  pirts 
of  her  dominions.  Awashonks  herself,  in  a  foaming  sweat,  was  leading  the 
dance ;"  but  when  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she 
stopped  short,  and  sat  down  ;  ordered  her  chiefs  into  her  presence,  and 
then  invited  Mr.  Church.  All  being  seated,  she  informed  him  that  Meta- 
comet,  that  is,  Philip,  had  sent  six  of  his  men  tc  urge  her  to  join  with  hirn 

*  Or  Tokamona,  killed  by  the  Karraganscts,  not  long  after,  probably  in  1674. 


engage 
principal 
3ted  Mr. 
Ill  p  mail 
J)pointe(l. 
Jail  pnrts 
Iding  the 
J  me,  she 
Ince,  and 
|at  Meta- 

nth  hirn 

1674. 


Chap.  IV] 


AWASU'ONKS. 


a'l 


ill  prosecuting  a  war  against  tho  Knglisli.  She  said  these  messengers  iii- 
I'uniind  hur  tiiat  tlic  Uin/ntmes,*  iliut  is,  Pliinoiitli  iiicn,  were  gatiieriiig  u 
grc.t  uriiiy  to  invade  his  eountry,  and  wished  to  knowofhim  if  this  wen; 
truly  the  case.  He  told  her  that  it  was  i-ntirely  without  toiiiidalion,  for  lu; 
had  hut  just  come  from  I'iiiiioiith,  and  no  preparations  of  any  kind  wore 
making,  nor  did  he  helievt;  any  thoughts  of  war  were  entertained  hy  any 
of  the  head  men  there.  "  lie  asked  her  whether  she  thought  he  would 
have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that  place,"  if  he  in  the  least  ap- 
prehended a  war;  at  which  she  seemed  somewhat  convinced,  .flwa- 
shonks  then  ordered  the  six  Pokanokets  into  their  presence.  These  made 
an  imposing  appearance,  having  their  faces  painted,  and  their  hair  so  cut 
OS  to  represent  a  cock's  comb  ;  it  being  all  shaved  from  each  side  of  the 
head,  lell  only  a  lu}l  upon  the  crown,  which  extended  from  the  forehead 
to  the  occiput.  The'  had  powder-horns  and  shot-bags  at  their  backs, 
which  denoted  warlikt  messengers  of  their  nation.  She  now  informed 
them  of  what  Capt.  Church  had  said.  Upon  which  they  discovered  dis- 
satisfaction, and  a  warm  talk  followed,  but  Awashonka  soon  put  an  end  to 
it;  after  which  she  told  Mr.  C/turtA  that  Philip  had  told  Ids  messengers  to 
tell  her,  that,  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he  would  send  over  some  of  his 
warrioi-s,  privately,  to  kill  the  cattle  and  burn  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  thoy  would  think  to  bo  done  by  her  men,  and  consequently  would 
fiill  upon  her.f 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  going  to  do  with 
the  bullets  in  their  possession,  to  which  they  scoftingly  answered,  "  to  shoot 
pigeons  with."  Church  then  told  Awashonks  that,  it'  Philip  were  resolved 
on  war,  "her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Hopes  on 
the  head,  and  shelter  her.-:elf  under  the  protection  of  the  English."  When 
they  understood  this,  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that 
so  worthy  a  man  as  Church  should  be  the  first  to  recommend  murder, 
and  a  lasting  remembrance  is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Awashonks,  that  his 
unadvised  counsel  was  not  put  in  execution. 

These  six  Pokano'''".d  came  over  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  Awashonks' s 
men,  who  seemed  very  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip. 
They  expressed  themselves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of 
Church.  Another  of  her  men,  called  Little-eyes,  one  of  her  council,  was 
so  enraged,  that  he  would  then  have  taken  Church's  life,  if  he  had  not 
been  prevented.  His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest, 
under  a  pretence  of  private  talk,  and  to  have  assassinated  him  when  he 
was  off  his  guard.  IJul  some  of  his  friends,  seeing  through  the  artifice, 
prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  part  which  directed  that 
Awashonks  should  immediately  put  hereelf  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  and  she  desired  him  to  go  immediately  and  make  the  arrange- 
ment, to  which  he  agreed.  After  kindly  thanking  him  for  his  information 
and  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her  men  with  him  to  his  house,  to  guard  him. 
These  urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  absence,  the  enemy 
should  come  and  destroy  them  ;  but  he  would  not,  because  such  a  step 
might  be  thought  a  kinti  of  preparation  for  hostilities ;  but  told  them,  that 
in  case  hostilities  were  begun,  t.  ""y  might  convey  his  effects  to  a  place  of 
safety.     He  then  proceeded  to  Plimouth,  where  he  arrived  7  June,  1675. 

In  his  way  to  Plimouth,  he  met,  at  Pocasset,  the  husband  of  IVeetanioo. 
He  was  just  returned  from  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  con- 
firmed all  that  had  been  said  about  Philip's  intentions  to  begin  a  war.  But 
before  Mr.  Chwch  could  return  again  to  Awufihonks,  the  war  commenced, 

*  Umparne  and  Apanin  were  iimncs  of  I'liiiioulh. 

t  This  may  streng-thaii  tlio  belief  that  Fliilip  put  in  practice  a  similar  expedient  lo 
gain  the  Mohawks  to  his  cause,  as  we  have  seen  in  his  life. 


m 


AWASHONKS. 


[Book  hi. 


and  all  comtnunirntiou      as  at  nil  end.     This  was  sorely  rogrettod  by 
Churrh,  and  tliu  hciuivc  ^wa.thonkit  wns  onrri<!d  nwny  in  the  tido  of 

Philip^a  BUCcesHCH,  wliic,  hIio  wus  circuinHtanccd,  was  her  only  al- 

ternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  woniulcd  at  the  great  swamp  fight,  10  December  fol- 
lowing, and  ren;uiined  upon  IMiodn  Island  nntil  about  the  middle  of  May, 
1670.  He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and,  takitig  pimsago 
in  a  sloo|)  boimd  to  Jiarnstable,  arrived  at  I'limouth  the  first  Tuesday  ui 
June.  The  governor  a.id  other  ofiiccrs  of  government  were  highly  pleas- 
ed to  see  him,  and  desired  him  to  take  tlu;  command  of  a  company  of 
men  to  be  inunediately  sent  out,  to  which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice 
Churxh''s  proceeding,  because?  it  led  to  important  matters  comiected  with 
the  lust()ry  of  Awnshonks.  JJefore  he  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at 
Pliniouth,  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  fii-st  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  other  forces  to  be  joined  with  them.  In  his  return 
to  the  island,  as  he  passed  from  Sogkon<'sset,  now  callerl  fVooWs  Hole,  to 
the  island,  and  when  he  came  against  Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  tho 
enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.  He  was  now  in  an  open  canoe, 
which  he  had  hired  at  Hogkonesset,  and  two  Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  or- 
dered them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might  speak  with  those  upon 
them;  being  persuaded  that  if  ho  could  have  an  opportmiity,  he  might 
still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to  tho  side  of  the  English,  ibr  he  knew 
they  never  had  any  real  attachment  to  Philip,  and  were  now  in  his  in- 
terest only  from  necessity.  They  accordingly  paddled  towards  them, 
who  made  signs  for  them  to  approach ;  but  when  they  had  got  pn^tty 
near,  they  skulked  av.'.iy  among  the  rocks,  and  could  not  be  seen.  The 
canoe  then  paddled  oft' again,  lest  they  should  be  fired  upon  ;  which  when 
those  among  the  rocks  observed,  they  showed  themselves  again,  and 
called  to  them  to  come  ashore  ;  and  said  they  wished  to  speak  with  them. 
The  Indians  in  the  canoe  answered  them,  but  tiiose  on  shore  informed 
them  that  the  waves  dashed  so  upon  the  rocks  that  they  could  not  under- 
stand a  word  they  said.  Church  now  made  signs  for  two  of  them  to  go 
along  upon  the  shore  to  a  beach,  where  one  could  see  a  good  space  round, 
whether  any  others  were  near.  Immediately  two  ran  to  the  place,  one 
without  any  arms,  but  the  other  had  a  lance.  Knowing  Church  to  be  in 
the  boat,  they  urged  him  to  come  on  shore,  and  said  they  wanted  to  dis- 
course with  him.  He  told  him  that  had  the  lance,  that  if  he  would  carry 
it  away  at  considerable  distance,  and  leave  it,  he  would.  This  he  readily 
did.  Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore,  left  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  the 
canoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon  the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any 
.should  approach.  He  was  surprised  to  find  that  Georse  was  one  of  them, 
a  very  good  man,  and  the  last  Sogkonate  he  had  spoken  with,  being  one 
of  those  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to  whom  he  had  given 
charge  of  his  goods  when  he  undertook  his  mission  to  Plimouth.  On 
being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he  called  him  ashore,  answered,  "  that 
lie  took  him  for  C^htc/i,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the  canoe,  and 
that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive."  He  also  told  him  that  Jiwashonks  was 
in  a  swamp  about  three  miles  off|  and  that  she  had  left  Philip  and  did  not 
intend  to  return  to  him  any  more  ;  and  wished  Mr.  Churchxo  stay  while 
he  should  go  and  call  her.  This  Church  did  not  think  p»"udent,  l)Ul  said 
he  would  come  again  and  speak  with  Jiwashonks,  and  some  other  Indians 
that  he  should  name.  He  therefore  told  George  to  notify  Awashonks,  her 
son  Ptter,  their  chief  captain,  and  one  JVompash,  to  meet  him  two  days 
after  at  a  certain  rock,  "  at  the  lower  end  of  Capt.  Richmond's  farm,  which 
was  a  very  noted  place."  It  was  provided  that  if  that  day  should  prove 
stormy,  the  next  pleasant  day  should  be  improved.    They  i>arted  with 


CI 

1" 


Chap.  IV.] 


AWASIIONKS. 


er 


ith  thciri. 
nlbrmed 
)t  iinder- 
em  to  go 
;e  round, 
lace,  one 
to  be  in 
I  to  dis- 
ild  carry 
readily 
lard  the 
e  if  any 
jot"  them, 
ing  ono 
id  given 
Ith.    On 
nl, "  that 
noe,  and 
iiks  was 
did  not 
y  while 
hut  said 
Indians 
\71ks,  her 
ivo  days 
which 
!d  prove 
:ed  with 


cordiality,  flcoi-f^e  to  carry  the  news  ti>  .lirnshonkn^  and  Church  for  New- 
jiort. 

On  heinjT  made  a(>(|nainted  with  Churches  intention  to  vioil  thone  In- 
dians, till*  ptvernmrnt  of  Rhode  Island  marvelled  much  at  his  |ir('Hiun|>- 
tion,  and  would  not  (^ive  him  any  permit  umh-r  their  hands  ;  assuring; 
him  that  the  IndiatiH  would  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness 
on  his  part,  aOer  such  sifjnai  services  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  his 
lite  in  such  a  maimer.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter  iiis 
resolution,  imd  he  made  rearly  for  his  d(*parture.  It  was  his  iiiteiuion  to 
have  taken  with  him  one  Dnnid  IVilcor*  a  man  who  well  understood 
the  Inrlian  lan<,'ua}ie,  l)iit  the  f^overnment  utterly  refused  him;  so  that  his 
whole  retimie,  in  this  im|>ortant  einhassy,  consisted  only  of  hims<;lf,  his 
own  man,  and  the  two  Indians  who  condiicn d  hitn  from  Sogkoiiessi<t. 
As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit,  must  he  mentioned  a  boUle  o/nim,  and 
a  mil  of  iohitrrn. 

Tlie  day  appointed  havin<»  arrived,  after  paddling  about  throe  miles, 
they  came  to  the  a|)pointed  rock,  where  the  Indians  were  ready  to  receive 
tiiem,  and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back 
from  the  shore  about  fifty  yards,  for  a  convenient  place  for  consultation, 
when  all  at  once  rose  up  from  the  high  grass,  a  great  many  Indians,  so 
that  they  were  entirely  encompassed.  They  were  all  armed  with  gims, 
spears  and  hatchets ;  fiuvjs  jjaintei!  and  hair  triimned,  in  complete  v/ar- 
like  array,  if  ever  a  man  knew  fear,  we  shoidd  apprehend  it  would  dis- 
cover itself  ui)on  an  occasion  like  this.  Hut,  judging  from  his  conduct, 
we  should  say  he  was  one  of  those  "who  never  felt  fear." 

As  soon  as  la;  could  la;  heard,  IMr.  Church,  told  Atoashonks  that  Georee 
had  said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  peace  with  the  Englisli. 
She  said,  "Yes."  Then,  said  Mr.  Church,  "it  is  customary  when  people 
meet  to  treat  (tf  peace,  to  lay  aside  th(!ir  arms,  and  nr>t  to  appear  in  such 
hostile  form  as  your  people  do."  At  this  there  w,  much  murmuring 
among  them,  and  Jlwnshonks  asked  him  what  arms  t  ley  should  lay  aside. 
Seeing  their  displeasure,  he  said,  only  their  guns,  for  form's  sake.  With 
one  consent  they  then  laid  away  their  guns,  and  came  i4nd  sat  down.  lie 
then  drew  out  his  bottle  of  rum,  and  asked  Awnshonks  whether  she  had 
lived  so  long  up  at  Wacluisctt  as  to  fi)rget  to  drink  occapeche.t.  Then, 
drinking  to  her,  he  ol)served  she  watched  him  very  narrowly  to  sen 
whether  he  swallowed,  and,  on  otiering  it  to  Jier,  she  wished  him  to  drink 
again.  He  then  told  her  there  was  no  [)oison  in  it,  and,  pouring  some 
into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sijiix-d  it  up.  After  he  had  taken  a  second 
hearty  drain,  ^^wnshonk.t  ventur»Ml  to  do  likewise ;  then  she  passed  it 
among  her  attendants.  The  tobacco  was  next  passed  round,  and  they 
began  to  talk.  Awnshonks  wanted  to  know  why  he  bad  not  come,  as  he 
promised,  the  year  before,  observing  that,  if  be  had,  she  and  her  people 
bad  not  joined  with  Philip,  \lv  told  her  he  was  prevented  by  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an  attempt,  notwith- 
standing, soon  after  he  left  hei,  and  got  as  far  as  Punkatesse,  when  a 
multitude  of  enemies  sot  uimn  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat.  A  great 
murmur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  fierce  and  gigantic 
fellow,  raised  his  war  club,  with  intention  to  have  killed  Mr.  Church,  but 
some  laid  hold  n  him  and  prevented  hiin.  They  informed  him  that 
this  fellow's  brother  was  kilK^d  in  the  fight  at  Pimkateese,  and  that  be  said 
it  was  Church  that  killed  him,  and  he  would  now  have  his  blood.  Church 
told  them  to  tell  him  that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done 

*  Ififi?,  "  Daniel  Willrockes  tookc  llie  oalli  oft"  fidclitie  this  roiirt."     Plim.  Rec. 

In  lGI-2,  one  Wilcox  set  up  a  tradiii"  house  in  the  Narragansct  country.  See  Cal- 
I'mUr's  Cent.  Discourse,  38.  If  he  were  the  same,  it  will  well  accoual  for  ills  being;  an 
interpreter. 


G8 


AWASMONKS 


(Rooic  in. 


aH  liR  had  dii'cctod  liint,  ho  woiilil  not  imvo  h«nn  hurt.  The  rhiof  rnp- 
tniii  now  ordered  niIimii-i*,  ti'lliiifr  tlirni  they  should  talk  no  niori!  nlK)ut 
old  MiiittcrH,  which  put  an  end  to  ilic  tunuilt,  an<l  an  af^recinont  wan  Hoon 
concluded,  .iwa.thonk.i  af!^vvt'i\  Ui  m-rvo  th«)  lOnglish  "hi  what  way  she 
wiLs  ahic,"  providi'd  ''  I'linioudi  would  tinnly  onga^o  to  her  that  hIio  and 
uli  of  Im.t  piMipli',  and  th<Mr  wives  and  rhildri>n  hIiouKI  havo  thi'ir  livoH 
Hpurcd,  and  non*;  ot'thcni  transported  out  of  th<!  country."  This,  Church 
told  her  Ik;  did  in)t  douht  in  tlu;  least  hut  IMiinouth  would  consent  to. 

Things  l)uing  thu.s  nnitured,  the  chief  captain  stood  up,  ani'.  at\er  ex- 
pressing the  great  respt-ct  he  had  lor  iMr.  (ViHrr/i,  said,  "riir,  if  you  wi.l 
plooso  accept  of  nie  and  my  men,  and  will  head  us,  wo  will  tight  for 
you,  and  will  help  you  to  Ph\lip\t  head  hefore  thcs  Indian  corn  he  ripe." 
VVo  do  not  expect  that  this  chief  pr*!tended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  proph- 
ecy, hut  certainly  lie  was  ii  truer  prophet  than  many  who  have  made 
the  j)retension. 

Mr.  Church  would  have  taken  a  few  of  the  men  with  him,  and  goiio 
directly  through  the  woods  to  I'limoiith  ;  \nit  Jlwashonkn  insisted  that  it 
would  ho  very  hazardous,  lie  therefore  agnu'd  to  return  to  the  island 
and  proceed  hy  water,  and  so  would  take  in  some  of  their  company  at 
Sogkonate  Point,  which  was  accordingly  hronght  ahout.  AnrI  here  it 
should  he  iiK^ntioned  that  tlm  friendship,  now  rciiiewed  hy  tlie  industry  of 
Mr.  Church,  was  never  afterward  hroken.  Many  of  these  Indians  always 
accoinpann!d  Church  in  his  memorahle  expeditions,  and  rendered  great 
service  to  the  I^nglish.  When  Philip's  war  was  over.  Church  w»  nt  to 
reside  again  among  them,  and  the  greatest  harmony  always  prevailed. 
But  to  return  to  the  tlir<!a<l  of  our  narrative  : — 

On  returning  to  the  island,  Mr.  Church  "was  at  great  pains  and  charge 
to  get  a  vessel,  hut  with  unaccountahle  disappointments;  sometimes  hy 
thu  falseness,  and  sometimes  hy  the  faint-heartedness  of  men  that  he  har- 
{?  allied  with,  anil  sometimes  hy  wind  and  weather,  &,c."  he  was  hindered 
a  long  time.  At  length,  Mr.  Anthony  Low,  of  Swanscy,  happening  to  put 
into  the  harhor,  and  although  hound  to  the  wt.'stward,  on  Ixiing  made 
acquainted  with  Mr.  Churches  case,  said  he  would  run  the  venture  of  his 
vessel  and  cargo  to  wait  upon  him.  But  when  they  arrived  nt  Sogkonato 
Point,  although  the  Indians  were  there  according  to  agreement  waiting 
upon  the  rocks,  they  met  with  a  contrary  wind,  and  so  rough  a  sea,  that 
none  hut  Peter  AwashonJis  could  get  on  board.  This  he  did  at  great 
peril,  having  only  an  old  broken  canoe  to  get  off  in.  The  wind  and  rain 
now  forced  them  up  into  Pocasset  Sound,  and  they  were  obliged  to  bear 
away,  and  return  round  the  north  end  of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  the 
will  of  Providence.  He  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  had  jjassed, 
and  despatched  Peter,  on  the  9  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Pliiriouth. 

Major  Bradford*  having  now  arrived  with  an  army  at  Pocasset,  Mr. 

*  Out  of  a  curious  book  we  take  the  t'ollowiiij;  iiole,  as,  l)csi<les  irivinsj  us  an  iiilcrcstinif 
fact  concerning  the  major,  it  contains  others  ot"  value.  It  was  wrillen  in  ItJ'.)?.  At  liiat 
time,  some  pretended  Inal  the  age  of  people  was  much  shorter  in  America  than  in  F.u- 
rope  ;  which  gave  rise  to  what  we  are  ahout  to  cxtract.-^.Vury  lirown  was  the  first-tiorn 
of  Newbury,  Mass.  wlio  married  a  Godfry ;  and,  says  our  liook,  she  "  is  yet  ahve,  and 
is  become  the  mother  an(i  grau<hnollier  of  many  children."  "  The  mention  of  Marit 
Brmon,  brink's  to  our  mind  an  idle  whimscy,  as  if  persons  born  in  New  Ennjand  would 
be  short-lived  ;  whereas,  the  natives  live  long.  And  a  judgment  concerning  Rriglish- 
men,  cannot  well  be  mf\de  till  20  or  .30  years  hence.  Capt.  Peregrine  White',  born 
[on  board  the  M'tij /lower]  Nov.  I(i20,  is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live.  [He  died  7  years 
after,  in  nOl  ]  Major  VVilliam  Bnid/ord  is  more  than  73  years  old,  and  hath  worn  a 
bullet  in  his  flesh  above  20  of  them,  [which  he  doubtless  received  in  Philip's  war.  He 
died  aged  79.]  Elizabeth  Alden,  (now  Paijhndy,  whose  granddaughter  is  a  mother,) 
Capt.  John  Alden,  her  brother,  Alef.  Standish,  and  John  Howland,  have  lived  moro 
than  70  years."    S.  Sewall's  New  Heixven  upon  the  New  Earth,  69,  GO. 


•.MAP.  IV.] 


AVVASnONKS. 


m 


made 

of  Ilia 

cotiate 

waiting 

;a,  tiiut 

{^roat 

11(1  rain 

to  bear 

list  tlie 
lassnd, 
iniith. 
set,  Mr. 

tcrcstiii^ 
At  I  lull 
II  ill  P'li- 
irst-tiorii 
live,  ami 
of  Maru 
(I  would 
Riiijlish- 
iVc,  bora 
7  years 
worn  a 
ar.  H(! 
mollicr,) 
ed  moro 


Vhnrrh  n'pairril  toliini,  niid  told  liim  of  liis  trn>i<<nrtloii!<  and  cnpnpompntn 
with  .'liciinhoiika.  Hiadj'Dnt  t'.imtfd  liiin  to  ^o  and  iiitiinii  Iter  of  lii.s 
arrivul,  wliicli  he  did.  ^'hi'dslnniks  doiilidcsN  now  discovered  itiiieli  iin- 
ea.'iiiieHS  and  anxiety,  Itiit  !Mr.  Cliurrft  told  lier  "that  if  HJie  would  lie  ad- 
vinrd  and  observe  order,  hIio  nor  Iht  |m'o|»|o  need  not  fear  bein^  hurt." 
lie  directed  iier  to  j;et  ail  her  iiropir  toj/cther,  "  lent,  if  ihcy  Hhould  bo 
found  Htra!;^lini{  about,  iiiischiit  nTiKlit  h^dit  on  them;"  anil  that  the  next 
day  the  army  would  march  down  into  iIm;  neck  to  receive  iier.  After 
bc^r^riii<;  him  to  consider  the  short  time  she  had  to  collect  them  together, 
HJie  |)romised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and  he  left  her. 

Accordiii;,'ly,  two  days  after,  siic  met  ilic  army  at  IMmkateese.  yiiia- 
slionk.^'  was  now  unnecessarily  iicr|ilexed  by  the  Htern  carria),'«(  of  Major 
Ilrailfitrd.  For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the 
army;  but  instead  of  that,  In;  "presently  gave  forth  orderH  tor  jhmshonkit, 
and  all  her  sulijccts,  both  men,  women  anil  children,  to  repair  to  Hand- 
wich,  and  to  be  then;  upon  peril,  in  six  ilays."  Chnrrh  wa.s  also  (piite 
disconcerted  by  this  unexpected  order,  but  all  rimsoning  or  remonstrunce 
was  of  no  avail  with  the  cimimanch'r  in  chief,  lie  told  Mr.  Church  he 
woidd  employ  him  if  he  chose,  hut  as  liir  the  Indians,  "he  would  not  be 
cone»!rned  with  them,"  and  accordinfjtly  sent  them  olVwith  aftag  of  truce, 
under  the  direction  of  dark  Il(tvtns,  an  Indian  who  had  never  iMfen 
«;ngaj,'ed  in  the  war.  Mr.  Church  told  ^hcashonki  not  to  be  concerned, 
hut  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  would  shortly  meet  lier  at 
Sandwich. 

Aci'ording  to  promise.  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  meet  the 
Sogkonates.  The  governor  of  IMimoiith  wan  highly  pleased  at  the  ac- 
coiuit  Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  ho  now  satisfied 
of  his  superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  lie  desired  him  to  be  conimissioncd 
in  the  country's  service.  He  left  IMimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attend- 
ants, among  whom  were  IMr.  Jabcz  Howlnnd,  and  Mr.  JVathanid  South- 
worth.  They  slept  at  Sandwich  the  first  night,  and  here  taking  a  few 
more  men,  agn;cably  to  the  governor's  orders,  proceeded  to  Jigawam,  a 
email  river  of  Rochester,  where  they  expected  to  meet  the  Indians. 
Some  of  his  company  now  became  ('iscouragcd,  presuming,  perhaps, 
the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and  half  of  them  returned  home.  When 
they  came  to  Sijipican  River,  which  empties  into  IJuz/ard's  Bay  in 
Rochester,  Mr.  Ilowland  was  so  fiitigucd  that  they  were  obliged  to  leave 
him,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewhat  corpuient.  Church  left  two  more 
with  him  as  a  reserve,  in  case  lie  should  be  obliged  to  retreat.  They 
goon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and,  hearing  a  great  noise  at 
considerable  distance  from  them,  upon  the  hank,  were  presently  in  sight 
of  a  "  vast  company  of  Indians,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on  horseback, 
running  races,  some  at  foot-ball,  some  catching  eels  and  flat  fish  in  the 
water,  some  clamming,  &c."  They  now  had  to  find  out  what  Indians 
tlicse  were,  before  they  dared  make  themselves  known  to  them.  Church 
therefore  halloed,  and  two  Indians  that  were  at  a  distance  from  the  rest, 
rode  up  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  were  very 
much  surprised  when  they  found  themselves  so  near  Englishmen,  and 
turned  their  horses  to  run,  but.  Church  making  himself  known  to  them, 
they  gave  him  the  desired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens,  who 
immediately  came.  And  when  he  had  confirmed  what  the  others  had 
related,  there  arrived  a  large  number  of  them  on  horseback,  well  armed. 
These  treated  the  English  very  respectfully.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to 
.^washonks,  to  inform  her  that  he  would  sup  with  her  that  night,  and 
lodge  in  her  tent.  In  the  mean  time,  the  English  returned  with  their 
friends  they  had  left  at  Sippican.  When  they  came  to  the  Indian  com- 
pany, they  "  were  immediately  conducted  to  a  shelter,  open  on  one  side. 


70 


AWASHONKS. 


[Book  III, 


whither  Awaslionk^  and  Ijor  chiefs  scion  came  and  paid  their  respects." 
Wh(;n  this  had  tak(!ii  plaoe,  there  were  great  shouts  made  hy  tiie  "multi- 
tudes," which  "made  the  heavens  to  ring."  Ahout  sunset,  "the  JVetops* 
came  rinuiing  from  all  (juarters,  laden  with  the  tops  of  dry  pines,  and  the 
like  comhustihlo  matter,  making  a  huge  pile  thereof,  near  Mr.  Churches 
shelter,  on  the  open  side  thereof.  Jhil  hy  this  time  supper  was  l)rought 
iu,  in  three  dishes,  viz.  a  curious  young  hass  in  one  dish,  eels  and  flat 
fish  in  a  second,  and  shell  fish  in  a  third  ;"  hut  salt  was  wanting.  When 
the  supper  was  finislu^l,  "the  mighty  pile  of  pine  knots  and  tops,  &:c. 
was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  ring  around 
it.  Jlwashonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  {)eoi)le,  men  and  women  mixed, 
kneehng  down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  the  histy  stout 
men  standing  up  made  the  next ;  and  tiien  all  the  rahhie,  in  a  confused 
crew,  surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  chief  captain  stepped  in 
between  the  rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  sfjear  in  one  hand,  and  a  hatchet 
in  the  other,  danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making 
np'ation  of  all  the  several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country 
that  were  enemies  to  the  English.  And  at  iiaming  of  every  particular 
tribe  of  Indians,  he  would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at 
his  finishing  his  fight  with  each  particular  fire-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr. 
Church  and  thank  him."  When  he  had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war 
with  the  English,  he  stuck  his  spear  and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  lell 
the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in,  and  acted  over  the  same  farce  ; 
trying  to  act  with  more  fiay  than  the  first.  After  about  a  half  a  dozen 
had  gone  through  with  the  performance,  their  chief  captain  step{)ed  to 
Mr.  Church, and  told  him  "they  were  making  soldiers  for  him,  and  what 
they  had  been  doing  was  all  one  swearing  of  them."  Awaslionlis  and  her 
chiefs  next  came  and  told  him  "that  now  they  were  all  engaged  to  fight 
for  the  English."  At  this  time  Awashonks  presented  to  Mr.  Church  a 
very  fine  gim.  The  next  day,  July  2%  he  selected  a  number  of  her  men, 
and  proceeded  to  Plimouth.  A  conunission  was  given  him,  and,  being 
johied  with  a  number  of  English,  volunteers,  commenced  a  successful 
series  of  exploits,  in  which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a  c(>nspicnous  part,  but 
have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as  they 
deserved. 

It  is  saidf  that  Awashonks  had  two  sons ;  the  youngest  was  William 
Mommynewit,  who  was  put  to  a  graunnar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  lan- 
guage, and  was  intended  for  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized 
with  the  palsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of 
the  family  oi  Awashonks  in  the  early  part  of  this  article  nnich  beyond  any 
before  printed  accoimt ;  of  Tokamona  we  have  no  printed  notice,  except 
what  ChurchX  incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Indian  soldiers  re- 
quested liberty  to  pursue  the  Narragansets  and  other  enemy  Indians, 
inmiediately  after  they  had  captured  Philip^s  wife  and  son.  "They  sai(l 
the  Narragansets  were  great  rogues,  and  they  wanted  to  be  revenged  on 
them,  for  killing  some  of  their  relations;  named  Tokkamona,  {Awashonks's 
brother,)  and  some  others." 

About  130  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100  Indian  men  of  the  Sog- 
konate  tribe,  and  the  general  assembly  appointed  JVumpaus  their  captain, 
who  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  and  died  about  1748,  after  the  taking  of  Cai)e 
Breton,  1745.  At  the  commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they 
made  quite  a  respectable  religious  congregation ;  had  a  meeting-house  of 

*  Sigiii('yin'r/We«(/,?,  in  Tndinn.  t  Col.  ^fass.  Hist.  Sor. 

\  Hist.  Philip's  War,  3'J.  It  is  usnnl  to  cite  Capt.  Church  as  the  author  or  rocordor 
of  his  own  actions  ;  it  is  so,  altlioiifjh  his  son  Thomas  appears  as  the  writer  of  tlie  h\*- 
tory.  The  truth  is,  tlie  father  dictaled  to  the  son,  ajul  corrected  what  ajipeared  errone- 
ous aAcr  the  work  was  wrlUen. 


Chap.  V.] 


PUMMAM. 


71 


their  own,  in  wliich  they  were  instructed  l)y  Rov.  Mr.  Billings,  once  a 
month,  oil  Sundays.  They  had  a  stcaciy  iireacher  among  themselves, 
wliose  name  was  John  Simon,  a  niun  of  a  strong  inind. 

Ahout  1750,  a  very  distressing  fever  carried  off  many  of  this  tribe,  and 
in  18U3  tliere  were  not  above  ten  in  Compton,  their  principal  residence. 


CHAPTER  V. 

^  further  account  of  chiefs  conspicuotis  in  Philip's  tvar — Pui'h,5m — Taken 
and  slain — His  son  Quaqualh — Chickon — Socononoco — Potock — 
His  residence — Complaint  against  Wildhotd's  encroachments — Delivers 
himself  up — Put  to  death — Stone-wall-john — Jl  great  captain — A 
vmson — His  wen  greatly  annoy  the  English  army  in  JVarraganset — Kills 
several  of  them — They  bwn  a  garrison,  and  kill  fifteen  persons — A  traffic 
in  Indian  prisoners — The  burning  of  Rehoboth  and  Providence — John's 
discourse  with  Roger  IVilliams — /*  killed — Sagamore  John — Fate  of 
Matoonas — Put  to  death  on  Boston  Common-^His  son  hanged  for  mur- 
der— MoNoco — David — Andrew — James-thc-printer — Old-jethero — 
Saga  MORE-SAM,  a/icw  Shoshanim — Visited  by  Eliot  in  1652 — Anecdote — 
Peter-jethero. 

Pumham,  it  may  be  truly  said,  "  was  a  mighty  man  of  valor."  Our 
history  has  several  times  heretofore  brought  him  before  us,  and  >ye  shall 
now  proceed  to  relate  such  facts  concerning  him  as  we  have  been  able  to 
collect.  He  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old 
eqiiaw-saciiem  Magnus  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  life  we  have 
shown. 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  difficu!  7  by  the  English  as 
rarly  as  1045.  In  1G42,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  took  loluge  i  ^  his  coun- 
try, and  was  kindly  treated  by  him  ;  and  in  January  the  ne.xt  year,  Mian- 
tunnomoh  and  Canonicus  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaomet,  which 
he  afterward  called  Warwick,  after  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settle- 
ment was  grievous  to  the  Puritan  fathera  of  Massachusetts,  as  they  soon 
showed  by  their  resentment  to  jlfian/iwmojno/t ;  and  here  we  cannot  but 
discover  the  germ  of  all  the  subsequent  disasters  of  that  sachem.  Mr. 
Gorton  was  kindly  treated  by  him,  as  well  as  Pumham,  until  the  latter 
was  urged  by  Mr.  Gorton's  enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  had  pur- 
ohasctl  of  Miantunnomoh,  whom  the  court  of  Massachusetts  declared  an 
usurper,*  as  in  his  life  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  un-iipeachable  Roger  Williams,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appear  evident.  In  165(5,  he  wrote  to  Massachusetts,  showing 
iliein  the  wretched  state  Warwick  was  in  from  their  difficulties  with  the 
Indians,  as  follows  : — "Your  wisdoms  know  the  inhuman  insultations  of 
these  wild  creatures,  and  you  may  be  pleased  also  to  imagine,  that  they  have 
not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  patron  of  all  their  wickedness  against 
our  English  nn  ii,  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  to  the  yearly  damage  of 
60,  80  and  100£.  The  remedy  is,  (under  God,)  only  your  pleasure  that 
Pumham  shall  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  town  or  colony."t  Now 
it  should  be  remembered,  that  when  Warwick  was  purchased,  Pumham 
and  some  other  inferior  sachems  received  presents  for  their  particular 
interests  in  what  was  sold,  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Indians. 

The  Plimouth  people  had  tlioir  share  in  the  Warwick  controversy, 
^avinir  caused  fhisamaquin  to  Iny  cliiim  to  the  same  place,  or  a  .sachem 


*  MS.  slitte  paper. 


t 


Hutchinson's  papers^  and  Hazard. 


\ 


73 


PUMIIAM.— SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALII. 


[Book  III, 


who  lived  with  him,  named  JVav)wnshnwsuck ;  between  whom  and  Pum- 
ham  the  quarrel  ran  so  higii  that  the  ibrmer  stabbed  the  latter. 

The  aftiiirs  of  Warwick  had  been  under  consideration  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  for  several  yeare  before  this,  and  in  1G49, 
they  say,  "  Vppon  a  question  betwixt  the  two  collonies  of  tlie  Massachu- 
eets  and  Plymouth,  formerly  propounded,  and  now  again  renewed  by  the 
commissionera  of  the  Massachusetts,  concerning  a  tract  of  land  now  or 
latciy  belonging  to  Pamham  and  Saconoco,  two  Indian  sagamores  who 
had  submitted  themselves  and  their  people  to  the  Massachusetts  gover- 
ment,  vppon  part  of  which  land  som  rhiglish,  (besides  the  said  Indians,) 
in  anno  1643,  were  planted  and  settled."  The  decision  was,  that  though 
the  said  tract  of  land  fall  witliin  Plimouth  bounds,  it  should  henceforth 
belong  to  Massachusetts. 

About  1640,  we  find  the  following  record*  of  these  chiefs: — "  Pomihom 
and  Saconanoco  complaining  to  us  [the  court  of  Mtiss.]  that  many  In- 
dians dwelling  20  miles  beyond  them,  (being  friends  and  helpers  to  the 
Narragansetts  in  their  present  wars  with  Uncas,)  are  come  upon  their  lands, 
and  planted  upon  the  same  againsttheir  wills,  they  not  being  able  of  them- 
selves to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  counsel  and  help.  We 
shall  therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a 
messenger  to  the  sachem  of  those  intruders  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  such  his  intention ;  and  if  he  come  to  us,  then  to  offer  him  pro- 
tection upon  the  same  terms  that  Pumham  hath  it,  provided  they  satisfy 
Uncas  for  any  injury  they  have  done  him.  If  he  refuse  to  come,  then  we 
would  have  our  messenger  charge  them  to  depart  from  Pomham  and 
Soconanocho  their  lands,  which  also  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  £::count 
them  our  enemies."* 

Though,  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  maintain 
a  kind  of  independence  for  some  years  after  the  death  of  the  chief  sa- 
chem, yet  he  was  among  the  first  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Philip  in  his 
war.  The  English  army  n  arched  through  his  country,  in  their  return  from 
the  attack  on  Philip  and  i)is  confederates  in  Narraganset,  in  December, 
1675.  At  this  time  a  small  fighc  took  place  between  some  of  the  English 
and  a  number  of  Pumham^s  men,  under  a  chief' whose  name  was  Qua- 
qualh,  who  gained  some  advantage  of  the  English,  wounding  four  of 
their  men.  The  English,  however,  report  that  tl'ey  killed  five  of  the  -In- 
dians. Quaqualh  himself  was  wounded  in  the  kpee.  At  the  same  time 
ihey  burnt  Pumham's  town,+  which  contained  near  100  wigwams.  The 
English  were  commanded  by  Capt.  Prentice.^ 

Pumham  was  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  the  great  falls  in  the 
Connecticut,  which  took  place  19  May,  1676,  although  we  presume,  from 
the  known  character  of  him,  that  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the 
aide  of  the  Indians;  being  a  man  of  vast  physical  powers  and  of  extraor- 
dinary bravery.  In  this  affair  the  English  acted  a  most  cowardly  part, 
having  every  advantage  of  their  enemy,  who  acquired  credit  upon  the  oc- 
casion, evea  at  the  time,  from  the  historian.  The  English  came  upon 
them  before  day,  while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and,  "  findv'j^ 
them  secure  indeed,  yea,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so 
tliat  our  soldiers  came  and  put  their  guns  into  their  wigwams,  before  le 
Indians  were  aware  of  them,  and  made  a  great  and  notable  slau^  tcr 
amongst  them."§    Many  in  their  fright  ran  into  the  river,  and  were  hurled 

•  In  manuscript,  amorij,  tlie  papers  on  file  in  the  secretary's  office,  Mass.  without  date, 
t  Letter  to  London,  51J.  2cl  ediiion.     Tliis  aullior  has  liis  name  fittm/iam.    There  wer» 
nany  instances,  at  this  time,  of  the  use  of  B  i'ur  /'. 
\  Hubbard,  Nar.  67.  J  /.  Mather,  30. 


Chap.  V.] 


PUMIIAM. 


73 


s  in  the 
from 


down  the  falls,*  some  of  whom,  (lonl)tl('ss,  were  drowned.  As  soon  as 
the  English,  who  were  led  by  Captains'  Turner  and  Holioke,  had  mur- 
dered the  unresisting,  and  the  Indiiuis  having  begun  to  rally  to  oppose 
them,  tlicy  fled  in  the  greatest  confusion,  alihough  they  had  "about  an 
hundred  and  four  score"  men,f  of  whom  but  one  was  wounded  when  the 
flight  began.  Tliis  enhances  the  valor  of  the  Indians,  in  our  niinds,  es- 
pecially as  we  read  the  following  passage,  in  Mr.  JJfa</ie;'s  Brief  History : — 
"  In  the  mean  while,  a  party  of  Indians  from  an  island,  (whose  coming 
on  siiore  might  easily  have  been  prevented,  and  the  soldiers,  before  they 
set  out  from  Hadley,were  earnestly  admonished  to  take  care  about  that 
matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ;  yea,  to  the  great  dishonor  of  the  English,  a 
few  Indians  pursued  our  soldiers  four  or  five  miles,  who  were  in  number 
near  twice  as  many  as  the  enemy."  In  this  flight  Capt.  Turner  was 
killed,  ac  he  was  crossing  Green  River.  Holioke  exerted  himself  with 
great  bravery,  and  seems  well  calculated  to  oppose  such  a  chief  as  Pum- 
ham  was.  We  hear  of  no  other  bravery  among  the  English  in  this  mas- 
sacre, but  this  passage  concerning  Holioke,  which  we  are  sorry  is  so  sadly 
oclipsed,  a,"  appears  by  what  follows.  During  the  fight,  some  old  persons, 
(whether  men  or  women  is  not  mentioned,)  and  children,  had  hid  them- 
selves under  the  bank  of  the  river.  Cajtt.  Holioke  discovered  ihem,  and 
with  his  own  hands  put  five  of  them,  "young  and  old,"  to  death.J  This 
English  captain  did  not  long  survive  his  antagonist,  for,  by  his  great  exer- 
tions in  this  fight,  a  fever  was  brought  upon  him,  of  which  he  died  in 
September  following,  "  about  Boston."§ 

It  would  seem  from  the  scvernl  ae.«.uiit<i,  tl.r.t,  a'^hough  the  En;;!:sh 
were  sadly  distressed  in  this  fight,  the  Indians  could  never  liave  repaired 
their  loss ;  which,  says  the  author  of  the  Present  State,  &c.  was  al- 
most as  much,  nay,  in  some  respects  more  considerable,  than  their  lives." 
He  continues,  "We  destroyed  all  their  animunition  and  provision,  which 
we  think  they  can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly 
they  may  be  with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  forges  they 
had  to  mend  their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove 
many  of  them  into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned,  and  threw  two 
great  pigs  of  lead  of  theire,  (intended  for  making  of  bullets,)  into  the  said 
river."|| — "  x\s  our  men  were  returning  to  Iladley,  in  a  dangerous  pass, 
which  they  were  not  sufliciently  aware  of,  the  skulking  Indians,  (out  of 
the  woods,)  killed,  at  one  volley,  the  said  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of 
his  men,  but  immediately  after  they  had  discharged,  they  fled." 

In  relating  the  capture  and  death  of  Pimiham,  jMr.  Hubbard  snys,1T  "  He 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  the 
Narragansets ;  whos«!  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he 
had  been  mortally  wounded  in  the  fight,  so  as  himself  could  not  stand; 
yet  catching  hold  of  an  Englishman  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  had 
done  him  mischief,  if  he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his 
lellows."  This  was  on  25  July,  167G.  Pumham,  with  a  few  followers, 
had  for  some  time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedham**  woods,  where  it  was 
supposed  they  were  "almost  starved  for  want  of  victuals."     In  this  sad 

*  We  cannot  agree  wivli  our  friend  Gen.  Hoijt,  llint  tlicso  falls  slionld  he  named  Tur- 
ner's Falls,  although  we  once  ihouijht  it  well  cnoiii;li.  Wo  would  radicr  call  them  the 
Massacre  Falls,  if,  indeed,  their  Indian  name  cannot  be  recovered. 

t  /.  Mather,  .30.  t  Hubbard,  Nar.  88.  $  Ihid. 

II  Many  of  the  Indians  learned  trades  of  the  English,  and  in  the  wars  turned  Ihcif 
knowledge  to  good  account.  They  had  a  forge  in  iheir  fort  at  Narraganset,  and  the 
Indian  blacksmith  was  killed  when  that  was  taken.  The  author  of  the  Present  State, 
&c.  says,  he  was  the  only  man  amongst  them  that  fitted  their  suns  and  arrow-heads  ; 
that  among  other  houses  they  burnt  his,  demolished  his  forge,  and  carried  away  his  tools. 

H  Narrative,  100.  4to.  edition. 

**  Woollummonuppogve  was  its  Indian  name,  or  a  part  of  it. 


74 


POTOK. 


[Book  III. 


condition,  tliey  were  fallen  upon  by  the  English  under  Cnpt.  Hunting,  who 
killed  fifteen  and  took  thirty-five  of  them  without  resistance.*  They 
found  here  considerable  plunder  ;  "besides  kettles,  there  was  about  half 
a  bushel  of  warnpumpeag,  which  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  pounds  of 
powder,  which  the  captives  say  they  had  received  from  Albany  but  two 
days  before."!  A  sun  of  Pumham  was  among  the  captives,  "  a  very  likely 
youth,"  says  Hubbard,l  "and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  be- 
spoke favor  for  him,  had  he  not  belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an 
Indian  as  his  father  was."  It  would  seem  from  this  unfeeling  account 
that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr.  Mather  says  he  wis  can-ied  |)risoner  to  Bos- 
ton. From  the  same  author  we  must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the 
fatler's  dcatli.  "This  Pumham,  after  he  was.  wounded  so  as  that  he 
coidd  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  was  thought  to  have  been  dead,  made 
a  shift,  (as  the  soldiers  were  pui-suing  othei-s,)to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the 
way,  but  was  found  again,  and  when  an  Englishman  drew  near  to  him, 
though  he  could  not  Ptand,  he  did,  (like  a  beast,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get 
hold  oil  the  soldier's  head,  and  had  like  to  have  killed  him,  had  not  an- 
other come  in  to  his  help,  and  rescued  him  out  of  the  enraged  dying 
liands  of  that  bloody  6arftrtnan."f 

A  short  time  before  this,  a  grandson  of  tliis  chief  was  killed  by  a  party 
under  Denison,^  "  who  was  also  a  sachem,  and  another  sachem  called 
Chickon." 

Potok,  a  Narraganset  chief,  we  may  properly  in  the  next  place  notice. 
None  of  his  acts  in  Philip's  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  have  come  to 
«ijr  knowledce.  but  they  cot'.ld  not  have  been  inconsiderable,  in  the 
opinion  of  his  enemies,  as  !iis  life  atoned  for  tl'em.  We  find  him  firet 
mentioned,  on  account  of  his  opposition  to  the  introduction  of  Christian- 
ity into  his  nation.  When,  in  the  beginning  oi  Philip's  war,  the  English 
army  marched  into  the  Narraganset  country,  to  treat  or  fight  with  that 
nation,  as  thny  might  be  found  inclined,  Potok  appeared  as  the  principal 
chief.  In  the  treaty  which  was  concluded  at  that  time,  a  condition  was 
urged  by  him,  "  that  the  English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to 
preach  the  gospel  or  call  upon  them  to  pray  to  God."  But  the  English 
would  not  admit  such  an  article  ;  but  if  an  article  of  this  character  had 
l)een  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we  doubt  whether  there  would  have  been 
any  objection  urged  by  the  Indians.  On  »his  policy  of  the  English 
Roger  fVUliam^  should  be  heard,  as,  at  this  dcy  even,  we  need  no  better 
commentary  on  the  matter  in  hand.     It  is  contained  in  a  lettGr||  to  the 

fovemor  of  Massachusetts,  and  is  ns  follows: — "  At  my  last  departure  for 
England,  I  was  importuned  by  y*=  Narraganset  sachems,  and  crtpccially 
by  Nenecumtt,  to  present  their  petition  ti  the  high  sachems  of  England, 
th  t  they  ini;.du  not  be  Ibrced  from  their  religion  ;  and,  for  not  changing 
their  religion,  be  invaded  by  war.  I'or  they  said  they  were  daily 
visited  with  threatonings  by  Indians,  thot  came  from  about  the  Massa- 
chusetts ;  that  if  they  would  not  pray,  they  should  be  destroyed  by  \'  ar." 
And  again,  in  the  same  letter:  "Are  not  all  the  English  of  this  land, 
(generally,)  a  persecuted  people  from  their  native  soil  ?  and  hath  not  the 
God  of  peace  and  Father  of  nercics  made  the  natives  more  friendly  in 
this  than  our  native  countryme.t  in  our  own  land  to  us  ?  have  they  not  en- 
tred  leagues  of  love,  and  to  this  uay  continued  peaceable  commerce  with 
us?  are  not  our  families  grown  up  in  peace  amongst  them  ?  U|K)n  which 
Ihumbly  ask  how  it  can  suit  with  Christian  ingenuity,  to  take  hold  of  some 
seeming  occasions  for  their  destruction." 

*  MS.  Narrative  of  Rev.  T.  Cobbet.  \  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  43. 

I  Narrative,  nt  supra. 

6  Many  write  Dennison,  but  his  own  si^iature,  in  my  posses-ion,  is  as  in  the  text. 

II  In  M"S.  dated  Providence,  5:8: 1C34. 


m^^:''^ 


Chap.  V.] 


STONE-WALL^OHN. 


75 


hangiiiff 
fcre  daily 

Mussa- 

|by  \' ar." 

his  land, 

not  the 
liendly  in 

not  en- 
Irce  witli 
l»n  which 

of  some 


Uisi. «. 
text. 


Wo  arc  able  to  fix  the  place  of  his  residence  in  the  vicinity  of  Point 
Judith.  Otir  earliest  notice  of  him  is  in  1G61.  In  this  year,  Potok,  with 
several  other  chiefs,  complained  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  that 
"  Samuel  JVildboio,  and  others  of  his  companie,"  claimed  jurisdiction  it 
Point  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands  adjacent.  They  came  on  and 
possessed  themselves  forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle  and  other  effects  with 
them.*  What  order  the  court  took  upon  it  does  not  appear.  About  the 
close  of  Philip's  war,  Potck  came  voluntarily  to  Rhode  Island,  no  doubt 
with  the  view  of  making  friends  again  with  his  enemies;  but  was  sent  to 
Boston,  where,  after  answering  all  their  inquiries,  he  was  put  to  death 
without  ceremony. 

In  the  account  carried  to  London  by  Capt.  More,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  is  this  notice  of  Potok: — "There  is  one  Po<mc/c,  a  mischievous 
Engine,  and  a  Counsellour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  Goal  at  Rhode- 
Island,  is  now  sent  to  Boston,  and  there  shot  to  death." 

In  the  detail  of  the  great  Narraganset  expedition  of  1G75,  we  have 
omitted  to  notice  a  by  no  means  unimportant  Indian  captain. 

Stone- wall-john,  Stone-layer-john,  and  sometimes  simply  Stone-wall, 
were  names  by  which  his  English  friends  knew  him,  and  we  have  not 
discovered  what  was  his  Indian  name.  One  writer  of  his  time  observes 
that  he  was  called  the  Stone-layer,  "  for  that,  being  an  active,  ingenious 
fellow,  he  had  learned  the  mason's  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the 
Indians  in  building  their  forts,  &c."  Hence  we  may  hnzard  but  little  in 
the  conjecture  that  he  was  the  chief  engineer  in  the  erection  of  the  great 
Narraganset  fort,  which  has  been  described  in  the  life  of  Philip.  Al- 
though but  little  is  known  of  him,  he  was  doubtless  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished Narraganset  captains. 

The  first  notice  of  Stone-layer-john,  which  we  now  remember,  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  of  Capt.  Oliver,^  which  he  wrote  while  on  his  march 
with  the  English  army  to  attack  the  fort,  which  we  havQ  just  mention- 
ed. He  says,  "  Dec.  15  ca[me  in]  John  a  rogue,  with  a  prdtence  of 
peace,  and  was  dismissed  with  [this]  errand  :  That  we  might  speak  with 
sachems.  That  evening,  he  not  being  gone  a  quaiter  of  an  hour,  his 
company,  that  lay  hid  behind  a  hill  of  our  quarters,  killed  two  Salem 
men,  and  wounded  a  third  within  a  mile  of  us,  that  he  is  dead.  And  at  a 
house  three  mile  off,  where  I  had  ten  men,  they  killed  two  of  them.  In- 
stantly Capt.  Mosely,  myself  and  Capt.  Gardner  were  sent  to  fetch  in 
Major  Appleton^s  company,  that  kept  three  miles  and  a  half  off,  afid  com- 
ing, they  lay  behind  a  stone  wall,  and  fired  on  us  in  sight  of  the  garrison, 
we  killed  the  captain  that  killed  one  of  the  Saicm  men,  and  had  his  cap." 
Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  A  few  desperate  Indians,  creeping  under  a  stone-wall, 
fired  twenty  or  thirty  gims  at  Mosely  in  particular,  a  commander  well 
known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  company  riuming  down  upon 
them,  killed  one  of  them  and  scattered  the  rest."  Thus  did  tlie  scout.s 
from  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  under  such  captains  as  the  Stotie- 
layer,  annoy  the  English  in  their  march  into  their  country.  Immediately 
after  these  skirmishes,  "they  burnt  Jerry  Builds  house,  and  killed  seventeen 
[persons.]  Dec.  16,  came  that  news.  Dec.  \7,  came  news  that  Con- 
necticut forces  were  at  Petaquamscut ;  killed  four  Indians  and  took  six 
prisoners.  That  day  we  sold  Capt.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old, 
for  £80  in  money ."| 

How  much  John  had  to  do  in  the  devastations  which  had  been  perpe- 
trated the  previous  season,  is  unknown,  but  we  are  told  that  he  had  no 

*  MS.  documents. 

t  111  7ri(mu!!cnpt.    See  an  account  of  it  iu  a  note  to  tlie  life  of  Pliilip. 

i  Capt.  Olivef's  MS.  letter. 


76 


STONE-WALL-JOHN. 


[Book  III 


small  agency  in  "  the  sacking  of  Providence,"*  and  Rehoboth  also,  with- 
out doubt.  In  the  former  about  30  housesf  were  burned,  and  in  the  latter 
place  "  near  u|>on  40"  houses  and  30  bams. 

Stone-tvall-john  was  doubtless  one  who  conversed  with  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Williams  at  the  time  Providence  was  burned.  The  substance  of  that  con- 
versation is  related  by  our  anonymous  author,  already  cited,  in  these 
words: — "But  indeed  the  reason  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Sea- 
conick  and  Providence  generally  escaped  with  their  lives,  is  not  to  be  at 
tributed  to  any  compassion  or  good  nature  of  the  Indians,  (whose  very 
mercies  are  inhumane  cmelties,)  but,  [the  author  soon  contradicts  himself, 
as  will  bo  seen,]  next  to  God's  providence,  to  their  own  i)rudence  in 
avoiding  their  fury,  when  they  found  themselves  too  weak,  and  unable  to 
resist  it,  by  a  timely  flight  into  Rhode  Island,  which  now  became  the 
conunon  Zoar,  or  place  of  refuge  for  the  distressed  ;  yet  some  remained 
till  their  coming  to  destroy  the  said  towns ;  as  in  particular  Mr.  Williams 
at  Providence,  who,  knowing  several  of  the  chief  Indians  that  came  to 
fire  that  town,  disc^oui-sed  with  them  a  considerable  time,  who  pretended, 
their  greatest  quarrel  was  against  Plimouth ;  and  as  for  what  they  at- 
tempted against  the  other  colonics,  they  were  constrained  to  it,  by  the 
spoil  that  was  done  them  at  Narraganset.f  They  told  him,  that  when 
Captain  Pierce  engaged  them  near  >Ir.  Blackstone%  they  were  boimd  for 
Plimouth.  They  gloried  much  in  their  success,  promising  themselves 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  country,  and  rooting  out  of  all  the  English. 
Mr.  Williams  reproved  their  confidence,  minded  them  of  their  cruelties, 
and  told  them,  that  the  Bay,  viz.  Boston,  could  yet  spare  10,000  men ; 
and,  if  they  should  destroy  all  them,  yet  it  was  not  to  be  doubted,  but  our 
king  would  send  as  many  every  year  from  Old  England,  rather  than  they 
should  share  the  country .§  They  answered  proudly,  that  they  should  be 
ready  for  them,  or  to  that  effect,  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a 
good  man,  and  had  been  kind  lo  them  formerly,  and  therefore  tliey  would 
not  hurt  him." 

This  agrees  well  with  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  the  caiTiage  of  John  at 
the  time  he  went  to»the  English  army  to  talk  about  peace,  already  men- 
tioned. His  words  are,  "  yet  could  the  messenger,  [John,'j  hardly  forbear 
threatening,  vaporing  of  their  numbers  and  strength,  addmg,  withal,  that 
the  English  durst  not  fight  them." 

We  have  now  to  close  the  career  of  this  Indian  captain,  for  which  it 
requires  but  a  word,  as  he  was  killed  on  the  2  July,  167(5,  at  the  same 
time  the  old  squaw-sachem  Quaiapen  and  most  of  her  people  were  fallen 
upon  by  Major  Talcot,  as  we  nave  related  in  a  former  chapter. 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  John,  but  when  they  were  any  ways 
conspicuous,  Some  distinguishing  prefix  or  affix  was  generally  added,  as 
we  have  seen  in  several  instances  in  the  preceding  chapters.  We  have 
already  given  the  life  of  one  Sagamore-john,  but  anothsr  of  that  name,  still 
more  conspicuous,  (for  his  treachery  to  his  own  nation,)  here  presents 
himself.  This  Sas^amore-john  was  a  Nipmuk  sachem,  and  a  traitor  to  his 
country.  On  the  27th  of  July,  167G,  doubtless  from  a  conviction  of  the 
hopelessness  of  his  cause,  he  came  to  Boston,  and  threw  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  the  English.    They  pardoned  him,  as  he  enticed  along  with 


\ 


♦  Present  State,  &c.  V2. 

t  The  building  cojiiaining-  the  records  of  II.  I.  was  consumed  at  this  time,  and  part  of 
lis  contents.  Some  of  them  were  saved  by  boinj^  thrown  out  of  a  window  into  some 
water.  They  bear  to  this  time  the  marks  of  the;i  immersion. — Oral  information  of  N. 
R.  Staples,  Esq.  of  Providence. 

t  And  who  could  ask  for  a  better  reason  ? 

^  f  his  was  rather  gasconading  for  so  reverend  a  man  !  Had  he  lived  since  the  rov- 
olulionarj  war,  he  would  Imrdly  have  meant  so,  whatever  he  might  have  said. 


[Book  III 

»lso,  with- 
1  the  latter 

Rev.  Mr. 

f  that  con- 
[,  in  these 
lis  of  Sea- 
it  to  be  at 
I'liose  very 
ts  huTisclf, 
udence  in 
,  unable  to 
jcame  the 
!  remained 
.  Williams 
t  came  to 
pretended, 
It  tiicy  at- 
it,  by  the 
that  when 
bound  for 
:hemselves 
le  English. 

•  cruelties, 
,000  men ; 
ed,  but  our 

•  than  they 
■  should  be 

he  was  a 
hey  would 

of  John  at 
eady  men- 
Uy  forbear 
t^ithal,  that 

which  it 
the  same 
vere  fallen 

any  ways 
added,  as 
We  have 
name,  still 
e  presents 
,itor  to  his 
ion  of  the 
elf  on  the 
ong  with 


and  part  of 
w  into  some 
nation  of  iV. 


ire  the  rev- 


ClIAP.  V] 


MATOONAS. 


77 


him  about  180  others.  And,  that  he  might  have  a  stronger  claim  on  their 
clemency,  he  seized  Maloonas,  and  his  son,  agamst  whom  he  knew  the 
English  to  be  greatly  enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  nt  tlic  same  time. 
On  death's  being  immediately  assigned  as  the  lot  of  Mnloonas,  Saf;nmore- 
john  requested  that  he  might  execute  him  with  his  own  liands.  To 
rciuler  still  more  horrid  this  story  of  blood,  his  request  was  granted ;  and 
he  took  Matoonas  into  the  conmion,  boimd  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  "shot 
him  to  death."  To  tl  ^  above  Dr.  Mather  adds,*  "  Thus  did  the  Lord 
retaliate  upon  him  the  innocent  blood  which  he  had  shed ;  as  he  had 
done,  so  God  requited  him." 

Although  much  had  been  alleged  against  John,  before  he  came  in,  af- 
terwards the  most  favorable  construction  was  ])ut  upon  his  conduct, 
Mr.  Hubbard  says,  he  "  affirmed  that  he  had  never  intended  any  mischief 
to  the  English  at  Brookfield,  the  Inst  year,  (near  which  village  it  seems 
his  j)lace  was,)  but  that  Philip,  coming  over  night  amongst  them,  he  was 
forced,  for  fear  of  his  own  life,  to  join  with  them  against  the  English."! 

Matoonas  was  also  a  Nipmuk  chief.  A  son  of  his  was  said  to  have 
nnu'dered  an  Englishtnan  in  1671,  when  "traveling  along  the  road," 
which  Mr.  Hubbard  says  was  "out  of  mere  malice  and  s|)ite,"  because  he 
was  "vexed  in  his  mind  that  the  design  against  the  English,  intended  to 
begin  in  that  year,  did  not  take  place."  This  son  of  Matoonas  was 
hanged,  and  afterwards  beheaded,  and  his  head  set  tipon  a  pole,  where 
it  was  to  be  seen  about  six  years  after.  The  name  of  the  murdered 
Englishtnan  was  Zachary  Smith,  a  young  man,  who,  as  he  was  passing 
through  Dedhain,  in  the  month  of  April,  put  up  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Caleb 
Church.  About  half  an  hour  after  he  was  gone,  the  next  morning,  three 
Indians  passed  the  same  way ;  who,  as  they  jjassed  by  Churches  house, 
behaved  in  a  very  insolent  manner.  They  had  been  employed  as  labor- 
ers in  Dorchester,  and  said  they  belonged  to  Philip;  they  left  their 
masters  under  a  suspicious  pretence.  The  body  of  tlie  tnurdered  man 
was  soon  after  found  near  the  saw- mill  in  Dcdiiatn,  and  these  Indians 
were  apprehended,  and  one  put  to  death,  as  is  stated  above.| 

Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  father,  "an  old  malicious  villain,"  bore 
an  old  grudge  against  them,"  on  the  account,  of  the  execution  ot  his  son 


And  the  first  mischief  that  was  done 


iunt.c 

in  \ 


lassacluisctts   colony   was 


charged  to  him ;  which  was  the  killing  of  fom-  or  live  persons  at  Mendon, 
a  town  upon  Pawtucket  River;  anil,  says  /.  Mather,  ^^ had  we  amended 
our  ways  as  we  should  have  done,  this  misery  would  have  been  pre- 
vented."§ 

When  old  Matoonas  was  brought  before  the  council  of  Massachusetts, 
he  " confessed  that  he  had  rightly  deserved  death,  and  could  expect  no 
other."  "He  had  often  scen)ed  to  favor  the  praying  Indians,  and  die 
Christian  religir  n,  but,  like  Simon  Jl/aafif.?,  by  his  after  jiractice,  discovered 
quickly  that  he  had  no  part  nor  portion  in  that  matter."|| 

The  following  horrible  circumstance,  according  to  an  anonymous 
aulhor,1T  took  place  at  the  execution  oi' Matoonas : — "  The  executioners,  (for 
there  were  many,)  flung  one  end,  [of  a  rope  abotit  his  neck,  by  which  they 
led  htm,]  over  a  post,  and  so  hoisted  him  up  like  a  dog,  three  or  four 
times,  he  being  yet  half  alive  and  half  dead ;  then  came  an  Indian,  a 
friend  of  his,  and  with  his  knife  made  a  hole  in  his  breast  to  his  heart, 
and  sucked  out  his  heart-blood:  being  asked  his  reason  therefor,  his 

*  Riief  History  of  liie  War,  43.  f  Nairative,  101.  4to  edition. 

t  Manuscript  (iocumcDts,  in  the  office  of  liie  secretary  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
^  Hrief  Hist.  5.  ||  Hnbhard,  101. 

^  Of  liie  Letter  to  London,  tl,  who  mnlies  no  mention  of  ihe  name  of  the  Judiaa  exe- 
cuted ;  but  his  account  '  vidcntlv  relates  to  Matoonas. 

7* 


78 


MONOCO. 


[Hook  III 


answer, '  Umh,  umh  nu,  me  stronger  as  I  was  before.  Me  be  so  strong  as 
me  and  he  too,  he  be  ver  strong  man  fore  he  die.'' " 

The  autijor  from  whom  we  huve  made  th'iH  extract  is  rather  more  of  a 
savage  tliaii  any  one  we  liuve  met  with.  Upon  tiic  above  muiistrous  act 
he  has  this  comment:  "Thus  willi  llie  dog-like  dcatii  (good  enough)  of 
one  poor  )ieallien,  was  the  peo})ir;'8  rage  laid,  in  some  measure ;"  from 
which  the  reader  will  naturally  infer  that  there  was  at  this  lime  a  great 
thirst  tor  blood  amongst  the  English,  which,  it  is  too  evident,  was  actually 
the  case. 

Our  readers  must  ere  this  have  become  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
feeling  towards  the  Indians,  and  consequently  towards  all  those  who 
ventured  to  raise  their  voice  in  commutation  of  severity  towards  them. 
At  the  time  the  eleven  Indians  were  tried  for  their  lives,  the  paiticulars  of 
which  we  shall  soon  huve  occasion  to  relate,  Mr.  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot, 
by  singular  perseverance,  succeeded  in  clearing  the  most  of  them.  The 
rage  of  the  people  was  no  longer  confined  to  the  rabble,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  following  passage  from  our  anonymous  author: — "Uut  for  Captain 
Guggitis,  why  such  a  wise  council  us  they  should  be  so  overbonio  by 
him,  cannot  be  judged  otherwise  than  because  of  his  daily  troubling  them 
with  his  impertinences,  and  multitudinous  speeches ;  insomuch,  that  it 
was  told  him  on  the  bench  by  a  very  worthy  person,  Captain  Oliver,  there 
present,  that  he  ought  rather  to  be  confined  airicng  his  Indians,  than 
to  sit  on  the  bench.  His  taking  the  Indians'  part  so  much  liath  made 
him  a  by-word  both  among  men  ond  boys."* 

While  Matoonas  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  his  residence  was 
at  Pukachoog.  Here  he  was  made  constable  of  tlio  towii.f  On  joining 
in  the  war,  he  led  parties  which  committed  several  depredations.  He 
joined  the  main  body  of  the  Nipinuks  in  the  winter  of  1(J75,  when  James 
Q^uanapohit  was  among  them  as  a  spy,  who  saw  him  arrive  there  with  a 
train  of  followers,  and  take  the  lead  in  the  war  dances.}:  Doubtless 
QuannpohiCs  evidence  drew  forth  the  confessions  which  he  made,  and 
added  to  the  severity  exercised  at  his  execution. 

We  have  yet  to  notice  a  distinguished  Niptnuk  sachem,  called 

Monaco  by  his  countrymen,  but  by  the  English,  generally,  One-eyed- 
John ;  as  though  deficient  in  tlie  organs  of  vision,  which  probably  was 
the  case.  He  was,  says  an  early  writer,  "a  notable  fellow,"  who,  when 
Philip's  wur  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  conseq»iently  was  acquainted 
with  every  part  of  the  town,  which  knowledge  he  improved  to  his  advan- 
tage, on  two  occasions,  in  that  war.  On  Sunday,  22  August,  1G75,  a 
man,  his  wife  and  two  children  were  killed  at  that  place.§  At  this  time 
the  Hassanamesit  praying  Indians  were  placed  at  Marlborough  by  au- 
thority. No  sooner  was  it  known  that  n  murder  was  committecl  at  Lan- 
caster, than  not  a  few  were  wanting  to  charge  it  U[)on  the  Hassanamesits. 
Captain  Mostly,  who  it  seems  was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their 
quartera,  and  found  "  much  suspicion  against  eltvcn  of  them,  for  singing 
and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  and  slugs,  and  much  powder  hid  in  their 
baskets."  For  this  offence,  thesa  eleven  were  sent  to  Boston,  on  suspicion, 
and  there  tried.  "  fiut  upon  trial,  the  said  prisoners  were  all  of  them 
acquitted  from  the  fact,  and  were  either  released,  or  else  were,  with 
othera  of  that  fort,  sent  for  better  security,  and  for  preventing  future  trou- 
ble in  the  like  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below  Boston,  towards  Nan- 


*  Letter  to  London,  2G.  t  Shattuck's  Ilist.  Concord,  31. 

X  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vi.  206. 

^  The  above  is  Mr.  Hulibitrd'.i  account.  Mr.  Willard,  in  his  excellent  history  of  lian- 
caster,  gives  us  the  names  of  six,  and  says  eight  were  killed.  But  in  his  cnumuratioa  I 
coiuit  nine ;  and  Gookin  says  seven. 


Chap.  V.] 


MONOCO. 


79 


s|)icion, 

f  tliein 

',  with 

•e  trou- 

Nun- 


,31. 


tasket."*  Fifteen  was  the  number  brought  down  to  Boston,  hut  eleven  or 
twelve  only  were  suspected  of  tlie  alleged  oH'i'iice.  The  others,  ntnong 
whoiri  were  Mram  Specn  and  John  Choo,  were  taken  along  and  impris- 
oned, for  no  other  reason  hut  their  heuig  accidiMitally,  at  that  lime,  at 
Marlborough,  or  the  crime  of  being  Indians,  It  appears  some  time  had 
elapsed  alter  the  murder  was  conunitted,  before  they  were  sent  down  for 
trial,  or  more  probably  they  were  suffered  to  retmri  home  before  being 
sent  to  Deer  Island.  For  Ephraim  TurncT  ami  IVilliain  Kent  were  not 
sent  up  to  find  out  where  "tn(\v  all  were,"  and  what  answers  they  could 
get  from  those  they  should  meet,  until  the  beginning  of  October;  at 
which  time  these  eleven  Indians  were  scattered  in  various  directions,  about 
their  daily  callings.  And  all  the  information  Turner  and  Kent  handed 
into  court  was,  tliat  they  were  thus  disi»ersed.  fVaban  and  Mr.  John 
H'atson,  who  had  been  appointed  to  reside  among  those  Indians,  were 
the  only  persons  questioned.  What  steps  the  court  took  upon  this  in- 
formation, we  are  not  informed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to 
Deer  Island. 

The  names  of  these  12  Indiana,  concerning  whom  more  particular 
incpiiry  may  hereailer  be  made  by  the  benevolent  antiquary,  it  is  thought 
should  be  given;  especially  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  preserved. 
They  follow  :— 

Old-jethro  and  two  sons,  (Peter  probably  being  one,)  a  sqitaio,  (namu 
not  mentioned,)  James -the-printer,  James  Acompanet,  Daniel  Munups,  John 
Cquasquaconet,  John  Jlsquenet,  George  J^onsequeseivitf  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
f  MO,  and  Joseph  Watapacoson. 

After  a  trial  of  great  vexation  to  these  innocent  Indians,  David,  the 
mam  witness  against  them,  acknowledged  ho  had  perfidiously  accused 
them ;  and  at  the  same  time,  a  prisoner  was  brought  in,  wlio  testified  that 
he  kneio  One-eyed-john  had  committed  the  murder  at  Lancaster,  and  a 
short  time  after  another  was  taken,  who  confirmed  his  testimony. 

These  Indians  brought  all  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of 
their  attachment  to  the  English.  It  was  in  their  service  that  they  discov- 
ered and  captured  Andrew,  a  brother  of  David,  who,  on  being  delivered 
to  the  soldiery,  was  shot  by  them  with  ferocious  jirecipitancy.  Therefore, 
when  the  Lancaster  murder  happened.  Captain  Mosely,  having  already 
sundry  charges  against  David,  held  an  inquisition  upon  him  to  make  him 
coiiil'ss  relative  to  the  Lancaster  affiiir.  The  method  taken  to  make  him 
contess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire  of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this:  they  bound 
him  to  a  tree,  and  levelled  guns  at  his  breast.  In  this  situation,  to  avert 
innnediate  death,  as  well  as  to  be  revenged  for  the  death  of  his  brother, 
he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  eleven  Indians  before  named.  The  residtwe 
have  before  stated.  For  thus  falsely  accusing  his  countrymen,  and  shoot- 
ing at  a  boy  who  was  looking  after  sheep  at  Marlborough,  David  was 
condemned  to  slavery,  and  accordingly  sold. 

James  Acompanet  was  conspicuous  at  the  trial,  as  one  of  the  eleven,  and 
"pleaded,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  rest,  that  what  David  said  against 
them,  was  to  save  his  own  life  when  bound  to  the  tree,"  &c.  Acompanct, 
says  Mr.  Gookin,  "was  a  vei-y  understanding  fellow." 

Notwithstanding  the  two  prisoners,  taken  at  ditferent  times,  as  we  have 
mentioned,  avowed  that  Monaco  led  the  party  that  did  the  mischief,  yet 
one*  of  the  eleven,  whom  Mr.  Gookin  calls  Joseph  Spoonant,  was,  by  a 
new  jury,  found  guilty,  and  sold  into  foreign  slaveiy.  His  Indian  name 
was  iVattapacoson. 

Andreiv's  history  is  as  follows:  he  had  been  gone  for  some  time  before 
the  war,  on  a  lunting  voyage  towards  the  lakes ;  and  on  his  return  home- 


Gookin's  MS.  lliit.  Praying  Indians. 


80 


MONOCO. 


[Re OK   III. 


wnnl,  he  foil  in  atnon*]^  Philt/t^s  luv.ti  ulioiit  Qiiahnoif.  Tliifl  wns  nbout  a 
tnoiitli  before  tlie  iiOiiir  nt  LiiiicasttM'.  'J'lio  n-uHoii  he  Httiid  aiiioiif;  tiio 
hoHtilo  loiliuiis  i8  very  ohvioiis:  lie  was  afraid  to  v(;iitiire  into  the  vieinity 
of  the  whites,  lest  they  Nhoiild  treat  iiiiii  in  iii  enemy,  lint  as  his  ill 
furtune  fell  out,  he  was  found  in  the  woi ds,  l»y  his  countryirieii  of  Marl- 
buroiigli,  who  conducted  liiiii  to  thu  I'liglish,  hy  wlioin  he  was  shot,  ait 
we  have  just  related.  The  olfnier  who  presided  over  and  directed  this 
alfair,  would,  no  douht,  at  any  other  time,  have  received  a  reward  pro- 
portioiiatn  to  the  niali^'nity  nf  the  otfenci!.  lint  in  this  horrid  storiii  of 
war,  many  were  suflered  to  tranHiaess  the  laws  wiri;  impimity. 

We  have  yet  to  add  a  word  '  'uornins,'  Mono>o.  When  (liiminpohil 
was  out  as  a  sjiy,  Monoro  kindly  <:ref  tamed  him,  in  ii-connt  of  former 
acquaintance. 


icter.      Ihc)  liaM  M-rved  logeiner  in 
On  JO  Kel).  Il)7(!,  ahoiit  (500  Indians 


not  knowing;  his  cii   I  icter.     'I'l 
their  wars  against  the  Mohawks. 

fell  upon  Lancaster,  and,  after  huriiing  the  town,  carri(;d  the  inhabilants 
into  captivity.  Among  them  was  the  family  of  Kev.  IMr.  Jiowlandson. 
Mrs.  Rowlandson,  after  her  redemption,  |)nltli.sliod  an  amusing  account  of 
the  affair.  Monaco,  or  One-tije'-john,  it  is  said,  was  among  the  actora  of 
this  tragedy.  On  13  March  following,  Groton  was  surprised.  Fn  this 
affair,  too,  John  Monaco  was  principal ;  and  on  his  own  word  we  set  hirn 
down  as  the  destroyer  of  Medtield.  After  he  had  burned  Groton,  except 
one  garrison  house,  he  called  to  the  ca|)tain  in  it,  and  told  him  he  would 
burn  in  succession  Chelmsford,  Concord,  Watertown,  Cambridge,  Charles- 
town,  Roxbury  and  Jioston.  Ho  boasted  mncli  of  tlio  men  at  his  com- 
mand;  said  he  had  480  warriors;  and  added — "  ff /i«/  me  tvill  me  do" 
The  report  of  this  very  much  enraged  the  English,  and  occasioned  hia 
being  entitled  a  "bragadocio"  by  the  histor'uii.  At  the  close  of  Ph'dip'a 
war,  with  others,  he  gave  himself  up  to  IMajor  Waldron  at  Cochecho;  or, 
having  come  in  there,  at  the  request  of  Peler-jclhro,  to  make  j)eac(!,  was 
seized  and  sent  to  Boston,  where,  in  ilie  language  of  Mr.  Hubbard,  he, 
"with  a  few  more  bragadocios  like  liiiiisoltj  Sui^amore-sam,  Oil-jcthro, 
and  the  sachem  of  Quabaog,  [MatUump*],  Wf3re  taken  by  the  FiUglish, 
and  was  seen,  (not  long  before  the  Wiiting  of  tins,)  marching  towards  ilie 
gallows,  (through  Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  burn  at  his 
pleasure,)  with  a  halter  aliout  bis  neck,  with  which  he  was  hanged  at  the 
town's  end,  Sept.  20,  in  this  preseiit  year,  1G7G." 

It  was  reported,  (no  doubt  by  the  Indians,  to  vox  ihrir  enemies,)  tha' 
Mrs.  Rowlandson  had  married  Monoco,  "  Hut,"  the  author  of  the  1'rksf.nt 
State,  &c.  says,  "it  was  soon  contradicted,"  and,  "that  she  appeared 
and  behaved  liereelf  amongst  them  with  so  much  courage  and  majestic 
gravity,  that  none  durat  offer  any  violence  to  her,  but,  on  the  contrary,  (in 
their  rude  manner,)  seemed  to  show  her  great  respect." 

In  the  above  quotation  from  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  have  shown  at  what 
time  several  of  the  Nipmuk  chiefs  were  put  to  death  beside  Monoco. 
Old-jethro  was  little  less  noted,  though  of  quite  a  dif!l'reiit  character.  His 
Indian  name  was  Tantamous.  He  was  present  at  the  sale  of  Concord 
(Mass.)  to  the  English,  about  which  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  In  1G74,  he 
was  appointed  a  missionary  to  the  Nipniuks  living  at  VVeshakim,  since 
Sterling,  but  his  stay  there  was  short.f  He  and  his  family,  (of  about  12 
persons,)  were  among  those  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  on  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war  the  next  year.  Their  residence  then  was  at  Nobscut  Hill,  near 
Sudbury.     His  spirit  could  not  brook  the  indignity  offered  by  those 

*  The  same,  probablv,  called  Matlawamppe,  who,  in  1GG5,  witnessed  the  sale  of 
Brookfield,  Mass.,  deeded  at  that  lime  by  a  chief  named  Shatloockt/uis.  Mantamp 
claimed  an  interest  in  said  lands,  and  received  pari  of  the  pay. — Ilcv.  Mr.  Fool's  Hist. 
Brookfield. 

t  Mr.  Shattuck's  Hist.  Concord,  30. 


ncoK  III. 

about  a 

Killer    tllP 

5  vicinity 
IS  ITm  ill 
of  Marl- 

I    HllOt,  UH 

;cto(l  tliitt 
uril  |iio- 
sturni  uf 

tnnnpohil 
f  foruHjr 
,'('llM'r  ill 
I  Iiitliiins 
liabiliiiits 
vlnndson. 
;:coiiiit  of 
iictora  of 
111  tliiu 
!  set  him 
11,  except 
ii>  would 
,  Cluirles- 
liis  com- 
l  me  do!'' 
ionetl  his 
■  Philip's 
echo ;  or, 
Race,  was 
hbard,  l\o, 
}il-jdkro, 
Fiii^lish, 
vards  the 
lit  his 
ed  at  the 

ies,)  tha' 

RKSF.NT 

)])ear{nl 
iiajeslic 
trary,  (in 

at  what 
j\Ionoco. 
tor.  His 
Concord 
1G74,  he 


Chap.  V.] 


SAG  A  MORES  AM. 


81 


English  who  were  sent  to  conduct  the  praying  Indians  to  Boston,  and  in 
the  nii;ht  he  escaped,  with  all  his  family,  into  hi  native  wil(l8.  His  son 
Peter  liud  hccn  so  long  iiiii'  t  the  instrtictioii  of  the  Englisi),  that  he  had 
become  almost  one  of  them.  He  dciserted  his  father's  cause,  and  was  the 
means  of  his  beiii$r  executctl  wit!i  the  other  Ni|)muk  saciiems  already 
mentioned.  This  occasioned  Dr.  /.  Mather  to  say  of  him,  "Tiiat  abomi- 
nable Indian,  Peter-jelhro,  betrayed  his  own  father,  and  other  Indians  of 
his  special  ac(|uaintance,  unto  deatii."  It  sitems  he  had  been  em]>loyed 
by  the  Kn<rlish  for  this  |>urposc. 

•  Sagamore-sam,  sachem  of  Nashua,  was  a  participant  in  the  sufferings  of 
those  just  named,  lie  was  one  of  those  that  sacked  Lancaster,  10  Feb. 
I(j7().  His  Indian  name  was  at  one  time  Shoshanim,  but  in  Philip's  war 
it  ap[»ears  to  have  been  changed  to  Uskatuhfrun ;  at  h^ast,  if  he  be  the 
same,  it  was  so  subscrilicd  by  Peter-jcthro,  when  the  letter  was  sent  by 
the  Indians  to  the  English  about  tiie  exchange  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and 
othci-s,  as  will  be  found  in  the  life  oC  JVepanet.  Shoshanim  was  successor 
to  Malthrw,  who  succeeded  Sholan. '  This  last-mentioned  sachem  is  prob- 
ably referred  to  by  the  author  quoted  in  Mr.  Thorows;ood''s  curious  book. 
In  the  stimmcr  of  1G52,  Rev.  JoAn  fi/io<  intended  to  visit  tlie  Nashuas, 
in  ills  evangelical  capacity,  but  understanding  there  was  war  in  that 
direction  among  the  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  for  a  time.  The 
sachem  of  Nashua  hearing  of  Mr.  ElioVs  intention,  "took  20  men,  armed 
alter  their  manner,"  as  his  guard,  with  many  others,  and  conducted  him 
to  his  country.  And  my  author  adds,  "this  was  a  long  journey  into  the 
wilderness  of  GO  miles:  it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  that  he  was 
not  dry  three  or  four  days  together,  night  nor  day."t  One  of  the  Indians  at 
this  time  asked  Mr.  Eliot  why  those  who  grayed  to  God  among  the 
English  loved  the  Indians  that  prayed  to  God  "more  than  their  own 
brethren."  The  good  man  seemed  some  at  a  loss  for  an  answer,  and 
waved  the  subject  by  several  scriptural  quotations. 

We  may  be  incorrect  in  the  supposition  that  the  sachem  who  con- 
ducted Mr.  Eliot  on  this  occasion  was  Sholan,  as  perhaps  Passaxonaway 
would  suit  the  time  as  well. 

Another  great  and  benevolent  chief  it  would  be  proper  to  notice  in 
this  place,  whose  name  was  Ashpclon;  but  as  he  comes  to  our  notice  after 
Philip's  war,  we  shall  notice  him  in  anoiher  chapter. 

*  In  1G47,  three  Indians  were  killed  between  Qnabao"'  and  Springfield,  by  other 
Indians.  The  next  year,  five  others  were  killed  aliout  midway  between  Quabaog  and 
Lancaster. —  Winthrop's  Journal,  {Savage's  cd.)  .  'uch  instances  were  common  among 
the  Indians. 

t  Sure  Arguments  to  prove  that  the  Jews  inhabit  now  in  America.— By  Tliomas 
TViorowgood,  4to.  London,  1G52.  Sir  Roger  L' Estrange  answered  this  book  by  another 
4atitled,  The  Amektcans  nu  i&y/a. 


bout  12 
ving  out 
I  ill,  near 
)y   those 

sale  of 
Muntamp 
jot's  J  list. 


83 


AMOS. 


[DOOE  III. 


CIIAI'TKR  VI. 

Fricndljf  Indians — Captain  Amcih — Pursues  Tatoson  and  Penachason — 
K.icapcs  Ihf  uliiufrlUer  al  Pawlnckd — Commnwts  a  company  in  the  enslrrn 
war — Captain  IjioiiTKotrr — His  services  in  Phillp^s  war — In  the  ea.ilent 
war — KATTENANir — //w  services — (Iuannapoiiit — His  important  sir- 
tnccs  as  a  spi/ — MwrxMV—Monoco — Nkpanet — Employed  to  treat  with 
the  enem), — iirinf^s  letters  from  them — Effects  an  exchange  of  prisoners — 
Petkr  Co.nwav — Petku  Kpiikaim. 

Jimos,  cominoiily  ralh'l  Captain  Amos,  wna  n  Wampanonj?,  wliose 
rosiilciico  was  al)()iit  {h\\n\  (.'od.  Wo  Imvo  no  iinticf)  of  liiin  until  Phitip\<i 
war,  at  whirli  tiino  lio  was  cnlirrly  dcvotiMl  to  llus  survico  of  tlu;  Kll^llsll. 
After  tlio  I'liiiioiitli  pcoplt!  had  loiiinl  lliat  Tatoson  was  conccrn»ul  in  tho 
deatructioii  of  Cl'trk\t  fjaiiisoii,  tlicy  Hoiijj[ht  for  sonio  fri«indly  IiidiuiiH 
wlio  would  u'alcrtaki;  to  dulivcr  hiui  und  liis  abettors  into  tlieir 
hands,  ('aptain  Amos  tciiidcicd  liis  scrvicfs,  and  was  duly  ronirnissioncd 
to  prosecute  the  eiitcr|)ris(',  and  to  take  into  tliat  service  any  of  his  friends. 
Mttantinie,  Taloson  had  tied  to  Illi/aheth  Island,  in  company  with  Pina- 
chason,  another  chief  who  was  also  to  be  taken  if  lio  could  !)e  found. 
This  Penachason  was  probably  Tatoson^s  brothtir's  son,  sometimes  called 
Tom,  who,  if  the  same?,  w.-ls  also  at  the  (h'stroying  of  Clark^s  },'arrison. 
Yet  the  wily  chiefs  ehidcid  the  vij^ilance  of  Captain  Amos,  by  flying  from 
that  region  into  the  Nipmuks'  country,  where  they  joined  Philip. 

To  encourage  greater  exertion  on  tho  part  of  tho  friendly  Indians,  to 
execute  their  commission,  it  was  ordered,  that  in  case  they  captured  and 
brought  in  either  Tatoson  or  Penachaso.i,  "they  may  expect  for  their 
rewaril,  for  each  of  them  foin*  coats,  and  a  coat  apiece  for  every  other 
Indian  that  shall  prove  mercliantable." 

We  have  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter  the  horrid  catastrophe  of 
Captain  Pcirse  and  his  men  at  Pawtut  ket.  Caj)tain  Amos  escaped  that 
dreadful  slaughter.  II'J  fought  there  with  20  oi  bis  warriors,  and  when 
Captain  Peirse  was  siiot  down  by  a  ball,  which  wounded  him  in  the 
thigh,  he  stood  by  liis  side,  and  defended  him  as  long  as  there  was  a 
gleam  of  hope.  At  length,  seeing  nearly  all  his  friends  slain,  by  great 
presence  of  mind  he  made  his  escape,  I  y  the  following  subtle  stratagem  :  — 

J\ranuntenoo''s  warriors  had  blackened  their  faces,  which  Captain  Amos 
had  observed,  and  by  means  of  powder  contrived  to  discolor  his  own 
unobs'^rved  by  them.  When  ho  had  done  this,  he  managed,  by  a  dexterous 
manoei  ver,  to  pass  among  the  enemy  for  one  of  them,  and  by  these 
means  esca|)ed. 

What  were  Captain  Amos\')  other  acts  in  this  war,  if  any,  we  have  not 
learned;  nor  do  we  meet  again  with  him  until  1G89.  In  that  year,  he 
went  with  Col.  Church  against  the  eastern  Indians  and  French,  in  which 
expedition  he  also  had  the  command  of  a  company.  Church  arrived 
with  his  forces  in  Sept.  at  Ciisco,  now  Portland,  and,  having  landed  se- 
cretly under  cover  of  the  night,  surprised,  on  the  following  morning,  about 
four  hundred  Indians,  who  hacl  coiiio  to  destroy  the  place.  Although  the 
Indians  did  not  receive  imich  damiige,  yet.  Gov.  Sullixmn  says,*  the  whole 
eastern  country  was  saved  by  the  timely  arrival  of  this  expedition.  In 
the  fight  at  Casco,  eight  of  the  English  were  killed  and  many  wounded. 
Two  of  Captain  Amos^s  men  wore  bndly  wounded,  and  Sam  Moses, 
another  friendly  Indian,  was  killed.    There  was  another  Indian  com- 

•  Hisl.  District  of  Maine,  102. 


[nooK  III. 


Chap.  VI.] 


KATTF.NANIT. 


lachason — 
the  cnnlirn 
the  etuiteni 
ortnut  scr- 
»  treat  with 
)risoners — 


njf,  wliosn 
til  Philip's 

O    KlIgllHll. 

io(i  ill  the 
lly  Indians 
into  tliiMr 
iiiiissioiiod 
his  friends, 
villi  Ptna- 
!)u  ioiiiid. 
[HI'S  called 
'.»  }i;arri.son. 
lying  i'lom 
ip. 

Indians,  to 
^tiired  and 
t  for  their 
jvery  other 

iitrophe  of 
cajied  that 
and  when 
im  in  the 
ere  was  a 

hy  great 
atageni  :— 
itain  Jlmos 
r  his  own 
I  dexterous 

by  tliese 


1 


J  have  not 
t  year,  he 
,  in  which 
ch  arrived 
anded  se- 
ing,  about 
lough  the 
the  whole 
ition.  In 
wounded, 
iffi  Moses, 
iau  com- 


pany ill  this  expedition,  ronirnanded  liy  ('a|itain  Panirl,  out  of  which  ono 
man  was  killed,  who  was  of  Yannoiilh  on  Cape  Cod.* 

Ijifrhljhiit,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sogkoiiates,  diMinguished  in  Philip's  wnr, 
was  also  in  tlu;  service  under  f'hurrh  al  Casco;  a  niemorable  expedition, 
on  more  than  one  account.  One  circumstance  w«!  will  name,  as  it  well 
nigh  proved  the  ruin  of  the  undertaking.  VVhen,onth(!  following  morn- 
ing, a(ier  tlie  arrival  of  the  forces,  the  attack  was  begun,  it  was,  to  the  in- 
cxpn'ssible  surprise  of  the  ilnglisli,  found,  that  the  liullets  were  much 
larger  than  the  calibn;  of  their  guns.  This  was  n  most  extraordinary  and 
nnaccountabh;  occurrence,  and  great  blame  was  chargeable  Homewhere. 
In  this  wretched  tlilemma,  the  light  having  alrea«ly  begun,  Church  sot 
Kome  at  work  making  the  bullets  into  slugs,  Ity  which  resort  he  was  able 
to  continue  the  fight,  it  being  high  water  at  the  time,  an  estuary  sepa- 
rated the  iiattle-groimd  from  the  town.  The  bullets  were  to  be  carried  to 
the  army  engaged,  in  buckets,  alter  being  hammered.  Wiien  the  first 
recruit  of  slugs  was  made  up,  ('ol.  Church  ran  with  it  to  the  water's  edge, 
and,  not  caring  to  venture  himself  to  wade  across,  called  to  those  on  the 
other  side  to  send  some  one  to  take  it  over  to  the  army.  None  appeared 
hut  Lifrhffoot.  This  Indian  dexteioiisly  rejmssed  the  estuary,  with  a  quan- 
tity of  |)ow(ler  uiMin  his  head,  and  a  "kettle"  of  bullets  in  each  hand,  ond 
thus  the  tight  was  maintained,  and  the  enemy  put  to  flight.  In  Philip's 
war,  LighlJ'oot's  exploits  were  doubtless  very  iiiimerons,  but  few  of  them 
have  come  down  to  us.  lie  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  English,  at 
Jlionshonks's  great  dance  at  Buzzard's  Bay,  already  mentioned.  When 
Littlc-tyes  was  taken  at  Cuslmet,  in  KiTH,  Litthlfooi  was  sent  with  liim  to 
what  is  now  called  Palmer's  Island,  near  the  mouth  of  Cuslmet  lliver, 
where  he  held  him  in  guard,  until  he  could  he  safely  conducted  to  Pli- 
inouth.  About  the  time  Akkompoin  was  killed,  and  Philip's  wife  and 
son  were  taken.  Church  gave  him  a  captoin's  coinniiBsion,  alter  which  he 
made  several  successful  ex|)editions. — We  now  pass  to  characters  hitherto 
less  known,  though,  perhaps,  of  more  interest. 

Very  little  was  known  of  certain  important  characters  among  the  friend- 
ly Indians  of  Massachusetts,  which  siiould  have  by  no  means  been  over- 
looked, until  the  discovery  of  Mr.  Gookin's  manuscript  history  of  th« 
praying  Indians,  not  long  since,  and  to  which  we  hove  often  referred 
already.  We  shall,  therelbre,  devote  the  remainder  of  the  present  chap- 
ter to  their  history. 

Job  Kattenani'  seems  first  to  demand  attention.  He  was  a  Christian 
Indian,  and  lived  some  time  at  Natick,  luit  was  at  one  time  a  preacher  at 
Magimkog,  and  belonged  originally,  we  believe,  to  Ilassanamesit.  How- 
ever that  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  beginning  of 
Philip's  war,  when  that  chief's  men  made  a  descent  upon  the  place,  with 
the  intention  of  carrying  away  those  Christian  Indians  prisoners.  Job 
made  his  escape  from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at 
Mendoii.  He  had  still  three  children  in  the  enemy's  hands,  and  he  was 
willing  to  run  any  venture  to  release  them.  He  therefore  applied  for 
nnd  obtained  a  pass,  assuring  him  safety,  provided  that,  in  his  return,  lie 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Englisli  scouts.  Besides  liberating  his 
children,  considerable  hopes  were  entertained,  that  he  might  be  enabled 
to  furnish  information  of  the  enemy.  It  unfortunately  hafipened,  that, 
before  he  had  passed  the  frontier,  he  fell  in  Avith  some  English  soldiers, 
who  treated  him  as  a  prisoner,  anrl  an  enemy,  even  taking  from  him  his 
clothes  and  gun,  sending  him  to  the  governor  at  Boston  ;  "  who,  more  to 
eatisfy  the  clamors  of  the  people  than  for  any  offence  committed,"  as- 
signed him  to  the  common  jail,  where  he  suffered  exceedingly ;  himself 

*  MS.  letter  of  Capl.  Basset  of  the  expedition. 


84 


KATTENANIT. 


[Book  III. 


and  many  othera  being  crowded  into  a  narrow  and  filthy  place.  After 
about  three  weeks,  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island.  The  clanioi-s 
of  the  j)eo|)lo  were  indeed  high  at  this  t'lne,  and  many  accused  Major 
Gookin,  who  gave  him  the  pass,  as  guilty  of  furnishing  the  enemy  with 
intelligence. 

After  the  Narraganset  fight,  19  December,  1G75,  the  English  were  very 
anxious  to  gain  information  relative  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and 
accordingly  instructed  JMajor  Gookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ  some 
friendly  Indian  spies;  who,  after  considerable  negotiation  among  those 
at  Deer  Island,  engaged  Job  again,  and  James  Quannapohit,  alias  Quana- 
paug.  Their  reward  was  to  be  five  pounds  ai)iece!  They  de|mrted 
upon  this  service  before  day,  the  30th  of  December,  and,  during  their 
mission,  l)ehaved  with  great  i)rudence,  and  brought  valuable  information 
to  the  English  on  their  return  ;  but  which,  from  intestine  bickerings 
among  the  English,  turned  to  small  account. 

James  Qiiannapohit  returned  24th  of  Jan.  following,  nearly  worn  out 
and  famished ;  having  travelled  about  80  miles  in  that  cold  season,  upon 
snow-shoes,  the  snow  being  very  deep.  The  information  which  he  gave 
was  written  down  by  Major  Gookin.*  Among  other  matters,  he  stated 
that  the  enemy  had  taken  up  their  quarters  in  different  places,  proliably 
near  Scattacook ;  and  many  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about  Mcnu- 
messe.  The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  joined  Philip  oj)enIy,  but  while 
James  and  Job  were  among  the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  from  Ntu*- 
raganset  which  gave  them  much  joy,  for  they  exjjressed  an  ardent  desire 
to  join  them  and  Philip  in  prosecuting  the  war.  They  said  their  loss  in 
the  great  swamp  fight  was  small.  In  three  weeks,  James  learned,  they 
would  assault  Lancaster,  which  accordingly  came  to  i)ass,  upon  the  very 
day  which  he  said  they  intended  it.  He  learned  and  thus  divulged  their 
plans  to  a  great  extent.  A  circumstance  now  occurred,  which  obliged 
him  to  make  his  escape,  which  was  this  :  He  found  a  friend  and  pro- 
tector in  Mautamp,f  one  of  the  Ni|)nuik  chiefs,  who,  it  seems,  intended 
shortly  to  visit  Philip ;  and  insisted  that  Quannapohit  should  accompany 
him,  and  it  was  with  no  small  difficulty  he  was  able  to  elude  the  vigilant 
eye  ofMauiamp,  and  make  his  escape,  which,  however,  was  eftected  only 
by  a  cunning  stratageni,  as  follows : — He  told  Muutamp  that  he  had  fougiit 
against  Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  .•'.nd  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  unless  he  could  go  to  him  with  some  important  trophy, 
Philip  would  not  believe  hinj,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And 
moreover  Tukapawillin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had  given  out 
word  that  certain  praying  Indians  should  be  sought  after,  and,  if  possible, 
seized  and  brought  to  him ;  for  he  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a 
cruel  manner,  with  his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  one  of  them.  He 
therefore  told  Mautamp  that  he  would  go,  in  the  first  place,  and  kill  some 
English,  and  take  their  heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  con- 
sider himself  safe.  This  being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing 
his  steps  to  the  frontiers  of  the  English. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  or  One-cyed-john,  as  a  great  captain  among  the 
enemy,  who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam 
during  his  stay  there ;  they  being  old  accjuaintance,  having  served  to- 
gether in  their  wars  against  the  3Ioliawks,  ten  years  before.]: 

And  here  also  Mr.  Gookin  gives  a  favoraiile  account  of  Monaco.  Philip 
had  ordered  that  the  persons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if 


»  Tlie  same  puUlislierl  in  Col.  Tl/iis.?.  Iflst.  f^oc.  I.  vi.  200—203. 
t  The  same,  prolml)ly,  railed  Xetatimp.  who  \v;is  afterwards  executed  at  Boston,  al 
•be  same  time  with  Sanamore-sam.     See  llnhbard,  .3.5. 
\  Of  this  war  wc  have  given  an  account  iu  b.  SJ.  c.  iii. 


[Book  III. 

;e.  After 
le  clamors 
ied  Major 
leiny  with 

were  very 
lemy,  and 
ploy  some 
ong  those 
IS  Q^nana- 
departcd 
ring  their 
formation 
bickerings 

worn  out 
ison,  upon 
li  he  gave 
he  stated 
,  proliably 
)ut  Mcnu- 
l)ut  wliile 
rem  Ntu-- 
lent  desire 
iir  loss  in 
rued, they 
1  the  very 
Iged  their 
;h  obliged 
and  pro- 
intended 
ccompany 
vigilant 
!Cted  only 
ad  fought 
Hip  knew 
It  trophy, 
im.    And 
civeii  out 
possible, 
eath  in  a 
em.     He 
(ill  some 
uld  con- 
rotracing 

fnong  thf 

wigwam 

erved  to- 

PhiUp 
o  him,  if 


Cfiap.  VI.] 


KATTENANIT. 


85 


taken  alive,  "  that  he  might  put  them  to  some  tormenting  death,  which 
had  hitherto  been  prevented  by  the  care  and  kindness  of  a  gi-eat  captain 
among  them,  named  John-ivith-ov:-cye,  belonging  to  Nashua,*  who  had 
civilly  treated  and  protected  James,  and  entertained  him  at  his  wigwam, 
all  the  time  of  his  being  there."t 

Job  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Qiianapohit,  but  saw  no  way  of 
getting  away  his  children,  which  was  a  main  object  with  him.  He  knew, 
too,  that  James  could  give  all  the  information  they  both  possessed  at  that 
period,  and  not  considering  himself  in  imminent  danger,  preferred  to 
tarry  longer. 

At  Wanexit,  or  Mane.xit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  took  them 
and  conveyed  them  about  twenty  miles,  across  the  path  leading  to  Con- 
necticut, northward  from  Quabaog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits 
and  Segunesits.  At  this  place  were  three  towns  which  contained  about 
300  warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were  threatened  with  death,  their 
mission  being  truly  guessed.  But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john, 
or  Monaco,  he  charged  his  gun  and  said,  "  I  will  kill  whomsoever  shall 
kill  Q^uanapohit"l  Some  said  he  had  killed  one  of  Philip's  counsellors 
at  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had  hired  some  to  kill  him  ;  also  James  Speen, 
Andrew  Pitimy,  Captain  Hunter,  Thomas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter  Ephraim. 
On  being  ordered  to  \\s\t  Philip,  "Job  and  lie  jiretended  to  go  out  a  hunt- 
ing, killed  three  dear  quickly,  and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  by  some 
other  Indians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  before  day,  and 
when  they  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away."  Job  was  to  return  to  the 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  James  ran  away  because  they  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  longer  for  the  end  of  ransoming  his  children,  as  we  have  said. 

He  returned  to  the  English  in  the  night  of  the  9th  of  February,  and 
said,  as  James  had  before,  that  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  at- 
tacked, for  he  knew  about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  already  on 
their  nmrch.     It  resulted  as  James  had  foretold. 

He  further  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy  would  shortly  attack 
Medfield,  Groton,  Marlborough,  and  other  places,  and  that  the  Narragan- 
sets  had  joined  Philip  and  the  Nipmuks. 

While  James  was  there,  "  a  Narraganset  brought  to  them  one  English 
head :  they  shot  at  him,  and  said  the  Narragansets  were  the  English 
friends  all  last  summer.  Afterwards  two  messengers  came  with  twelve 
heads,  craving  their  assistance,  they  then  accepted  them."§ 

Before  he  lefi  the  enemy,  he  ap])ointed  a  place  of  safety  for  his  children, 
and  sundry  others  of  his  friends,  captured  at  Hassanamesit,  where  he 
would  afterwards  meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English.  He  therefore 
petitioned  the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them,  which  was  granted.  But  he 
now  had  new  difficulties  to  encounter,  owing  to  "the  rude  temper  of  those 
times,"  as  one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed  it.]]  Although  both 
these  men  had  acquitted  themselves  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  au- 
thorities who  sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of  giving 
information  to  the  enemy,  and  that  they  were  -ecretly  their  advisers,  or 
else  they  had  not  returned  in  safety;  to  appease  which  they  were  con- 
fined again  to  the  island.  This  so  interfered  wilh  the  time  set  by  Job  to 
meet  his  children  and  friends,  that  gi-eat  sufferings  ensued  to  them,  as 
well  as  to  himself;  and  he  knew  not  that  ever  he  should  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  see  his  children  again.  But  it  much  sooner  happened,  no  doubt, 
than  he  expected,  although  in  an  indirect  way.    About  the  time  he  was 


Boston,  at 


•  Called  sagamore  of  Nashua,  in  the  Cotton  Manuscripts 
t  Hist.  Praying  Indians.  ^  Cotlou  Manuscripts. 


,  ......  .  ...^...s ,  ^„.. _„...f.„.  $  Ibid. 

y  Major  Daniel  Gookin,  who  was  at  least  a  hundred  years  in  advance  of  ihal  age. 
8 


86 


KATTENANIT. 


[Book  III. 


sent  to  the  island,  a  vote  passed  in  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to 
raise  an  army  of  six  iiunilred  men,  and  Major  Thomas  Savage  was  ap- 
plied to,  to  conduct  them  in  the  war.  He  refused,  luiless  he  could  have 
some  of  the  friendly  Indians  from  the  island  for  assistants.  On  a  messen- 
ger being  sent  among  them,  six  of  their  principal  and  bravest  men  vol- 
unteered in  that  service,  among  whom  was  Job  Kaitenanit.  The  army 
marched  about  the  first  of  March,  1(j75,  O.  S.  Hut  when  at  Marlborough, 
Job  got  liberty  of  Major  Savage  and  Major-general  Dennison,  to  attempt 
the  finding  of  his  friends  and  children,  whom  he  had  ap;7ul:\ted  to  meet 
near  llassanamesit.  When  it  was  known  to  Captain  Mostly,*  he  be- 
haved hitnself  very  unbecoming  towards  the  conmianding  otiicer,  and 
nothing  but  his  popularity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed, 
his  conduct  seems  quite  as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a  more  modern  In- 
dian hunter  in  the  Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  htjnianity  joined  to  con- 
demn. Mosely,  it  appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Indian,  and 
doubtless  thought  he  was  acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
He  urged  that  it  was  a  most  itnpolitic  measure  to  sufl'er  any  Indian  to  go 
away  at  this  time,  knowing  their  natural  treacherousncss  ;  and  he  doubted 
not  but  Job  (although  a  tried  friend)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  army,  which  would  frustrate  all  their  designs.  The  great 
ascendency  which  this  otiicer  held  in  the  army  can  best  be  understood 
by  a  simple  statement  of  the  fact,  that  Major  Savage  and  General  Denni- 
son were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the  soldiery  would  cease  their 
clamora.  Captain  Wadsworlh  and  Captain  Syll,  accomjjanied  by  James 
Quannapohit,  went  in  pureuit  with  the  utmost  speed.  But  they  did  not 
overtake  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  army  without  finding  his 
friends ;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their  place,  the 
time  having  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  consequent  suffer- 
ings were  indescribable. 

We  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  afterwards  fell  into 
the  hands  of  a  party  of  English,  who  treated  them  very  ill,  taking  every 
thing  from  them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major  Savage,  he 
treated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  except  four,  who 
ran  away  from  Marlborougli,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from  the 
fear  of  being  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  them.  About  two 
months  after  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  JVcpanet.  Finally, 
Job  recovered  all  his  children,  and,  marrying  again,  lived  very  happily. 
His  wife  was  one  of  those  which  he  had  managed  to  deliver  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  at  such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their 
wanderings,  nui-sed  and  kept  alive  his  children,  one,  especially,  which  was 
very  young. 

When  the  Hassanamesits  went  off  with  the  enemy,  James  Qiiannapohit 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the  English  forces.  Captain  Syll  sent  out 
a  scout,  and  James  and  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.  Seven  of  the  enemy 
were  soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  leading  an  English  prisoner. 
They  discovered  the  English  scout,  and  flerl.  James  and  Elizer  pursued 
them,  and  recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  naine  was  Christopher  Muchin, 
who  had  been  taken  from  Marlborough.  James  also  took  one  of  the 
enemy's  guns.f 

The  English  having,  by  means  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  life  we 
have  just  stated,  learned  the  state  of  leeling  anmng  their  enemies,  felt 
themselves  prepared,  as  the  spring  of  1()76  advanced,  to  make  overtures 
to  them  fbr  peace,  or  exchange  of  prisoners,  or  both,  as  they  might  be 
found  inclined. 


It  may  be  a  question  witli  soini"  wliiulier  llie  captain  meant,  iu  the  original  documeats, 

s  Afosei 
t  Gookih 


were  Mosely,  liut  I  think  I  conjecture  rightly. 
in's  MS.  Hist.  Christian  Indians. 


Book  III. 


Chap.  VI.] 


NEPANET. 


87 


usetts,  to 
was  ap- 
uld  have 
L  tnessen- 
rnen  vol- 
he  army 
Iborougb, 
a  attempt 
l1  to  meet 
,*  he  be- 
Scer,  and 
Indeed, 
)dern  In- 
d  to  con- 
dian,  and 
country, 
iian  to  go 
e  doubted 
)f  the  ap- 
rhe  great 
nderstood 
al  Denni- 
3ase  their 
by  James 
y  did  not 
nding  his 
place,  tlie 
int  suffer- 

s  fell  into 
ing  every 
hvage,  he 
four,  who 
from  the 
Lbout  two 
Finally, 
happily, 
ut  of  the 
ng  their 
lich  was 

annapohU 
sent  out 

le  enemy 

prisoner, 
pursued 
Muchin, 

le  of  the 

life  we 
nies,  felt 
)verture8 
might  be 


Jocuments, 


Tom  J^epanet  was  fixed  upon  as  plenipotentiary  m  this  business.  And, 
although  unjustly  suffering  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a  bleak  island 
in  Boston  harbor,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  to  proceed 
to  meet  the  Indians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  service,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufferings. 

JVepanet  set  out,  A[)ril  the  12th,  1G76,  to  make  overtures  to  the  enemy 
for  the  release  of  prisoners,  especially  the  family  of  Mr.  Rowlandson, 
which  was  taken  at  Lancaster.  He  soon  returned  with  a  written  answer 
from  the  enemy,  saying,  "  fVe  no  give  answer  by  this  one  man,  but  if  you 
like  my  anstoer  sent  one  more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Nepanet,  and  send 
with  all  true  heart  and  ivith  all  your  mind  by  two  men  ;  because  you  know 
and  we  know  your  heart  great  sorroivful  ivith  crying  for  your  lost  many  many 
hundred  man  and  all  your  house  and  all  your  land  and  woman  child  and 
cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you  have  lost.'" 

At  the  same  time,  and  I  conclude  in  the  same  letter,  they  wrote  a  few 
words  to  others  as  follows :  "  Mr.  Rowlandson,  your  toife  and  all  your 
child  is  well  bid  one  dye.  Your  sister  is  tvell  and  her  3  child. — John  Kittell, 
your  wife  and  all  your  child  is  all  well,  and  all  them  prisoners  taken  at  JStash- 

ua  is  all  toell. 

Mr.  Rowlandson,  se  your  loving  sister  his  hand    L     Hanah. 

^nd  old  Kettel  tvifhts  hand  X 

Brother  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  Tobacco  for  me,  if  you  can 

my  loving  husband  pray  send  thre  pound  of  tobacco  for  me. 

"  This  writing  by  your  enemies — Samuel  Uskattuhgun  and  Gunrashit, 
two  Indian  sagamo7-es."* 

Mrs.  Rowlandson,  in  her  account  of  "  The  Sixteenth  Remove,"  relates, 
that  when  they  had  waded  over  Baqunugf  River,  "  Quickly  there  came 
up  to  us  an  Indian  who  informed  them  that  I  must  go  to  Wachusect  to 
my  master,  for  there  was  a  letter  come  from  the  council  to  the  saggamores 
about  redeeming  the  captives,  and  that  there  would  be  another  in  14  days, 
and  that  I  must  be  there  ready."]:  This  was  doubtless  after  the  letter  just 
recorded  had  been  sent  to  the  English.  "About  two  days  after,"  Mrs.  R. 
continues,  "  came  a  company  of  Indians  to  us,  near  30,  all  on  horseback. 
My  heart  skipt  within  me,  thinking  they  had  been  Englishmen,  at  the 
first  sight  of  them :  For  they  were  dressed  in  English  apparel,  with  hats, 
white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes  about  their  waists,  and  ribbons  upon  their 
shouldera.  But  when  they  came  near,  there  was  a  vast  difference  between 
the  lovely  faces  of  Christians,  and  the  foul  looks  of  those  heathen,  which 
much  damped  my  spirits  again."§ 

Having,  after  great  distres.i,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authoress  adds, 
"  Then  came  Tom  and  Pet(  r  with  the  second  letter  from  the  coimcil, 
about  the  captives."  "I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my 
li-iends  and  acquaintance.  They  said  they  were  well,  hut  very  melan- 
choly." They  brought  her  two  biscuits  and  a  pound  of  tobacco.  The 
tobacco  she  gave  to  the  Indians,  and,  when  it  was  all  gone,  one  threateri('<l 
her  because  vshe  had  no  more  to  give  ;  probably  not  believing  her.  She 
told  him  when  her  husband  came,  she  would  give  him  some.  "Ilatig 
him,  rogue,  says  he,  I  will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he  comes  here." 
"Again,  at  the  same  breath,  they  would  say,  if  there  should  come  an 
hundred  without  guns  they  would  do  them  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and 
like  madmen  they  wcre."||  There  had  been  something  talked  aboiit  l\'r. 
Rowlandson's  going  himself  to  ransom  his  wife,  but  she  says  she  dared 


^fter-Jethro,  a  Cliristiaii  Iiuliaii.  aclcfl  as  srrihe  upon  this  ocrasion. 

)r  Payqiiapfe,  now  Miller's  Itivor.    lis  conllucncc  witl»  ihc  Coiineclicul  i 

hflnlfl   :\ttf\    1\1/\nl:inrim 


*  P 

t  Or       _     _ 
Norlliliold  and  Monlaguc. 
I  Narrative  of  lier  Captivity,  59.  $  Ibid.  CO.  ||  Ibid.  64,  65 


is  between 


88 


NEPANET. 


[Book  III. 


not  send  for  him, "  for  there  was  little  more  trust  to  them  thtui  to  the  mas- 
ter they  served."* 

JVepanet  learned  hy  the  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the  fight  when  Capt. 
Pierse  was  killed,  "scores  of  their  men  that  sabhath  day."t 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  JVepanet  alone,  Pdtr  Conioay  was 
joined  with  hhn  on  a  second  expedition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  led  to 
several  others,  to  which  some  English  ventured  to  add  themselves,  which 
resulted  in  the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlaiidson  and  several  others. 

"  When  the  letter  was  come,  (says  Mi's.  R.,)  the  saggamores  met  to 
consult  about  the  captives,  and  called  me  to  them,  to  inquire  how  much 
my  husband  would  give  to  redeem  me:  When  I  came  and  sat  down  among 
them,  as  I  was  wont  to  do,  as  their  manner  is :  Then  they  bid  me  stand 
up,  and  said  Ihey  toere  the  general  court.  They  bid  me  speak  what  I 
thought  he  would  give.  Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroy- 
ed by  the  Indians,  I  was  in  a  great  strait."};  She  ventured,  however,  to 
say  £20,  and  Tom  and  Peter  bore  the  offer  to  Boston. 

Of  their  return  the  same  writer  proceeds :  "  On  a  sabbath  day,  the  sun 
being  about  an  hour  high  in  the  afternoon,  came  Mr.  John  Hoar,  (the 
council  permitting  him,  and  his  own  forward  spu'it  inclining  him,)  to- 
gether with  the  two  fore-mentioned  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  with  the 
third  letter  from  the  council.  When  they  came  near,  I  was  abroad;  they 
presently  called  me  in,  and  bid  me  sit  down,  and  not  stir.  Then  they 
catched  up  their  guns  and  away  they  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  had  been  at 
hand,  and  the  guns  went  off  apace.  I  manifested  some  great  trouble, 
and  asked  them  vv^hat  was  the  matter.  I  told  them  I  thought  they  had 
killed  the  Englishman  ;  (for  they  had  in  the  mean  time  told  me  that  an 
Englishman  had  come  ;)  they  said,  Ao,  they  shot  over  his  horse,  and  under, 
and  before  his  horse,  and  they  pushed  him  this  way  and  that  loay,  at  their 
pleasure,  showing  him  what  they  could  do."§ 

They  would  not  at  firat  suffer  her  to  see  Mr.  Hoar,  but  when  they  had 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  sufficiently,  she  was  permitted  to  see 
him.  He  brought  her  a  pound  of  tobacco,  which  she  sold  for  nine  shil- 
lings. "  The  next  morning,  Mr.  Hoar  invited  the  saggamores  to  dinner ; 
but  when  we  went  to  get  it  ready,  we  found  they  had  stoltMi  the  greatest 
part  of  the  provisions  Mr.  Hoar  had  brought.  And  we  may  see  the  won- 
derful power  of  God,  in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  was  such  a 
number  of  them  together,  and  so  greedy  of  a  little  good  food,  and  no 
English  there  but  Mr.  Hoar  and  myself,  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us 
on  the  head,  and  take  what  we  had;  there  being  not  only  some  provision, 
but  also  trading  cloth,  a  pait  of  the  20  pounds  agreed  upon  :  But  instead 
of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed  to  be  ashamed  of  the  fact,  and 
said  it  was  die  matchit  [bad]  Indians  that  did  it."|i 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  negotiation  was  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokcts  and  Narraganscts 
went  hand  in  hand  against  their  common  enemy,  and  they  were  the  most 
powerful  tribes.  This  parleying  with  the  English  was  so  delestable  to 
Philip,  that  a  separation  took  place  among  these  tr' lies  in  consequence, 
and  he  and  the  Narragansets  separated  themselvet  from  the  Nipmuks, 
and  other  inland  tribes,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  This  was 
the  reason  they  were  so  easily  subdued  afler  this  took  place. 

It  was  through  jYcpaneVs  means  that  a  party  of  English,  under  Capt. 
Henchman,  were  enabled  to  surprise  a  body  of  iiis  countrymen  at  Wesha- 
komll  Ponds  near  Lancaster,  in  May,  1G7G.    Following  in  a  track  pointed 


*  Narrative,  G4,  C5.  |-  Manuscripts  of  Rev.  J.  Cotton. 

t  Narrative,  ?// 5Hpr(i,  C5.  ^  Il.icl.  71,  7'2.  y  Ibid.  72,  73. 

H  Roger  Williams  sets  down  sea  as  the  dctinitiou  of  yVechkum, 


Book  III. 

the  mas- 

len  Capt. 

iivay  was 
:h  led  to 
es,  which 
•s. 

38  met  to 
o\v  inucli 
vn  among 
me  stand 
k  what  I 
3  destroy- 
>wever,  to 

y,  the  sun 
Hoar,  (the 
him,)  to- 
with  the 
•oad ;  they 
?hen  they 
d  been  at 
It  trouble, 
t  they  had 
ne  that  an 
ind  under, 
ly,  at  their 

1  they  had 
ed  to  see 

nine  shil- 
:o  dinner ; 
le  greatest 

tlie  Won- 
kas such  a 

I,  and  no 

knock  us 
provision, 
ut  instead 

fact,  and 

ie  of  their 
■raganseta 
the  most 
estable  to 
sequence, 
Niptnuks, 
Tliis  was 

idcr  Capt. 
t  Weslia- 
;  pointed 

Cotton. 
d.  72,  73. 


Chap.  VI.] 


QUANAPOIHT. 


89 


out  by  J\/epanet,  the  Indians  were  fallen  upon  while  fishing,  and,  being 
entirely  unprepared,  seven  were  killed,  and  29  taken,  ciiiefly  women  and 
children. 

Peter-ephraim  and  Andrew-pilyrm  were  also  two  other  considerably  dis- 
tinguished Nipnuik  Indians.  They  rendered  mucii  service  to  the  English 
in  Philip's  war.  They  went  out  in  Januarj',  167(5,  and  brought  in  many 
of  the  Ni|)nets,  who  had  entleavored  to  shelter  themselves  under  Uncaa. 
But,  Mr.  Hubbard  observes,  that  Uncus,  having  "shabbed"  them  off,  "they 
were,  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter,  [107(),]  brought  in  to  Boston,  many 
of  them,  by  Peter-ephraim  and  Andrew-pityme."  Ephraim  commanded 
an  Indian  company,  and  had  a  conmiission  from  government.  The  news 
that  many  of  the  enemy  were  doing  mischief  about  Rehoboth  caused  a 
pnrty  of  English  of  Medfield  to  march  out  to  their  relief;  Ephraim  went 
with  them,  with  his  company,  which  consisted  of  "'\  The  snow  being 
deep,  the  English  soon  grew  discouraged,  and  returned,  but  Capt.  Ephraim 
continued  the  march,  and  came  upon  a  bot  y  of  them,  encamped,  in  the 
night.  Early  the  next  morning,  he  successfully  surrounded  them,  and 
offered  them  quarter.  "  Eight  resolute  fellows  refused,  who  were  pres- 
ently shot :"  the  othere  yielded,  and  were  brought  in,  being  in  number  42. 
Other  n  inor  exploits  of  this  Ind'fin  captain  are  recorded. 

Tliomas  Q^uanapohit,  called  n'so  Ruviney-marsh,  was  a  brother  of  James, 
and  was  also  a  Christian  Indian.  In  the  beginning  of  hostilities  against 
Philip,  Major  Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  a  company  of  praying 
Indians  to  be  employed  against  him.  This  company  was  immediately 
raised,  and  consisted  of  52  men,  who  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Capt.  Isaac  Johnson.  Qiianapohit  was  one  of  these.  The  officers  under 
whom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as  faithful  soldiers ;  yet  many 
of  the  army,  officers  and  men,  tried  all  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into 
disrepute  with  the  country.  Such  proceedings,  we  should  naturally  con- 
clude, would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Indians ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  they  used  every  CACition  to  win  the  affections  of  their  oppressors. 
Q^uanapohit,  with  the  other  two,  received  from  government  a  reward  for 
the  sculps  which  they  brought  in.  Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it 
must  be  mentioned,  that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swanscy,  in 
the  l)eginning  of  the  war,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  his  hands  shot  off. 
He  was  one  of  the  troopere,  and  carried  a  gun  of  remarkable  length. 
The  weather  being  excessively  hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  being 
disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck  the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the  breech  rested 
upon  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to  go  off,  which  horribly  mangled  the 
hand  that  held  it ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well, 
yet  he  rendered  great  service  in  the  war  afterward.  The  account  of  one 
signal  exploit,  having  been  preserved,  shall  here  be  related.  While  Capt. 
Henchman  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  made  an  excuraion  from  Has- 
sanamesit  to  Packachoog,  which  lies  about  ten  miles  north-west  from  it. 
Meeting  herewith  no  enemy,  he  marched  again  for  Hnssjinamesit ;  and 
having  got  a  few  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that  he  had  lost  a  tin  case, 
which  contained  his  commission,  and  other  instructions.  He  thereforc3 
despatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it.  They  made  no 
discovery  of  the  lost  article  until  they  came  in  siylit  of  an  old  wigwam  at 
Pachachoog,  whore,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discovered  jome  of 
the  enemy  in  possession  of  it.  They  were  but  a  few  rods  from  them,  and 
bring  so  few  in  number,  that  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  for  such  an 
occasion  ;  stratagem,  tlierefore,  could  only  save  them.  The  wigwam 
was  situated  upon  an  eminence  ;  and  some  were  stauuicg  i)i  the  door 
when  tlioy  api)roached,  who  discovered  them  as  soon  as  tlioy  came  in 
sight.    One  presented  his  gun,  but,  the  weather  being  storm j,  it  did  not 


90 


PAKSACONAWAY. 


tBooK   III. 


go  otr.  At  th'ia  moment  our  cliief,  looking  Imck,  called,  und  made  muny 
gestures,  as  thougn  ho  were  disposing  of  u  large  ibree  to  eiicoiripass  them. 
At  this  inunoBUvrc  they  all  lied,  being  six  in  number,  leaving  our  heroes 
to  pursue  their  object.  Thus  their  preservation  was  duo  to  Quanapohit ; 
and  i^  the  more  to  be  admired,  as  they  were  in  so  far  destitute  of  the 
means  of  defence.  Capt.  Quanapohit  had  but  a  pistol,  and  one  of  his 
meD  a  gun  without  a  flint,  mid  the  other  tio  gun  ai  all.* 

CHAPTER    VII. 

Of  the  Indians  in  JVeiD  Hampshire  and  Maine  previous  to  their  wars  irith 
the  whites — Dominions  of  the  bashaba — Perishes  in  toar — Passacoi'^a- 
WAY — His  dominions — His  last  speech  to  his  people — His  life — Hit 
daughter  marries  IVinnapurket — Petitions  the  court  of  Massachusetts — 
Lands  allotted  to  him — hnglish  send  a  force  to  disarm  him — Their  fears 
(fhis  enmity  unfounded — They  seize  and  ill  treat  his  son — He  escapes — 
Passaconaway  delivers  his  anas,  and  makes  peace  with  the  English — 
Traditions  concK-ning — Life  0/ Wannalancet — His  situation  in  Phil- 
ip^s  war — Messengers  and  letters  sent  him  by  the  English — Leaves  his 
residence — His  humanity — Fate  ofJoawii  Nouki, — Wannalancet  returns 
to  his  country — His  lands  seized  in  his  absence — He  again  retires  into  the 
wilderness — Moscly  destroys  his  village,  Sfc. — Imprisoned  for  debt — 
Favors  Christianity — A  speech — Weiianowinowit,  sachem  of  jYew 
Hampshire — Robiniiooi. — His  sales  of  land  in  Maine — MoNquiNE — 
Kennebis — A.ssiMiNAS(iUA  —  Abbigadasset —  Their  residences  and 
sales  of  land — Melancholy  fate  o/"Chocorua. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  Indians  ejistward  of  the  Massachusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Ca])tain  John  Smith,  which,  however,  was  v(!ry 
general;  as  that  they  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
their  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indians  pronounced  that 
word,  sachemo,  which  the  Tlnglish  understood  sagamore;  and  yet  all  the 
sacheinos  acknowledged  subjection  to  one  htill  greater,  which  they  called 
bashaba. 

Of  tho  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  writers  differ  much  in  respt-ct  to  their 
extent.  Some  siipjiose  that  his  authority  did  not  extend  this  side  the 
Pjiscataqua,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  from  Captain  Smitli's  account.f 
Wars  and  pestilence  had  greatly  wasted  the  eastern  Indians  but  a  short 
time  before  the  English  settled  in  the  country,  and  it  was  then  dilHcult  to 
determine  the  relation  the  trib(!s  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the 
liashaba  of  Penobscot,  tradition  states  that  he  wns  killed  by  the  Tarra- 
tines,  who  lived  still  farther  east,  in  a  war  which  was  at  its  height  in  IGl.Ti. 

Passaconaway  seems  to  have  been  a  bashaba.     Ho  lived  upon  the 


*  fiookiii'x  MS.  Hist.  Prayiii?  Iiiilitiiis. 

t  '•  Tlic  priiiripiil  li;ihil:ili()i]S  I  saw  ;it  iiorlhward,  was  Penobseol,  who  arc  in  wars 
with  tlu!  T(U('utint:s,  llieir  iioxl  northerly  iioiirlibors.  Soulhorly  up  the  rivers,  and  alon;^ 
tho  coast,  wc  loinul  Mecaihicnt,  Sej^'oi'kct,  Pcmniaquid,  Niiscoiicus,  Kapfachiliock,  Sul- 
quin,  Auniaiiifhcawc-en  and  Kcnaln'ca,  'Vn  tiiose  l)eh)ny;  the  coiiiitries  and  j)eo|)le  of 
Sepfotaf^'n,  I'auliiinhinuck,  Pocopassuin.  Taiiiihianakairnet,  WalMjriJrnmis,  Nassacnie, 
lVIaslieros(|ueok,  Wawrigwick,  ]Vlosii(»iii('n,  Waoropo,  I'asharanac'c,  itc.  To  those 
arc  allied  in  ronfederacy,  tiie  ronnlries  of  Aucorisco,  Acooniiiiliciis  "'  .ssataiiuak,  Aii- 
j;aw(Kuii  and  Naenikcek,  all  these,  I'or  any  ihinpf  I  couhl  |)rrc(>ivf ,  difler  little  in  lan- 
tjtia^re  or  any  thing;  though  most  of  tlieni  he  sapainos  and  lords  of  Ihcmsclvcs,  yet  they 
hold  the  bashabes  of  Penobseol  the  chief  and  greatest  amonffsl  ihcni."  3  Col.  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  iii.21.22. 


in. 


Chap.  VII] 


PASSAC'ONAWAY. 


91 


Morriinttck  River,  at  a  place  called  Pennakook,  and  liis  doininioiis.  at  tlio 
period  of  tlie  English  scttleaients,  were  very  extensive,  evt  n  over  tlio 
Haclieni:^  living  npon  the  PaHcata(|ua  and  it.s  branehes.  The  Ahenaqnts 
inlial)ited  between  the  Pascata{|ua  and  Penobscot,  and  the  residt^ce  ot' 
the  chief  sachem  wasujuHi  Indian  Island.*  Fludkn  and  Captain  Sunday 
were  early  known  as  chiefs  among  the  Abenaques,  and  Squando  at  a 
later  period;  but  of  these  we  shall  be  more  particular  hereafter:  the  firet 
sachem  we  should  notice  is  Passaconawaij.  He  "liveil  to  a  verj  great 
age;  for,"  says  my  manuscript,  "I  saw  him  alive  at  Pawtucket,  when  ho 
was  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  years  ol(l."t  Before  his  death,  he  de- 
livered the  following  speech  to  his  children  and  friends:  ^^  I  am  now  going 
the  way  of  alljlesh,  or  ready  to  die,  and  not  likely  to  see  you  ever  meet  to- 
gether any  more.  I  will  now  leave  this  word  of  counsel  with  you,  that  you 
may  take  heed  how  you  quarrel  with  the  English,  for  though  you  may  do 
them  much  mischief,  yet  assuredly  you  will  all  he  destroyed,  ana  rooted  off 
the  earth  if  you  do ;  for,  I  was  as  much  an  enemy  to  the  English,  at  their 
first  coming  into  these  parts,  as  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did  try  all  ways  and 
means  possible,  to  have  destroyed  them,  at  least  to  have  prevented  ihe/u  set- 
tling down  here,  but  I  could  no  way  effect  it ;  therefore,  I  advise  you  never  to 
contend  with  the  English,  nor  make  tear  with  them"  And  Mr.  Hubbard 
adds,  "  it  is  to  be  noted  that  this  Passaconawa  was  the  most  noted  powow 
and  sorcerer  of  all  the  country." 

A  story  of  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Passaconaway,  in  1GG2,  is  thus 
related.  H'innepurket,  coinmoidy  called  George,  saidiem  of  Saugus,  made 
known  to  the  chief  of  Pennakook,  that  he  tiesired  to  marry  liis  daughter, 
which,  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consunnnated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  Passaconaway,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a  great  feast. 
According  to  the  usages  of  the  chiefs,  Passaconaway  ordered  a  select 
number  of  his  men  to  accompany  the  new-married  couple  to  the  dwell- 
ing of  the  husband.  When  they  liad  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feast- 
ing followed,  for  the  enteitainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  pres- 
ent at  the  consummation  at  the  bride's  iathcr's,  as  well  as  for  the  escort ; 
who,  when  this  was  ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Winnepurkel,  expressing  a  desire  to  visit 
her  father's  house  and  friends,  was  permitted  to  go,  and  a  <'hoice  company 
conducted  her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her  father, 
instead  of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachetn  to  come  and 
take  her  away.  He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law 
this  answer:  "When  she  departed  from  me,  I  caused  my  men  to  escort 
her  to  your  dwelling,  as  became  a  chief.  She  now  having  an  intention 
to  return  to  me,  I  did  expect  the  same."  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in 
his  turn  angry,  and  returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the  differ- 
ence ;  and  it  is  believed  that  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new 
husband  and  wife.f 

This  same  year.  [10(59,]  we  find  the  general  court  acting  upon  a  peti- 
tion of  Passaconaway,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themselves, 
Papisseconeway.  l^ho  {)etition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  frotn  the 
answer  given  to  it,  we  lt;arn  its  nature.  The  court  say :  "  In  answer  to 
the  petition  of  Papisseconeway,  this  court  judgeth  it  meete  to  graunt  to 


*  Willidinsori's  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  4. 

t  Gookin's  Hist.  Praying  Indians.  This  history  was  drawn  up  during  the  year  1677, 
and  liow  lonj;  i)cfore  this  tlic  author  saw  him,  is  unkno'  n ;  hut  Incre  can  be  no  doubt 
l)ut  ho  was  dead  sonic  years  l)efore  Philip's  war.  N*~tcrtheiess,  with  Mr.  Hubbard  and 
our  text  before  hiin,  llie  aullior  of  Tides  of  the  Indicuis  lias  made  Passaconatuay  appear 
in  the  person  of  Aspinquid,  in  1()82,  at  Agamcniucus  iu  Maine. 

X  Deduced  from  facts  in  Morton's  N.  Canaan, 


99 


PASSACONAWAY. 


IKooK  iir. 


the  snid  Papisscconewmj  and  his  mon  or  associates  about  Naticot,*  above 
Mr.  lircnloii's  hinds,  wlioro  it  is  frec!,  a  inilo  and  a  lialf  on  cither  side 
Merreinacic  lliuer  in  l)roadth,  three  miles  on  either  side  in  len<>th :  pro- 
vided he  nor  tiioy  do  not  alienati;  any  part  of  tliis  grant  v^itiiout  leave  and 
license  from  this  court,  first  ol)taincd." 

Gov.  IVinlhrop  mentions  this  ciiief  as  oaily  as  1G32.  One  of  his  men, 
havhig  gone  with  a  white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  "dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away 
with  his  broods  ;"  hut  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Passaconaway 


pui»ued  and  took  the  murderer, 
out  tiie  English  settlements 


In  1(542,  there  was  great  alarm  through- 
irom  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the 
country  were  about  to  juake  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites.  The 
government  of  Massachusetts  took  prompt  measures  "to  strike  a  terror 
into  the  Indians."  They  therefore  "  sent  men  to  Cutshamekin,  at  Brain- 
tree,  to  fetch  him  and  his  guns,  hows,  &c.,  which  was  done ;  and  he  came 
willingly:  And  being  late  in  the  night  when  they  came  to  Boston,  he 
was  put  into  the  j)rison  ;  but  the  next  morning,  finding,  upon  examination 
of  him  and  divers  of  his  men,  no  ground  of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in 
any  such  conspiracy,  he  was  dismissed.  Upon  the  warrant  which  went 
to  Ipswich,  Rowley  and  Newbury,  to  disarm  Passaconamy,  who  lived  by 
Merrimack,  they  sent  forth  40  men  armed  the  next  day."  These  Englisli 
were  hindered  from  visiting  tiie  wigwam  of  Passaconaway,  by  rainy 
weather,  "  but  they  came  to  his  son's  and  took  him."  This  son  we  pre- 
sume was  fVannalancet.  This  they  had  orders  to  do;  but  for  taking  a 
squaw  and  her  child,  they  had  none,  and  were  ordered  to  send  them  back 
again  immediately.  Fearing  WannalanctVs  escape,  they  "  led  him  in  a 
line,  but  he  taking  an  opportunity,  slipped  his  line  and  escaped  from  them, 
but  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him  narrowly." 
These  were  called,  then,  "  unwarranted  proceedings,"  as  we  should  say 
they  very  well  might  have  been.  The  English  now  had  some  actual 
reason  to  fear  that  Passaconaway  would  resent  this  outrage,  and  therefore 
"sent  Cutshamekin  to  him  to  let  him  know  that  what  was  done  to  his 
son  and  squaw  was  without  order,"  and  to  invite  him  to  a  parley  at  Bos- 
ton; also,  "to  show  him  the  occasion  whereupon  we  had  sent  to  disarm 
all  the  Indians,  and  that  when  we  should  find  that  they  were  innocent  ol 
any  such  conspiracy,  we  would  restore  all  their  arms  again."  Passacona- 
way said  when  he  should  have  his  son  and  squaw  returned  safe,  he  would 
go  and  speak  with  them.  The  squaw  was  so  much  frightened,  that  she 
ran  away  into  the  woods,  and  was  absent  ten  days.  It  seems  that  fVan- 
naiancet  was  soan  liberated,  as  he  within  a  short  time  went  to  the  English, 
"and  delivered  up  his  guns,  &c."t  These  were  the  circumstances  to 
which  Miantunnomoh  alluded  so  happily  afterwards. 

At  a  court  in  Massachusetts  in  1(344,  it  is  said,  ^^  Passaconaway,  tha 
Merrimack  sachem,  came  in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pum- 
ham,  &c.  had  done  before ;"  and  the  next  year  the  same  entry  occurs 
again,  with  the  addition  of  his  son's  submission  also,  "  together  with  their 
lands  and  people."| 

This  chief  is  supposed  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Massasoit, 
a  sachem  whom  in  many  respects  he  seems  to  have  much  resembled.'J 

*  Aiiollier  version  o{  Nahun-keag.  \  Wirilhrop's  Journal.  iflbid. 

§  Among  other  stanzas  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections,  the  following  very  happily 
introduces  Passaconaway : — 

"  Once  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
The  sketch,  which  one  o(  Passaconaway  drew. 
Well  may  the  muse  his  memory  retrieve 
From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true, 
Retouch  that  picture  strange,  with  tints  and  honors  due." 


Chap.  VII] 


WANNALANCET. 


93 


The 


He  was  often  Btyled  the  frreat  sachem,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Hubbard,  was 
considered  a  great  powow  or  sorcerer  among  liis  people,  and  his  lanio 
in  tliis  respect  was  very  extensive ;  and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any 
tiling  that  they  thought  him  not  able  to  perform  :  that  he  could  cause  a 
green  leaf  to  grow  in  winter,  trees  to  (lance,  and  water  to  burn,  seetn  to 
have  been  feats  of  common  notoriety  in  his  time.  A  sachem  of  nearly  as 
much  note  was  his  son,  already  mentioned,  named 

Wannalancet,  or  Wonolanctt,  who,  in  obedience  to  tlie  advice  of  his 
father,  always  kept  peace  with  the  English.  lie  resided  at  an  ancient 
seat  of  the  sagamores,  upon  the  Merrimack,  called  at  that  time  JVaamkeke, 
but  from  whence  he  withdrew,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war  with 
Philip.  Fearing  that  his  movements  might  bo  hostile,  the  council  of 
Massachusetts,  in  Sept.  1G75,  ordered  that  Lieut.  Thomas  Henchman  of 
Chelmsford  should  send  some  messengers  to  find  him,  and  persuade  him 
of  their  friendship,  and  urge  his  return  to  his  ])loce  of  residence.  With 
this  order  a  letter  was  sent  to  JFannalancet  at  the  same  time,  and  are  as 
follows :  "  It  is  ordered  by  the  council  that  Lieut.  Tho\  Henchman  do 
forthwith  endeavor  to  procure  by  hire,  one  or  two  suitaL.e  Indians  of 
Wamcsit,  to  travel  and  seek  to  find  out  and  speak  with  fVanncUancet  tho 
sachem,  and  carry  with  them  a  writing  from  the  council,  being  a  safe 
conduct  unto  the  said  sachem,  or  any  other  principal  men  belonging  to 
Natahook,  Penagooge,  or  other  people  of  tnose  northern  Indians,  giving 
(not  exceeding  six  persons)  free  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  the  said 
Henchman,  wliere  the  council  will  appoint  Capt.  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot  to 
treat  with  them  about  terms  of  amity  and  peace  between  them  and  the 
English  ;  and  in  case  agreements  and  conclusions  be  not  made  to  mutual 
satisfaction,  then  the  said  sachem  and  all  others  that  accompany  him 
shall  have  free  liberty  to  return  back  again ;  and  this  offer  the  council 
are  induced  to  make,  because  the  said  H^annalancet  sachem,  as  they  are 
informed,  hath  declared  himself  that  the  English  never  did  any  wrong  to 
him,  or  his  father  Passaconaway,  but  always  lived  in  amity,  and  that  his 
father  charged  him  so  to  do,  and  that  said  IVannalancet  will  not  begin  to 
do  any  wrong  to  the  English."  The  following  is  the  letter  to  fVan- 
nalancet : — 

"This  our  writing  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  that  the  governor  and 
council  of  Massachusetts  do  give  you  and  every  of  you,  provided  you 
exceed  not  six  persons,  free  liberty  of  coming  unto  and  reti:rning  in 
safety  from  the  house  of  Lieut.  'T.  Henchman  at  Naandieake,  and  there 
to  treat  with  Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  and  Mr.  John  Eliot,  Avhom  you  know, 
and  [whom]  we  will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you, 
upon  such  meet  terms  and  articles  of  friendshii),  amity  and  subjection,  as 
wore  formerly  made  and  concluded  between  the  English  and  old  Passa- 
conaioay,  your  father,  and  his  sons  and  peo})lc ;  and  for  this  end  we  have 
sent  these  messengers  [blank  in  the  MS.]  to  convey  these  imto  you,  and 
to  bring  your  answer,  whom  we  desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  spe(;dily 
to  despatch  them  bnck  to  us  with  your  answer.  Dated  in  Boston,  1  Oct. 
1675.     Signed  by  order  of  the  council.    John  Leverelt,  Gov^. 

EdwK  Rawson,  Seer." 

On  tho  .3  May,  1676,  Tliomas  Kimhal  of  Bradford  was  killed,  and  his 
wife  and  five  children  carried  into  the  wilderness.  From  the  circum- 
stance that  Wannalancet  caused  them  to  be  sent  home  to  their  friends 
again,  it  would  seem  that  they  were  taken  by  some  of  the  enemy  within 
his  sachemdom,  or  by  some  over  whom  he  had  some  control.  From  a 
manuscript  written  about  the  time,*  we  are  able  to  make  tho  following 


By  Rev.  1 .  CobiH  of  Ijiswich. 


94 


WANNALANCET. 


[Rook  III. 


extract,  wliich  goes  to  sliow  thiit  IVannnlnncel  was  evor  the  friend  of  ilio 
Kii^liHli,  uiid  al8o  his  ili.s|i()siti()ii  to  liiitiiiiiu;  actioiiR.  Mr.  Cobbet  .siiyn, 
"tliougli  8lie,  [Mrs.  Kiiiibal,]  mid  her  sucking  child  were  twice  con- 
dciunud  by  tlic  Iiiiliaiis,  and  tlic  (ircH  ready  made  to  burn  thoin,  yet,  both 
times,  saved  by  the  re(jue.st  of  one  of  their  own  fjrnnchies;  and  alterwanla 
by  the  iuterct!Ssion  of  tl'>;  saciiem  of  I'eniiicook,  stirred  up  thereunto  by 
Alaji'f  ff^nl  Iron,  was  she  and  Iter  five  cliildren,  toj^ether  with  Phillip 
Kaslmmi  of  llaverliill,  taken  eajitivc  wlien  she  and  her  children  were,  H(!t 
at  ll*i)erty,  without  ransom." 

At  the  time  Wannalancet  f()rsook  his  residenc«?,  as  we  have  just  m(>ii- 
tioiied,  several  of  the  prayinj^  Indians,  to  avoid  tlie  war,  went  off  vvitli 
him,  and  when  he  delivered  himself  up  afterwards  to  Maj.  Waldrnn,  they 
accompanied  him,  and  delivered  themselves  up  also.  Some  of  these  suf- 
fered capital  puuisiiment  at  Boston,  and,  it  is  to  be  feared,  for  charges 
which  had  no  foundation  in  truth  against  them. 

About  the  19  Sept.  ](J7{5,  the  Indians  fell  ui)on  Hatfield,  burnt  several 
houses  and  barns  without  the  line  of  the  town,  wounded  and  killed  about 
12  persons,  and  carried  off  about  20  mere  into  ca|)tivity.  Most  of  the 
latter  were  women  and  children.  This  attack  was  supposed  by  some, 
at  first,  to  have  been  made  by  a  party  of  Mohawks,  because  it  took 
place  the  next  day  after  some  of  that  nation  had  passed  through  the  ])lace 
witii  some  Christian  Indian  })risoner9,  women  and  children,  and  a  scalj), 
which  it  was  afterwards  found  had  b(!en  taken  from  the  head  of  an  In- 
dian called  Josiah  JVouel,  near  Sudbury.*  But  it  was  found  out  soon 
after,  by  o  white  that  escaf)(!d  from  his  captivity,  that  the  company  of 
Indians  that  attacked  Hatfield  consisted  of  23  men  and  four  women,  who 
were  of  the  common  enemy,  but  had  for  some  time  before  been  among 
the  P^'ench  about  (luebeck,  and  that  a  second  party,  who  just  before  sep- 
arated from  these,  went  towards  tlie  east,  to  fiill  upon  some  of  the  oettle- 
inents  upon  the  Merrimack.  It  appears  that  the  fair  promises  of  the 
English  had  before  this  induced  the  return  of  Wannalancet  to  Naamkeke, 
MM  who,  finding  that  some  lawless  whites  had,  during  his  absence,  taken 
possession  of  his  gromids  and  planting,  and  consequently  his  chief  means 
of  subsistence  were  cut  off,  did,  upon  being  visited  by  this  party  of  the 
enemy,  go  off  with  them  ;  but  what  was  most  astonishing  in  tiiis  affair,  no 
mischief  of  any  kind  was  committed  at  their  going  off,  although  it  was 
in  their  power  to  have  done  the  English  great  damage.  All  the  whites 
attributed  their  escape  to  the  influence  of  JVannalancet,  to  whom,  no  doubt, 
the  credit  was  justly  due. 

Here,  then,  opens  a  fair  field  of  reflection,  in  which  "poor  human 
nature,"  in  her  spontaneous  growth  and  wild  retreat,  will  be  seen  to  flour- 
ish and  bring  forth  fruits  no  less  to  be  admired  than  any  ever  found  in 
the  cultivated  garden  of  civilization. 

We  have  still  to  relate  another  circumstance,  which  redounds  as  much 
to  the  honor  and  humanity  of  this  sachem  as  any  we  have  related. 
Some  time  after  the  letter  had  been  sent  to  him,  "  there  was  a  company 
of  soldiers,  about  100,  sent  under  Capt.  Mosely,  to  Pennagog,  where  it 
was  reported  there  was  a  body  of  Indians ;  but  it  was  a  mistake,  for 
there  were  not  above  100  in  all  of  the  Pennagoog  and  Namkig  Indians, 
whereof  JVannalancet  was  chief  When  the  English  drew  nigh,  whereof 
he  had  intelligence  by  scouts,  they  left  their  fort,  and  withdrew  into  the 
woods  and  swamps,  where  they  had  advantage  and  opportunity  enough 
in  atnbushment  to  have  slain  many  of  the  English  soldiers,  without  any 

*  Noud  and  James  Speen  were  hrolhcrs-in-Kiw.  By  liis  dcatli  four  small  children 
were  left  fatherless.  Ho  and  Speer,  liad  beon  lon;ethcr  but  iialf  an  hour  before,  and  by 
appointment  were  to  have  met  again,  but  when  Speen  came  to  the  place,  he  could  find 
nothing'  of  his  friend. 


[Rook  III. 

kI  of  llio 
bbet  HiiyH, 
'ice   coii- 

yot,  bolli 
rtcrwuiilH 
rt'iiiitn  l»y 
h  riiillip 

wen',  set 

ust  rnoii- 
ort'  vvitli 
Iron,  they 
tlicst!  suf- 
r  chuigca 

It  several 
lied  about 
)st  ot"  tlie 
by  some, 
le  it  took 
llie  i)lace 
1  a  sealj), 
)f  an  Ill- 
out  soon 
inpmiy  of 
men,  who 
en  among 
efore  sep- 
;he  oettle- 
es  of  the 
aamkekc, 
ice,  taken 
ief  means 
rty  of  the 
affair,  no 
h  it  was 
•whites 
no  doubt, 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET. 


95 


le 


ir  human 
to  flour- 
found  in 

as  much 
related, 
company 
where  it 
stake,  for 
Indians, 
whereof 
into  the 
y  enough 
liout  any 

M  cliilclren 

brn,  and  by 

could  find 


great  liazard  to  tlicmselves ;  and  several  of  the  young  Indians  inclined  to 
it.  Kill  the  sachem  H'annalancet,  by  his  uutborily  and  wiMiom  restrained 
his  men,  and  Huti'ered  not  uii  iiidian  to  appear  vr  sluiot  a  gun.  They 
were  very  near  the  Kiiglish,  and  yet,  thoiigii  they  we  -c  provoked  by  the 
English,  who  burnt  their  vvigwamf,  and  destroyed  some  dried  fish,  yet 
not  one  gun  was  shot  at  any  iiiiglishinaii."*  The  liicts  in  this  affair  were 
relatfid  by  H'annaliinctl  himself,  and  sciveral  of  his  men,  after  their  return. 

No  mischief  ajipears  to  have  been  done  at  the  time  that  fVanncUancet 
went  away,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  prevented  the  enemy 
with  whom  he  went  from  doing  any.  Although  he  might  not  have  Ihsv.u 
in  any  fear  from  the  English,  yoX  there  were  various  causes,  either  of 
which  were  suffifient  to  induce  him  to  leave  this  part  of  the  country.  A 
son  of  his  lived  with  the  French,  or  near  them,  in  Canada,  and  many  of 
his  friends,  and  other  relatives.  While  he  withdrew  from  his  place  of 
residence;,  as  has  been  meuiioned,  the  Engli.sh  had  taken  possession  of 
his  planting  ground,  and  so  lieprived  him  of  means  of  living  there. 

He  liad  acknowledged  n  belief  in  Christianity,  and  this  was  laid  hold  of 
by  many  to  reproach  the  advocates  of  Christiani/.iiig  the  Indians. 

In  1()51>,  IVannalansit  was  thn.ivn  into  prison  for  a  debt  of  about  £45. 
Ilis  people,who  owned  an  island  in  Merrimack River,three  miles  above  Paw- 
tiickett  Falls,  containing  GO  acres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation,  re- 
linquished it,  to  obtain  liis  release.  About  lfi70,  he  removed  to  Pawtuck- 
ett  Falls,  where,  upon  an  eminence,  h'j  builta  fort,  and  resided  until  Philip's 
war.  He  was  (•.bout  .l.'i  years  of  r.go  in  1<)V'4 ;  always  friendly  to  the  Eng- 
lish, but  unwilling  to  be  importuned  about  adopting  their  religion.  When 
he  had  got  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desires  in  that 
respect.  Upon  that  occasion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "/  must  ac- 
knowledge I  have  all  my  days  been  used  to  puss  in  an  old  canoe,  and  now 
you  exhort  me  to  change  and  leave  my  old  canoe,  and  embark  in  a  new  one, 
to  which  J  have  hitherto  been  umoilliiig,  but  now  I  yield  up  myself  to  your 
advice,  and  enter  into  a  new  canoe,  and  do  engage  to  pray  tr-  God  hereaher.^* 
After  the  war,  Wannalansit  went  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fxsk  of  Chelmsford,  and 
inquired  of  him  after  the  welfare  of  his  former  acquaintances,  and 
whether  the  jtlace  had  suffered  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Fisk  said 
they  had  been  highly  favored,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  "  Me  next,''^ 
said  IVannalanset.  This  showed  his  consciousness  of  the  great  influence  ho 
had  had  in  warding  destruction  from  theni.f 

Revi.  John  Eliot  thus  writes  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle\  in  England,  in 
1677: — "We  had  a  sacliem  of  the  greate  t  blood  in  the  country  submitted 
to  pray  to  God,  a  little  before  the  wars :  his  name  is  fVanalaiincet :  in  the 
time  of  the  wars  he  fled,  by  reason  of  the  wicked  octings  of  some  Eng- 
lish youth,  who  causKlessly  and  basely  killed  and  wounded  some  of  them. 
Ho  was  persuaded  to  come  in  again.  But  the  English  having  plowed 
and  sown  with  rye  all  their  lands,  they  had  but  little  corn  to  subsist  by. 
A  party  of  French  Indians,  (of  wh  ni  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this 
eachcm's  wife,)  very  lately  fell  upon  this  people,  being  but  few  and  ui>- 
armed,  and  partly  by  pei-suasion,  partly  by  force,  carried  them  away. 
One,  with  his  wife,  child  and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  our  praying  In- 
dians, made  their  es<-jipe,  came  in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what 
was  done.  Tii^se  things  keep  some  iu  a  continual  disgust  and  jealousy 
of  all  the  Indians."^ 

■    \  ■  I-—  ■    ■  I  ..  ■■  ...    I  I  I.I-         I   I   —      .1  I         .    .    M   — .M.-I  .     i-.i...  -■■■  I    HIM  rill  I  ■■.I.—         I 

*  GooUn's  MS.  Hist.  t  Allen's  Hist.  Chelmsfor<l,  155,  159. 

t  For  many  years  at  the  iicad  of  tlie  Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel  among  the 
Indians.  He  was  a  f^reat  benefactor  of  N.  Enjriand,  and  one  of  llie  founders  of  the 
Royal  Society  of  London.  He  was?  liy  birth  an  Irishman,  but  settled  finally  ai  O.xford, 
Eiig.    He  died  in  London,  IC'Jl,  aged  Gt  years. 

i  1  Col.  JUass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  179. 


M 


WHIIANOWNOVVIT. 


[Book  in. 


It  mny  bo  proper  to  ndd  a  word  iipctti  tlio  ntitno  of  tlio  plaro  which  \vn 
have  oilon  iri(;ntioiir;(i  in  thi.s  life,  an  th*;  Hniiitt  word,  ditTrmitly  proiioiiiirrd, 
was  a[>plie(l  to  a  •^rcut  iiiaiiy  places  iiy  the  IiidiaiiH,  and  iri  the  same  word 
which  Dr.  /,  Mather  and  some  otiiers  made  many  helitive  was  made  np 
of  two  llehrew  words,  to  prove  tiiat  the  Indians  were  really  the  descend- 
ants of  the  dispersed  Jews  ;  hut  lor  which  pnrjmse,  if  wi;  are  not  misin- 
lormefl,  any  otiier  Indian  word  would  answer  tlm  same  piir|)ose.  The 
•loctor  writes  the  name  ^Vahumkcik,  and  adds  that  ^Valium  signifies  consola- 
tion, and  kcik  a  bosom,  or  heaven;  and  hence  the  settlers  of  places  lujaring 
this  name  were  seated  in  tin;  hosom  of  consolation.*  He  points  onl  this 
etymological  analojry  in  speaking?  of  the  settlement  of  Salem,  which  was 
called  by  the  Indians  .Yrtum/certjr,  .Vamkesr,  JVaamhok,  .yaumkuk,  or  some- 
thing a /tW/e  somewhat  like  it.  A  sad  bosome  of  consolation  did  it  prove 
in  the  days  of  Tituhn,  and  even  in  Dr.  Mather^s  own  days.  Though  a 
digression,  we  sliull,  I  doubt  not,  !)e  pardoned  for  inserting  Inire  Dr.  C. 
Mather's  account  of  a  curiosity  at  Amoskeag  Falls,  which  he  gave  in  a 
letter  to  London,  and  which  afterwards  appeared  in  the  l*liiloso|)hical 
Transactions:]-  "At  a  place  called  Amnusk«!ag,  a  little  above  th(!  Iiideousj 
falls  of  Merimack  River,  there  is  a  huge  rock  in  the  midst  of  tin;  stream, 
on  the  top  of  which  aro  n  great  number  of  pits,  made  exactly  round,  liku 
barrels  or  hogsheads  of  different  capacities,  some  so  large  as  to  hold  sev- 
eral tuns.  The  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made  ;  Imt 
the  neighboring  Indians  have  been  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them, 
iu  their  wars  with  the  Maciuas;  affirming,  God  had  cut  them  out  for  that 
use  for  them.  They  seem  plairdy  to  be  artificial."  It  cotdd  certainly 
have  required  no  great  sagacity  to  have  supposed  that  one  stone  placed 
upon  anothe"  in  the  water,  so  as  to  have  been  constantly  rolled  from  side 
to  side  by  the  current,  would,  in  time,  occasion  such  cavities.  One  (juito 
as  remarkable  we  have  seen  near  the  source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent 
from  the  Franconia  Mountains;  also  upon  the  Mohawk,  a  short  distance 
below  Little  Falls.    They  may  be  seen  as  you  pass  upon  the  canal. 

Earl}'  ])in*chase3  of  lands  bring  to  our  notice  a  host  of  Indians^ 
many  of  whom,  though  sachems,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade, 
would  never  have  come  to  our  knowledge.  There  are  some,  however, 
of  whom  we  shall  in  this  chapter  take  notice,  as  such  notices  assist  in 
enabling  us  to  judge  how  the  natives  regarded  their  lands,  and  the  terri- 
tories of  their  neighboring  Countrymen. 

fVehanownotvit  was  a  New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has  been 
considerably  handled  within  a  lliw  years,  from  its  being  found  to  the 
much-talked-of  deed  conveying  lands  in  New  Hampshire  to  the  Rev.  John 
fVheelwright,  and  others,  3  April,  16JJ8.  If  JVehanownowit  were  sachem 
of  the  tract  said  to  have  been  by  him  conveyed,  his  "  kingdom"  was  larger 
than  some  can  boost  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  30  miles  square,  ond  its  boundaries  were  thus  described  :  "lying 
and  sitftate  within  three  miles  on  the  northerne  side  of  y"  River  Meremoke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  from  the  sea  side,  and  from  the 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscataqua  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  countrey  north- 
tvest,  and  so  from  the  falls  of  Piscataqua  to  Oyster  River,  30  miles  squara 

*  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  20.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  was  the  aullior  of  a  p-eat 
many  works,  chiefly  sermons,  many  of  which  have  become  curious  for  their  sinijularity, 
and  some  otliers  valuable  for  the  facts  they  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of 
that  day,  had  very  little  meaning  in  them,  and  consequently  are  now  forgotten.  H« 
was  son  of  Richard  Mather,  preached  in  Boston  above  GO  years,  died  in  1723,  aged  84 
years.  See  his  life,  by  his  son,  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  who  was  born  12  Feb.  1662 — 3, 
died  13  Feb.  1727—8,  aged  63.     See  his  life  by  Samuel  Mather. 

t  Published  in  vol.  v.  of  Jones's  Abridgment,  part  ii.  164. 

X  We  cannot  say  what  they  were  in  those  days,  but  should  expect  to  ba  laughed  »l 
if  we  should  call  them  hideous  at  the  present  time. 


Chap.  VII. ] 


ROniNlIOOD. 


DT 


rvery  wny."  Tliis  drod  I)ns  hpcn  sIkuvm  to  he.  n  for^fry.  Tho  orif^inftl 
19  in  posHi-t^sioii  of  Mr.  John  Fnnntr,  ot'Conconl,  N.  II.* 

I^tmmndorkiinu  wiih  a  hod  ot'  /fV/iftnoiniot/*?'/,  nnd  liw  nniiin  *h  nlso  to  thfl 
(lootl  aliovt!  mciitiodcd  ;  mid  aiiotlur  Indiiiii,  lMloii;;iii^'  to  iliat  tract  of 
country,  nanifd  It'nlchrnoiort :  tlicwi!  hotli  rdnKinislind  their  titi(!  to,  or  con- 
curred in  the  .•'ale  of  said  tract. 

l{M)\hnoil\  was  the  liitlier  of  a  more  noted  chief,  whose  Indian  name  wus 
fVohaioa,  but  commonly  known  amonj,'tlie  Mnfflish  as  Hopihocd.  His  terri- 
tories, as  will  api)ear,  were  upon  the  Keiuieheck  River  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  first  notice  of  Roliinhond  runs  as  follows:  "  He  it  known"— "that  I, 
R(tmririn,\  a(»e  called  hy  my  Indian  name,  or  Rahinliood,  soe  called  by 
I'lnplish  name,  sagamore  of  Ncf^usset,  [or  Ncf^uasseajr,]  doe  freely  sell 
vnto  James  Stnilli" — "  part  of  my  land,  beginninj.'  att  Mcirry-meetiiif?  Cove, 
and  sot!  downward  the  main*;  riuer  vnto  a  rocke,  called  ff'inslowe's 
Rorkc,  in  the  lonpe  reach,  and  in  breadth  eastward  oner  the  little  riuer, 
runin;;e  throuf,'h  the  great  mersh,  with  the  priuilidges  [res(!rved  to  me] 
us  hunting,  fowlinge,  fishing,  and  other  games."  .Smi7/i  wcs  to  pay  him 
or  his  heirs,  on  tlu;  I  Nov.  anni' dly,  "one  peck  of  Indian  corn."  This 
deed  bears  date  B  May,  1<j48,  and  is  signed  ami  witnessed  as  follows: — § 

Neowkms  his  -T-  mark.  Robinhood  VJ  -its  mark. 

SoNOREKHooD  lits  ],  mark  Mr.  Thomas  /\  hin  mark. 

and  two  English.  Pewazegsakk  ^  his  mark. 

Tlie  mark  ^>'-^  o/"  Robin. 

The  next  year,  1040,  iie  sold  the  island  of  Jeromysquatn,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Kennebeck,  and  in  1054  we  find  him  selling  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, which  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  Bateman  and 
John  Brown.  In  1003,  Rolnnhood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  principal 
chiefs  among  the  eastern  Indians.|| 

In  1(J07,  the  iidiabitants  upon  Connecticut  River,  about  Iladley,  sustained 
some  injui-y  from  Indians,  in  their  lands  and  domestic  animals,  and 
satisfaction  therefor  was  demanded  of  Robinhood;  at  the  same  time 
threatening  him  with  the  utmost  severity,  if  the  like  should  be  repeated. 
But  whether  his  people  were  the  perpetrators  we  are  not  told ;  but  from 
the  following  facts  it  may  be  thought  otherwise.  "  To  promote  amity 
widi  them,  license  was  at  length  given  to  the  traders  in  fur  and  in  peltries, 
to  sell  unto  Indian  friends  guns  and  a/wmum7jo«."1f  Hence  these  friends 
could  see  no  reason,  afterwards,  why  arms  were  proliibited  them,  as  wo 
shall  again  have  occasion  lb  notice. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  Philip^ s  war,  Robinhood  was  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  in  it,  and  when  a  party  of  English  was  sent  at  that  time  to  learn 
their  feelings  in  that  respect,  he  made  a  great  dance,  and  by  songs  and 
shouts  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  English  were  disposed  to  inain- 
tJiin  peace. 

Monquine,  "  alias  JVatahanada,  the  son  of  old  JVatawonnett,  sagamore  of 
Kennebeck  River,"  sold  to  William  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on 
both  sides  of  said  river,  "from  Cussenocke  upwards  to  Wesserunsicke." 


*  IMS.  communication  of  that  gentleman. 

I  This  name  was  adopted,  I  have  no  doubt,  as  it  came  sometliing'  near  the  sound  of 
his  IntHan  name,  as  was  ihc  case  in  several  iiislances  which  we  have  already  recorded ; 
ihe  old  Eii<rlish  robber  of  tlial  name,  or  fables  eonccriiinjj  him,  are  among  the  first  in  the 
nursery.  Even  at  this  day,  the  curious  adult  will  dispense  with  Mr.  Ritson's  collecliooa 
of  legends  concerning  him  with  peculiar  regret. 

X  The  same,  I  suppose,  called  in  Sullivan's  Hist.  Rogomok. 
6  From  a  nutimscript  copy  of  the  original  deed. 

II  Hv  Jnsseliin,  who  visited  tlii>  country  at  this  time.     See  hii  Vayaget. 
ir  Williamson's  Mdiw,  i.  iilB,  from  3  Mass.  Rec, 

9 


m 


KENNEIJIS.— CIIOCORUA. 


[Book  III. 


This  sale  bore  dale  8  August,  1048.  The  signature  is  "JUbjjguine,  alias 
Dunilianada."  Then  foll"\vs :  "  We,  ^igodoademago,  tlie  soune  of  fVasslie- 
melt,  and  Tassucke,  the  brother  of  JVatahanada,  do  consent  Irecly  unto  the 
sale  to  Bradford,  Paddy,  and  otiiers."* 

Kenncbis  was  a  sachem  from  whom  it  has  l)een  supposed  that  the  Ken- 
uebuck  River  derived  its  naino.  But  whether  there  were  a  line  of  saga- 
mores of  tliis  name,  from  wliom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whether  sa- 
chems wore  so  called  from  their  living  at  a  certain  place  upon  it,  is  un- 
certain. It  l:  certain,  however,  that  there  was  one  of  this  name  residing 
there,  contemporaneously  with  Rohinhood,  who,  besides  several  others, 
deeded  and  redeeded  the  lands  u))  and  down  in  the  country.  lie  was 
sometimes  associated  in  his  sales  with  Abbigadassel,  and  sometimes  with 
others.  In  1(340,  he  sold  to  Ckiistopher  Lawson  all  the  land  on  the  Ken- 
nebeck  River  up  as  high  as  Taconnet  falls,  now  Winslow,  which  was  the 
residence  of  the  great  chief  Essiniinasqua,  or  Assiininasqua,  elsewhere 
mentioned.  About  the  same  time,  he  sold  the  same  tract,  or  a  part  of  it, 
to  Spencer  and  Clark.  The  residence  oi'  Kennebis  was  upon  Swan  Island, 
"  in  a  delightful  situation,  and  that  of  Abbigadasset  between  a  river  of  hia 
name  and  thi  Kenncbeck,  upon  the  northern  bordei-s  of  Merry-meeting 
Bay."t  S\.  in  Island  was  purchased  of  Abbigadassd  in  1(507,  by  Hum- 
phry Dr-vic,  and  afterwards  claimed  by  Sir  John  Davy,  a  serjeant  at  law.| 

Wc  "uali  proceed  to  notice  here  one,  of  another  age,  whose  melanciioly 
fate  has  long  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  settlement  of  Burton,  N.  H.,  that  is,  previous 
to  17G(},  there  resided  in  that  region  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  among  whom 
was  one  named 

Chocorua,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  those  romantic 
scenes.  This  region  was  attractuig  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver 
which  were  found  in  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  cliffs  afforded 
safe  retreats  to  a  plentiful  game.  It  is  hai;ded  to  us  by  tradition,  that 
Chocorua  was  thn  last  of  this  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a  mis- 
erable white  liunter,  who,  with  others  of  his  complexion,  had  wandered 
here  in  quest  of  game.  This  solitary  man  had  retired  to  a  neighboring 
mountain,  and  v  as  fuere  discovered  and  shot.  The  eminence  to  which 
it  is  said  this  Indmn  had  retired,  is  the  highest  mountain  in  Burton,  and 
commands  a  beautiful  view  of  a  great  extent  of  surrounding  country. 
One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that  has  appeared  in  all  our  animals, 
is  that  representing  Chocorua  in  his  last  retreat. 

It  is  a  fact  well  known  in  all  the  neighboring  parts  of  the  country,  that 
cattle  cannot  long  survive  in  Burton,  although  there  appears  abundance 
of  all  that  is  necessary  for  their  support.  They  lose  their  appetite,  pine 
and  die.  It  is  said  that  Chocorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expired, 
and  the  superstitious,  to  this  day,  attribute  the  disease  of  cattle  to  the  curse 
of  Chocorua.  But  a  much  more  rational  one,  we  apprehend,  will  be 
found  in  the  affection  of  the  waters  by  minerals. 


*  People  of  Pliinouth.—  W//iaf«  Paddy  died  at  Boston, 
out  of  the  rubbish  under  the  old  state-house  in  1830, 
t  Williumson,  i.  467. 


His  gravestone  weis  dug 
t  Ibid.  331. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


SUUANDO. 


99 


hether  sa- 


is,  i)revioii3 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Squando,  sachfin  of  Saco — Attacks  the  toton  of  Saco — Singular  account  of 
him  by  a  cote  uporary — The  ill  treatment  of  his  ivife  a  cause  of  ivar — ms 
humanity  in  restoring  a  captive — MauokawaniIo — Causes  of  his  hostii- 
ity — AssiMiNASQUA — His  speech — Speech  o/'Tarumkin — Muug — /*  ear- 
ned to  Boston  to  execute  a  treaty — Is  Madokawando^s  ambassador — Re- 
lease of  Thomas  Cobbet — Madokawando's  kindness  to  jomoner*-- Moxus 
attacks  IVells  and  is  beaten  off— Attacked  the  next  year  by  the  Indians 
under  Madokawando  and  a  company  of  I\enchmcn — Are  repulsed  with 
great  loss — Incidents  of  the  siege — Mons.  Casteins — A  further  account  of 
Moxus — Wanungonet — Assacombuit — Further  account  of  Mugg — 
His  death — Symo.v,  Andrew,  Jeoffrev,  Peter  and  Joseph — Account 
of  their  depredations — I/ife  of  Kankamagus — Treated  ivilh  neglect — 
Plies  his  country — Becomes  an  enemy — Suiprise  of  Dover  and  murder  oj 
Maj.  Waldron — Masandowet — Worombo — His  fort  captured  by  Church 
— Kankamagus^s  wife  and  children  taken — Hopehood — Conspicuous  in 
the  massacre  atSalmon  Falls — His  death — Mattahando — Megu.naeway, 

The  firet  chief  which  will  liere  be  properly  noticed  is  Squando,  a  Tar- 
ratine,  commonly  called  sagamore  of  Saco.  He  is  mentioned  with  a 
good  deal  of  singularity  by  the  vvritei*s  of  his  times.  And  we  will  here, 
by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr.  Mather,  in  his  Brief  History, 
&c.,  says  of  h-.n.  "  After  this,  [the  burning  of  Casco,]  they  [the  Indians] 
set  upon  Saco,  where  they  slew  13  m  in,  and  at  last  burnt  the  town.  A 
principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a  strange  enthuciMsiicM  sa- 
gamore called  Squando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  ap- 
peared to  him  in  the  form  of  a  tall  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to 
him  that  he  was  God,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of 
strong  liquors,  and  to  pray,  and  to  keep  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the 
word  preached ;  al!  which  things  the  Indian  did  for  some  years,  with 
great  seeming  devotion  and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which 
appeared  to  him  said  nothing  to  him  about  Jesus  Christ ;  and  therefore 
it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  that  at  last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no 
otherwise  than  a  child  of  him  that  was  a  murderer  and  a  liai  from  the 
beginning."  Mr.  Hubbard  says  that  he  was  "  the  chief  actor  or  rather 
the  beginner"  of  the  eastern  war  of  1675 — 6;  but  rather  contradicts  the 
statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  paragraph,  by  attributing  tlje 
same  cause  to  the  "rude  and  indiscrete  act  of  some  English  ^onnien," 
who  either  for  mischief  overset  a  canoe  in  which  was  Squando's  wife 
and  child,  or  to  see  if  young  Indians  could  swim  naturally  like  animals 
of  the  brute  creation,  as  some  had  reported.*  The  child  wen^  to  the 
bottom,  but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving  down  and 
bringing  it  up,  yet  "  within  a  while  after  the  said  child  died."  "  The  said 
Squando,  father  of  the  cliild,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hath 
over  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can  to  the  English."  The 
wliites  did  not  )elieve  that  the  death  of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  immer- 
sion ;  still  we  naist  allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  they.  When  the 
tlunily  of  "old  Mr.  Wakcly'^  was  nnirdercd,  n  young  woman  was  carrie<l 
away  captive.  Squando  was  the  means  of  her  being  set  at  liberty.  "She 
having  been  carried  up  and  down  the  country,  some  hundreds  of  miles, 
MS  far  as  Narraganset  fort,  was,  this  last  June,  returned  back  to  Major 
IValdron's  by  one  Squando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco ;  a  strange  mixture  of 


not 


"  They  can  swim  naturally,  strikinsf  their  paws  nndcr  their  tiiroat  like  a  dog,  and 
spreadlug  tlieir  arms  as  we  do."    Josselyn's  Voyage  to  i\'.  E,  112. 


%• 


100 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Book  III. 


mercy  and  cruelty !"  And  the  historian  of  Maine  observes,  that  his  "  con- 
duct exhibited  at  different  times  such  traits  of  cruelty  and  compassion,  as 
rendered  his  character  difficult  to  be  portrayed." 

He  was  a  great  powwow,  and  acted  in  concert  with  Madokatvando. 
These  two  cliiefs  "  are  said  to  be,  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange 
kind  of  moralized  savages ;  grave  and  serious  in  their  speech  and  car- 
riage, and  not  without  some  show  of  a  kind  of  religion,  which  no  doubt 
but  they  have  learned  from  the  prince  of  darkness."  In  another 
place,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls  him  an  "  enthusiastical,  or  rather  diabolical  mis- 
creant."    His  abilities  in  war  gained  him  this  epithet. 

Madokawando,  of  whom  we  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe.  He  was  the  adopted  son  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  ^s- 
siminasqua.  Some  mischief  had  been  done  by  the  Androscoggin  Indians 
in  Philip's  war,  and'  the  English,  following  the  example  of  those  whom 
they  so  much  reprobated,  retaliated  on  any  Indians  that  fell  in  their  way. 

Madokawando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  people  had 
committed  any  depredations,  until  after  some  English  spoiled  his  corn, 
and  otherwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  been  ki<lnapped  and  sold  for  slaves, 
about  the  time  Philip's  war  commenced.  This,  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
was  enough  to  cause  a  war,  without  Philip's  instigation,  or  the  afTront 
offered  to  the  wife  and  child  of  Squando. 

The  English  had  prohibited  the  sale  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 
eastern  Indians,  as  they  had  before  to  the  western,  as  a  means  of  lessen- 
ing their  power  ;  provided  they  should  declare  themselves  hostile :  thus 
regarding  their  own  safety,  and  totally  disregarding  whatever  evils  might 
accrue  from  the  measure  to  the  Indians.  Knowing  enough  had  been 
done  to  excite  their  resentment,  agents  were  sent  to  parley  with  them,  in 
the  spring  and  suuuner  of  1G7G,  to  hinder,  if  possible,  their  taking  offence 
at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  complained  to  some  friendly  English  of 
the  outrage  upon  their  frion;'s,  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  circum- 
stance, and  hardly  believed  it;  still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so, 
tliose  kidnapped  should  be  restored,  and  the  perpetrators  puniohed.  But 
knowing  the  circumstance  to  be  as  they  had  represented,  it  is  rather 
marvellous,  that  Indians,  instead  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to 
unsatisfactory  parleyings,  as  will  appear. 

When  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them,  or  rather  to  excuse 
themselves  for  what  they  cortld  not,  or  pretended  they  could  not,  amend, 
the  Indians,  in  the  course  of  the  interview,  said,  "  We  rvere  driven  frotr 
our  com  last  year  by  the  people  abQut  Kennebeck,  and  many  of  us  died,  IVe 
had  no  powder  and  shot  to  kill  venison  and  foid  loith  to  prevent  it.  If  you 
English  tvere  our  friends,  as  you  pretend  you  are,  you  woidd  not  suffer  us  to 
stai-ve  as  we  did." 

"  However,  says  Mr.  Hxbhard,  the  said  agent,  makinf^  the  best  he  cotdd 
of  a  bad  cause,  used  all  means  to  pacify  the  complainaris,"  The  great  "  all 
means''''  was,  that  they  should  try  to  get  the  Andrnr.i-oggin  Indians  to  come 
and  hold  a  treaty !  so  that  if  the  Englis!;  couia  effect  a  treaty  with  thom, 
then  there  would  be  a  general  peace  with  the  eastern  Indians.  This 
talk,  it  was  said,  they  received  with  joy.  "Yet,  adds  the  same  author, 
still  by  one  fatal  accident  or  other,  jealousies  still  seemed  to  increpse  in 
their  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries  began  to  boil  afresh  in  their  spirits, 
as  not  being  easily  digested,"  &c. 

A  meeting  had  been  agreed  upon  at  Totononnock,  or  Taconnet,  and 
immediately  after  the  aiceting  just  mentioned  a  runner  was  sent  down 
from  thence,  with  word  that  Squando  would  be  there  with  "  divcre  Am- 
onuscoggan  sachems,"  Mugg  being  a  messenger  to  him.    Accordingly 


toOK    III. 

is  "  con- 
ssion,  as 

.aivando. 

strange 
lud  car- 
lo doubt 

another 
ical  mis- 

:f  of  the 
le  of  ./?5- 
I  Indians 
e  whom 
eir  way. 
ople  had 
his  corn, 

»r  slaves, 
estioned, 
e  affront 

m  to  tlie 
)f  lessen- 
:ile :  thus 
ils  might 
had  been 
them,  in 
[g  offence 

glish  of 
circum- 
were  so, 
ed.  Bat 
is  rather 
;arken  to 

a  excuse 
:,  amend, 
ven  frorr 
ltd.  We 
If  you 
\r  us  to 

l/ic  cordd 
treat "  all 

to  come 

|th  them. 

This 

author, 
Irense  in 
|r  spirits, 

Inet,  and 

Int  down 

31-8  Am- 

jrdingly 


Chap.  VIII.] 


MADOKAWANDO. 


101 


the  English  proceeded  to  Taconnet.  On  thei ;  arrival,  they  were  honored 
witii  a  salute,  and  conducted  into  ,'he  council  house,  where  they  found 
Madokawando,  Assiminasqua,  TarunMn,  Hopehood,  Muf!;g,  and  many  at- 
tendants. Madokawnndo  was  prime  iiv'gotiator,  and  Asaiminasqxia  chief 
speaker,  who  soon  after  proceeded  to  make  a  speech,  and  among  other 
things  said, — 

"//!  is  not  our  custom  when  messejigrrs  come  to  treat  of  peace,  to  seize  upon 
their  persons,  as  sometimes  the  Mohauks  do ;  yea,  as  the  English  have  done, 
seizing'  upon  fourteen  Indians,  our  men,  who  ivtnt  to  treat  with  you — settin<r; 
a  guard  over  them,  and  taking  away  their  guns.  This  is  not  all,  but  a 
second  time  you  required  our  guns,  and  demanded  us  to  come  down  unto  you, 
or  else  you  icould  kill  us.  This  ivas  the  cause  of  our  leaving  both  our  fort 
and  our  corn,  to  our  great  Zom." 

This  speech  caused  considerable  embarrassment  to  the  English,  "  yet 
to  put  the  best  construction  might  be,  on  such  irregular  actions,  which 
could  not  well  be  justilied,  they  told  them,  the  persons  who  had  so  done* 
were  not  within  the  limits  of  their  government,  and  therefore,  though  they 
could  not  call  them  to  an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  they  did  utterly  dis- 
allow thereof't  And  to  be  as  expeditious  as  possible,  the  English  com- 
missioners told  thcf:e  chiefs  that  they  came  to  treat  with  the  Androscog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Squaiido  was  not  there.  And  it  appears  that, 
though  the  English  reported  a  peace  with  the  Penobscots,  yet  Madoka- 
wando  and  his  coadjutors  scarcely  understood  as  much ;  and  it  is  also 
evident  that  the  business  was  hurried  over  as  fast  as  possible  by  the 
English  commissionei-s. 

What  had  been  said  by  Assiminasqua  in  the  morning  was  merely  pre- 
liminary, and  it  was  his  intention  in  the  afternoon  to  enter  more  particu- 
larly into  details ;  but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to 
treat  with  such  of  the  Androscoggins  as  were  present.  Tarumkin  was 
their  orator,  and  he  spoke  to  this  effect: — 

"  /  have  been  to  the  westward,  where  I  have  found  many  Indians  umvilling 
to  make  peace  ;  but  for  my  own  pari,  I  am  willing^''  which  he  confirmed  by 
taking  the  English  by  the  hand,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among 
whom  were  Mugg  and  Rohinhood's  son.  The  English  had  now,  as  they 
supposed,  got  matters  into  a  regular  train ;  but  MadokaivaTulo,  it  appears, 
was  not  willing  to  leave  things  in  quite  so  loose  a  manner,  as  it  regarded 
his  people,     lie  therefore  interrupted : — 

"  If  hat  are  we  to  do  for  poivder  and  shot,  token  our  com  is  consumed? 
what  shall  we  do  for  a  winter^s  supply  ?  Must  tee  perish,  or  must  we  aban' 
don  our  country,  andfy  to  the  Fi-ench  for  protection  ?" 

The  English  replied  that  they  would  do  what  they  could  with  the  gov- 
ernor ;  "  some  might  be  allowed  them  for  necessity."  Madoktiwando  added  : 
"  JFe  have  loaited  a  great  while  already,  and  noif  we  expect  you  will  say  yes 
or  no."  The  English  rejoined :  "  You  say  yourselves  that  many  of  the 
western  Indians  would  not  have  peace,  and,  therefore,  if  we  sell  you  pow- 
der, and  you  give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  we  but  cut  our  oivn 
throats'?  It  is  not  in  our  power  without  leave,  if  you  should  wait  ten  years 
more,  to  let  you  have  powder." 

Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  been  expected,  ended  the  negotiation, 
and  massacres  and  bloodshed  soon  after  desolated  that  part  of  tho 
country. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1675  and  (1,  this  sachem's  people  had  among 
them  about  60  English  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the 
English  desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to 
Pascataqua,  to  receive  proposals ;  and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  ac- 


'^  That  iS;  those  who  had  kidnapped  their  friends. 
9* 


t  Hubbard,  part  ii.  38. 


103 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Book  III. 


ceptauce,  sent  along  with  liini  a  captive  to  his  home.  Gon.  Gendal,  of 
Massachusetts,  being  tliere,  forced  Mugg  on  board  liis  vessel,  and  carried 
him  to  Boston,  for  which  treacherous  act  an  excuse  was  pleaded,  that  ho 
was  not  vested  with  sufficient  authority  to  treat  with  him.  Madokawan- 
do's  ambassador,  being  now  in  the  power  of  the  English,  was  obliged  to 
agree  to  such  terms  as  the  English  dictated.*  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore, 
if  the  great  chief  soon  appears  again  their  enemy.  Still,  when  Mugg 
was  sent  home,  Madokawando  agreed  to  the  tosatj,  more  readily,  perhaps, 
' .:  two  armed  vessels  of  the  English  conveyed  him. 

A  son  of  Rev.  Thomas  Cobbet  had  been  taken,  and  was  among  the  In- 
dians at  Mount  Desert.  It  so  happened  that  his  master  had  at  that  time 
sent  him  down  to  CasttirCs  trading-house,  to  buy  p  vder  for  him.  Mugg 
took  him  by  the  hand,  and  told  hirn  he  had  been  -  c  his  father's  house, 
and  had  promised  to  send  him  home.  Madokawando  demanded  a  i"an- 
som,  probably  to  satisfy  the  owner  of  the  captive,  "  fearing  to  be  killed  by 
him,  if  lie  yielded  him  up  without  he  were  there  to  consent ;  for  he  was, 
iu;  said,  a  desperate  man,  if  crossed,  and  had  crambdj  two  or  three  in  that 
way."  Being  on  board  one  of  the  vessels,  and  treated  to  some  liquor, 
"he  walked  awhile  to  and  again  on  the  deck,  and  on  a  sudden  made  a 
stand,  and  said  to  Captain  Moore, '  Well  captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  this 
man :  I  freely  give  him  up  to  you  ;  carry  him  home  to  his  friends.'  "|  A 
red  coat  was  given  to  Madokatvando,  which  gave  him  great  satisfaction. 

The  historians  of  the  war  have  all  observed  tliat  the  prisoners  under 
Madokawando  were  remarkably  well  treated. 

In  Febrviary,  1677,  Major  JVuldron,  and  Captain  Frost,  with  a  body  of 
men,  were  yent  into  the  eastern  coast  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  In- 
dians, wlio  still  remained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid  they  were  invited  on 
eliore  to  hold  a  treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed 
among  them,  thought  it  a  sufficient  umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemies, 
and  a  considerable  fight  ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were 
killed,  and  several  taken  prisoners ;  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  Ma- 
dokawando. He  had  no  knowledge  of  the  affiiir,  having  been  gone  for 
several  months  at  a  great  distance  into  the  country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Madokawando,  until  1G91.  It  will  be  found  men- 
tioned in  the  account  of  Egeremet,  that  in  that  year  a  treaty  was  made 
with  him  and  other  eastern  chiefs.  This  was  in  November,  and  it  waa 
agreed  by  them,  that,  on  the  first  of  May  following,  they  would  deliver  all 
the  captives  in  their  possession,  at  Wells.  "  But,"  says  Dr.  Mather,^  "  as 
it  was  not  upon  the  firm  land,  but  in  their  canoes  upon  the  water,  that  they 
signed  and  sealed  this  instrument ;  so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it 
will  prove  but  a  fluctuating  and  unstable  sort  of  business ;  and  that  the 
Indians  will  do  a  lie  as  they  used  to  do." 

The  tune  for  the  delivery  of  tlie  captives  having  arrived,  tlie  English 
met  at  Wells  to  receive  them,  and  to  renew  their  treaty.  They  took  caio 
to  be  provided  with  an  armed  force,  and  to  have  the  place  of  meeting  at 
a  strong  place,  which  was  Storer^s  garrison-house.  But,  as  the  author 
just  cited  observes,  "The  Indians  being  poor  musicians  for  keeping  of 
time,  Cc»me  'iot  according  to  their  articles."  The  reason  of  this  we  cannot 
explain,  unless  tlie  Avarlike  appearance  of  the  English  deterred  them. 
After  waiting  a  while.  Captain  Converse  surprised  some  of  them,  and 
brought  them  in  by  force,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  pro- 
voked by  this  time,  immediately  added  35  men  to  their  force.    Tlicsc 


*  A  trraty  was  sifrned  0th  of  Dee.  1676.    Manuscript  Nar.  of  Rev.  T.  Cobbd.    I 
may  be  seen  in  Ihibliard'x  Narrative. 
t  The  Iniiian  won!  (or  killed.     Wood's  N.  E,  Prospect. 
i  Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited. 


^  Mag;ualia,  ii.  529. 


Chap.  VlII] 


MADOKAVVANDO. 


103 


enemies, 
ins  were 
of  Ma- 
rone  for 
voyage, 
inen- 
as  niailo 
it  waa 
iver  all 
ier,§  "  ag 
lat  they 
that  it 
that  the 


ieting  at 
author 

epin/r  of 
cannot 
tliein. 

em,  and 

uiH  ])ro- 
Thcso 


obbet.    I 
529. 


"were  not  come  half  an  hour  to  Storer^s  house,  on  the  9th  of  June,  1G{)1, 
nor  had  they  got  their  Indian  weed  fairly  lighted,  into  their  mouths, 
before  fierce  Moxus,  with  200  Indians,  made  an  attack  upon  the  garri- 
son,"* but  were  repulsed  and  soon  drew  off'.  Madokawando  was  not 
here  in  person,  but  when  he  knew  of  the  disaster  of  his  chief  ca]>tain,  he 
said,  "  jtfy  brother  Moxus  has  viissed  it  noiu,  but  I  will  go  myself  the  next 
year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  out  of  his  hole.''* 

The  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  garri- 
son 22  Jime,  1692.  lie  was  joined  by  Bumiff&ud  Labrocre,  two  Frencli 
ofiicere,  with  a  body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  about  500  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  success,  that  they 
agreed  befoie  the  attack,  how  the  prisonere  and  property  should  be  di- 
vided. Converse  had  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there  arrived  two  sloops 
with  about  as  many  more,  and  supplies,  the  day  before  the  battle. 

Madokawando' s  men  had  unwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by 
firing  upon  some  cattle  they  met  in  the  woods,  which  running  in  wound- 
ed, gave  the  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  Madokawando  waa 
not  onl_,  --cnnded  by  the  two  French  officers  and  a  company  of  their 
men,  as  before  observed,  but  Moxus,  Egeremet  and  Worombo  were  also 
among  them. 

They  began  the  attack  before  day,  with  great  fierceness,  but  aff:er  con- 
tinuing it  for  some  time  without  success*,  they  fell  upon  the  vessels  in  the 
river;  and  here,  although  the  river  was  not  above  twenty  or  thirty  feet 
broad,  yet  they  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the  garrison.  They 
tried  many  strata2;ems,  and  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  sloops  several 
times,  by  means  of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extinguished  without  great 
damage.  Tired  of  thus  exposing  themselves  and  throwing  away  their 
ammunition,  they  returned  again  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practise  a 
stratagem  upon  that,  and  thus  ended  the  first  day  of  the  attack.  They 
tried  to  persuade  the  English  to  suirender,  but  finding  they  coidd  not 
prevail,  made  several  desperate  charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Be- 
ginning now  to  grow  discouraged,  they  sent  a  flag  to  the  garrison  to  eflfect 
a  capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  a  man  of  great  resolution,  replied, 
"that  he  wanted  nothing  but  men  to  come  and  fight  him."  To  which 
the  bearer  of  the  flag  said,  "  Being  you  are  so  stout,  ivhy  donH  you  come 
and  fight  in  the  open  fi  Id  like  a  man,  and  not  fight  in  a  garrison  like  a 
squaw.''*  This  attemju  proving  ineffectual,  they  cast  out  many  threats, 
one  of  which  was, "  We  will  cut  you  as  small  as  tobacco,  before  to-morrow 
morning."  The  captaii  ordered  them  "to  come  on,  for  he  wanted 
work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  general  Labrocre  being 
slain,  they  retired  in  the  night,  after  two  days'  siege,  leaving  several  of 
their  dead,  among  whom  was  the  general  just  named,  who  was  shot 
through  the  head.  They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond, 
whom  they  tortured  in  a  most  barbarous  manner.  About  the  time  of 
their  retreating,  they  fired  u|)on  the  sloops,  and  killed  the  only  man  lost 
by  the  vessels  during  the  as.saidt. 

During  the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other  stratagems,  they  pre- 
pared a  breastwork  upon  wheels,  and  endeavored  to  bring  it  close  to  the 
edge  of  the  river,  which  was  within,  perhaps,  ten  feet  of  them.  When 
they  had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  a  French 
soldier,  endeavoring  to  lift;  it  out  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down ;  a 
second  was  also  killed  in  tlie  same  attem[)t,  and  it  was  abandoned. 
They  also  built  a  raft  in  the  creek  above  them,  and  ])laced  on  it  an  im- 
mense pile  of  combustibles,  and,  setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down 

*  Magnaliu,  ii.  629. 


104 


MOXUS. 


[Rook  III, 


towards  them.  But  when  within  a  few  rods  of  the  sloops,  the  wind  drove 
it  on  sliore,  and  thus  they  W(;re  deii'ered  from  the  most  dangerous  arti- 
fice of  the  wliole.  For  it  was  said  that,  had  it  come  down  against  them, 
they  could  not  have  saved  themselves  from  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

Madokawando  lived  several  years  aller  this,  and  is  su[)posed  to  have 
died  about  1698. 

A  daughter  of  his  married  the  Baron  Dt  Casttins,  by  whom  lie  had 
several  children.* 

Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  similarity  of 
the  name  of  this  chief  to  that  of  Madock  the  Welshman,  that  the  (.-astern 
Indians  were  descended  from  a  Welsh  colony,  who,  in  1170,  left  tliat 
country,  and  were  never  heard  of  after.  The  s/ony  of  some  white  In- 
dians speaking  Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  River,  has  gained  supporters  iu 
former  and  latter  periods.f 

Moxus,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  ^gamagus,  was  also  a  noted 
Penobscot  chief,  and  one  of  Madokawando' s  ])rincipal  captains.  Wo 
can  add  little  concerning  him,  to  what  has  already  been  said  above. 
After  that  great  sachem  was  dead,  and  the  war  between  the  French  and 
English  nations  ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  submit  to  terms. 

Moxus  seems  the  successor  of  Madokawando,  and  when  delegat(?s  were 
sent  into  the  eastern  country  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians,  in  JG99,  his 
name  stood  firet  among  the  signers  of  the  treaty.l  He  conclu(le<l  another 
treaty  with  Gov.  Dudley,  in  1702.  The  next  year,  in  comjjany  with  Wa- 
nungonet,  AssacombuU,  and  a  number  of  French,  he  invested  Caj)taiu 

*  A  ffood  deal  has  been  said  and  written  about  I\Ions.  Casleins,  but  ^enorally  without 
conveying  much  inlbrniatiun.  VVc  will  give  here  the  original  authority  whence  accounts 
have  chiefly  originated  :— 

"  Lc  Raron  de  Saint  Casleitis,  gentilliomme  d'OIeron  en  Ream,  s'cst  rendu  si  re 
commandable  parmi  les  Abonakis  dcpuis  vingt  et  tant  d'anneos,  vivans  i\  la  saiivage, 
qu'ils  le  rcgardent  aujourd  'liui  comme  Icur  Dieu  tulelaire.  II  etoit  autrefois  ofticier  do 
Carignan  en  Canada,  niais  d^s  que  ce  rcgiincnt  f'ut  cassc,  11  sc  jella  chez  ces  sauvagrs 
dont  il  avoit  apris  la  langue.  II  se  inaria  a  lour  uianiere,  preierant  les  forots  de  I'Acadie 
aux  monts  Pirenees  dont  son  pats  est  environne.  II  vccut  les  premieres  anni'es  avec 
cux  d'une  maniere  a  s'cn  faire  estimer  au-dcia  de  tout  te  qu'on  pent  dire,  lis  lc  firenl 
grand  chef,  aui  est  comme  le  souverain  de  la  nation,  et  peu-a-peu  il  a  trnvaille  h.  se  I'aire 
une  fortune  nont  tout  autre  que  lui  sauroit  profiler,  en  retirant  de  ce  pajs-la  plus  de  deux 
ou  trois  cents  mille  ecus  qu'il  a  dans  ses  colTres  en  belle  monnoic  d'or.  Cependant  il  no 
s'en  sert  qu'  a  acheter  des  marchandises  pour  faire  des  prcsens  a  ses  confrqsps  les  sau- 
vages,  qui  lui  font  ensuite,  au  retour  de  Icurs  cliasses,dcs  prcsens  de  castors  d'une  triple 
valeur.  Les  gouverneurs  grnoreaux  de  Canada  le  mcnagcnt,  el  ceux  de  la  Nouvelie 
Anglelerre  le  craignent.  il  a  plusieurs  filles  el  loutes  marices  Iris's  avantagouscment 
avec  des  Fran9ois,  aianl  doune  une  riche  dot  a  chacune.  11  n'  a  jamais  change  de 
femme,||  pour  aprendre  aux  sauvages  que  Dieu  n'aime  point  les  hommes  inconstans. 
On  dit  qu'il  tacne  de  converlir  ces  pauvres  peuples,  mais  que  ses  paroles  ne  prodnisant 
aucnn  fruit,  il  est  done  inutile  que  les  Jesuiles  leur  prechent  les  veritez  du  christianii-nie  • 
cependant  ces  peres  ne  se  rebutenl  pas,  ils  estimenl  que  le  bapteme  confere  a  un  enfant 
inourant,  vaut  dix  fois  la  peine  el  le  chagrin  d'habiter  avec  ces  peuples."  Memoires  tie 
VAmeiique  par  LaJwntan,  ii.  29  and  30. 

A  son  of  Casteins  was  a  sachem,  and  held  in  great  esteem  bv  liis  tribe,  and,  like  his 
father,  was  a  discreet  and  upright  man.  The  English  treated  him  very  reprchcnsibly, 
and  once  took  him  prisoner  and  sent  him  to  Roston,  but  he  was  soon  released.  Iliu 
father  had  then  retired  to  his  estate  in  France. 

t  See  Janson's  Stranger  in  A7nerica,  210.  ed.  4io  London,  1807;  Universal  Afaga- 
tine,  vol.  xciii.  21  ;  Dr.  Southey's  Pre/ace  to  his  Madock ;  Rouquet's  Exped.  ufi-aimt 
Ohio  Indians,  69.  ed.  4lo.  London,  17Gfi  ;  Ker's  Travels  in  Avierica,  iGl- — 172  ;  Rurk, 
Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  84.  We  may  elsewhere  devote  a  chapter  to  au  examination  of  these 
accounts. 

\  Magnalia,  ii.  543. 

11  Wo  do  not  approhond  Ihnt  Uiia  nmountu  to  a  dntial  (as  Mt.  IMkt.t  rnads  It,  Notpg,  230,)  that 
ho  had  but  one  wifo.  Ilig  not  clumgiiig Ma  wife  might  be  trub  also  in  the  plural,  if  he  had  had 
Rororal,  ai  soino  authors  state. 


;rook  III. 

ind  (Irovo 

rous  arti- 

iist  them, 

). 

.  to  have 

n  he  had 

lilurity  of 
le  (.•nst(?rn 
,  leCt  that 
ivliite  lii- 
[)oitcrs  in 

)  a  roted 
lius.  Wo 
lid  above, 
ench  and 
to  terms. 
;ates  were 

I   J()9i),hiH 

d  another 
with  Wa- 
1  Captain 

ally  wilhout 
ice  accounts 


SI  ro 


rendu 

[la  sauviif^o, 
f  ofticier  do 
sauvagos 
le  I'Acadie 
t'cs  avec 
s  Ic  firent 
a  so  f'aire 
us  do  dpux 
dant  il  ne 
s  les  sau- 
uuc  triple 
Nouvelle 
sjcusemeni 
lango  de 
jnconstaiis. 
prodnisant 
stianisme  • 
uii  enfant 
fcjnoires  (le 

id,  like  his 
rclicusilily, 
jscd.     His 

•sal  Mciga- 
az-ainst 
72;  l?urk, 
>n  of  these 


,  230,)  that 
lie  had  had 


Chap.  VIII] 


MUGG.— SYMON. 


105 


March  in  the  fort  at  Casco.  After  nsing  every  endeavor  to  take  it  by 
assault,  they  had  recom-se  to  the  following  stratagem.  They  began  at 
the  water's  edge  to  nndertnine  it  by  digging,  but  wore  prevented  by  the 
timely  arrival  of  r.n  armed  vessel  under  Captain  Sontlmck.  They  had 
taken  a  vessel  and  a  great  quantity  of  plunder.  About  200  canoes  were 
destroyed,  and  the  vessel  retaken.  From  which  circumstance  it  may  be 
inferred  that  their  number  was  great. 

Moxus  was  at  Casco  in  1713,  to  treat  witli  the  English,  and  at  George- 
town, upon  Arowsike  Island,  in  1717.  There  were  seven  other  chiefk 
who  attended  also  at  the  time  and  place  last  mentioned. 

Mugg  was  a  chief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and  very  conspicuous  in 
the  eastern  war  of  1G7G-7,  into  which  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by 
the  same  cause  as  Madokaivando,  already  stated.  He  had  been  very 
friendly  to  the  English,  and  had  lived  some  time  with  the* ;, 

On  the  12th  Oct.  1G7G,  he  made  an  assault  upon  Black  Point,  now  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  warriors.  All  the  inhabitants  being  gath- 
ered into  one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  a  few  hands  might 
have  defended  it  against  all  the  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  coimtry.* 
While  the  captain  of  the  garrison  was  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  Mugg, 
the  people  fled  from  the  garrison,  and  took  all  their  eftects  along  with 
them.  A  few  of  his  own  servants,  however,  remained,  who  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 

When  Francis  Card  was  a  prisoner  aitiong  his  men,  he  told  him  "  that 
he  had  found  out  the  way  to  burn  Boston,''^  and  laughed  much  about  the 
English,  saying  he  would  have  all  their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole 
country,  and  bragged  much  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  killed  at 
Black  Point,  the  same  place  where,  the  year  before,  he  had  had  such 
good  success,  on  16  May.  He  had  besieged  the  garrison  three  days, 
killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive.  The  celebrated  Symon,  who  had 
donn  so  much  mischief  in  many  places,  was  with  him  here.  Lieutenant 
Tippin,  Avho  commanded  the  garrison,  "  made  a  successful  shot  upon  an 
Indian,  that  was  observed  to  be  very  busy  and  bold  in  the  assaidt,  who  at 
that  time  was  deemed  to  be  Symon,  the  arch  villain  and  incendiary  of  all 
the  eastward  Indians,  but  proved  to  be  one  almost  as  good  as  himself^ 
wlio  was  called  JWog"g"."t 

Symon,  just  named,  was  a  troublesome  fellow,  who  continued  to  create 
considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimack  River,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Newbury  and  Amesbury,  about  which  part  seems  to  have 
been  his  residence,  as  late  as  the  month  of  July,  1677.  On  the  9th  of 
July,  six  Indians  were  seen  to  go  into  the  bushes  not  far  from  the  garri- 
6on  at  Amesbury ;  two  days  before,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  one  woman  wounded,  whose  name  was  Quimby. 
Symon  was  the  alleged  leader  of  the  party  which  committed  the  depre- 
dation. Mre.  Quitnby  was  sure  that  it  was  he  who  "  knocked  her  on  the 
head,"  and  she  knew  many  of  the  names  of  the  rest  with  him,  and  named 
Andrew,  Geoffrey  and  Joseph.  She  begged  of  Symon  not  to  kill  her.  He 
replied,  "  WTiiy,  goodwife  Q^uiinby,  do  you  think  that  I  will  kill  you  ?"  She 
said  she  was  afraid  he  would,  because  he  killed  all  English.  Symon  then 
eaid,  "I  will  give  quarter  to  never  an  English  dog  of  you  all,"  and  then 
gave  her  a  blow  on  the  head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt  her  much  ;  at 
which,  being  a  woman  of  great  courage,  she  threw  a  stone  at  him ;  lie 
then  turned  upon  her,  and  "  struck  her  two  more  blows,"  at  which  she 
fell,  and  lie  left  her  for  dead.  Before  he  gave  her  the  last  blows,  she 
called  to  the  garrison  for  help.  He  told  her  she  need  not  do  that,  for, 
(Baid  he,  "  I  will  have  that  too,  by  and  by."    Syimn  was  well  known  to 


'*  Hubbard,  Lid.  Wars,  ii.  46, 


t  Iliitory  New  England. 


lOG 


KANKAMAGUS. 


[Book  III. 


many  of  the  inhabitants,  and  csppcinlly  to  Mi's.  Qiiimby,  as  lie  had  for- 
merly lived  with  her  father,  HMliam  Osgood.*  In  April,  1677,  Synton 
and  his  companions  burnt  the  house  of  Edward  Weymouth  at  Sturgeon 
Creek,  and  plundered  the  house  of  one  Crawley,  but  did  not  kill  him,  be- 
cause he  had  shown  kindness  to  Symoii'a  grandmother.f 

Symon  was  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  Jindrew,  Jeojfrey,  Peter, 
and  several  others  of  the  same  company,  a  circumstance  which,  with 
many,  much  aggravated  their  oftences.  The  irruption  just  mentioned  is 
thus  related  by  Mr.  Hubbard  :\  ^*  Simon  and  Amirew,  the  two  brethren  in 
iniquity,  with  a  few  more,  adventured  to  come  over  Pascataqua  River  on 
Portsmouth  side,  when  they  burnt  one  house  within  four  or  five  miles  of 
the  town,  and  took  a  maid  and  a  young  woman  captive;  one  of  them 
having  a  young  child  in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled, 
they  gave  leave  to  her  that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman,  whom 
the  Indian  Symon  spared,  because  he  said  she  liad  been  kind  to  his  grand- 
mother ;  yet  one  of  the  two  captives  escaped  from  their  hands  two  days 
aller,  as  did  tiie  other,  April  22,  who  gave  notice  of  tlie  Indians,  (being 
not  so  narrowly  looked  to  as  they  used  to  do  others.)" 

It  was  on  3  May,  1676,  that  Symon,  Andrew  and  Peter  fell  upon  the 
house  of  Thomas  Kimbal,  of  Bradford,  killed  him,  and  carried  off  his  wife 
and  five  children  into  the  wilderness.  Having  on  the  whole  concluded 
to  make  peace  with  the  English  while  they  could,  did,  before  the  end  of 
six  weeks,  restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  improving  the  opportunity  of 
securing  their  friendship,  the  English  seized  Symon  and  Andrew,  and  con- 
fined them  in  the  jail  at  Dover.  This  treatment  they  considered,  as  very 
naturally  they  should,  only  a  precursor  of  something  of  a  different  char- 
acter ;  and  therefore  foimd  means  to  break  jail,  and  make  good  their 
escape.  They  joined  their  eastern  friends,  and  hence  followed  maiiy 
other  cruelties,  some  of  which  we  have  already  related.  About  the  first 
depredation  which  followed  their  flight  from  Dover,  Avas  committed  at 
Greenland,  One  John  Keniston  was  killed,  and  his  house  burned.  A 
writer  of  that  day,  after  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrage 
were  Symon,  Andrew  and  Pefer,  observes  that  they  were  the  "three  we 
had  in  prison,  and  should  have  killed,"  and  closes  with  this  exclamation, 
"  The  good  Lord  pardon  us."§  Thus  some  considered  they  had  need  of 
pardon  for  not  dealing  with  more  rigor  towards  the  Indians ! 

We  are  now  to  commence  upon  the  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid 
massacres  any  where  recorded — the  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous 
chiefs  Kankamagus  and  Massandowet,  and  the  barbarous  murder  of  Maj- 
Waldron  and  many  of  his  people. 

Kankamagus,  commonly  in  the  histories  called  Hogkins,  Hawkins,  or 
Hdkins,  was  a  Pennakook  sachem,  and  an  artful,  persevering,  faithfid 
man,  as  long  as  he  could  depend  upon  the  English  for  protection.  But 
when  Governor  Cranjield,  of  New  Hampshire,  used  his  endeavors  to  bring 
down  the  Mohawks  to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  1684,  who  were 
constantly  stirred  up  by  the  French  to  commit  depredations  upon  the 
English,  Kankamagus,  knowing  the  Mohawks  made  no  distinction  where 
they  came,  fled  to  the  eastward,  and  joined  the  Androscoggins.  He  had 
a  fort  upon  that  river,  where  his  family  and  that  of  another  sachem, 
called  Woromhos,  or  iVoromho,  lived.  But  before  he  fled  his  country,  he 
addressed  several  lettei-s  to  the  governor,  which  discover  his  fidelity  as 
well  as  his  fears;  and  from  which  there  is  no  doubt  but  he  would  always 
gladly  have  lived  in  his  own  country,  and  on  the  ni03t  intimate  and 
friendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  attached,  and 


*  MS.  Pocumoni^. 

\  Hut.  N.  England,  G31. 


t  Belknap's  N.  Hampshirt. 
j  Ihid.  1.  168. 


[Book  III. 

3^  had  for- 
377,  Synwn 
:  Sturgeon 
ill  him,  be- 

frey,  Peter, 
rh\ch,  with 
initioned  is 
arethren  in 
a  River  on 

e  miles  of 
e  of  them 
i  troubled, 
lan,  whom 

hisgrand- 
s  two  days 
ans,  (being 

upon  the 
iff  his  wife 
concluded 
he  end  of 
3rtunity  of 
!,  and  con- 
;d,  as  very 
;rent  char- 
;ood  their 
>ved  maiiy 
ut  the  first 
nmittcd  at 
urncd.  A 
IB  outrage 
'three  we 
clamation, 
d  need  of 

ost  horrid 
famous 
tr  of  May 

nokins,  or 

g,  faith  fid 

ion.     But 

s  to  bring 

viio  were 

upon  the 

on  where 

He  had 

sachem, 

untry,  he 

idelity  oB 

d  always 

nato  and 

hcd, and 

)shirt. 


Chap.  VIII] 


KANKAMAGUS 


107 


had  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write,  but  for 
the  reasons  just  stated.  The  following  letter  fully  explains  the  situation 
of  his  mind  and  his  feelings,  at  the  time  ho  expected  the  Mohawks  would 
ravage  his  country: — 

"  JWizT/  I5th,  1685.  Honor  eovemor  my  friend.  You  my  friend  I  desire 
your  worship  and  your  power,  because  I  hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters 
this  one.  lam  poor  and  naked,  arid  have  no  men  at  my  place  because  I 
afraid  allways  Mohogs  he  will  kill  me  every  datf  and  night.  If  your  worship 
when  please  pray  help  me  you  no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  place  at  Malam- 
ake  River  called  Panukkog  and  J^atukkog,  I  will  submit  your  toorship  and 
vour  power.  And  now  I  want  ponder  and  such  alminishon,  sluxtt  and  guns, 
occause  I  have  forth  at  my  hom,  and  I  plant  theare." 

The  above  letter  is  signed  by  Inmself  and  14  of  his  principal  men. 
Whether  he  were  among  the  Pennakooks  seized  by  Major  fValdron  about 
ten  years  before,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  he  were,  it  is  not  probable  any  re- 
sentment remained  in  his  breast  against  him  on  that  account,  as  the  Pen- 
nakooks were  all  permitted  to  return  home ;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was 
the  director  and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  fell  upon  Waldron 
not  long  afterward,  and  which  is  as  much  chargeable  upon  the  maltreat- 
ment they  received  from  the  English,  at  least,  as  upon  any  agency  of  the 
French.  It  may  be  true  that  many  belonging  to  the  eastward,  who  were 
seized  with  the  Pennakooks,  and  sold  or  left  in  foreign  countries,  had 
found  their  wiy  back  among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  the 
first  opportunity  of  revenging  themselves  upon  the  author  of  their  unjust 
expatriation. 

Major  Waldron  lived  at  Dover,*  New  Hampshire,  in  a  strong  garrison- 
house,  at  which  place  were  also  four  others.  Kankamagus  had  artfully 
contrived  a  stratagem  to  eflfect  the  surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  others 
beside  the  Pennakooks  from  different  places  ready  in  great  numbers,  to 
prosecute  the  undertaking.  The  plan  was  this.  Two  squaws  were  sent 
to  each  garrison-house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  all  night,  and  when  all  should 
be  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to  the  warriors.  Masandotcet, 
who  was  next  to  Kankamagus,  went  to  Major  Waldron's,  and  informed 
him  that  the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade  with  him. 
While  at  supper  with  the  major,  Masandowet  said  to  him,  with  an  air  of 
familiarity,  "  Brother  Waldron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come?"  To  which  he  vauntingly  replied,  "that  he  could  assem- 
ble an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  finger."  In  this  security  the  gates 
were  opened  at  midnight,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury. 
One  garrison  only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They 
rushed  into  Waldron^s  house  in  great  numbers,  and  while  some  guard- 
ed the  door,  others  commenced  the  slaughter  of  all  who  resisted. 
Waldron  was  now  80  years- of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  him- 
self with  great  resolution,  and  at  first  drove  the  Indians  before  him  from 
room  to  room,  until  one  getting  behind  him,  knocked  him  down  with  his 
hatchet.  They  now  seized  upon,  and  dragged  him  into  the  great  room, 
and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair  upon  a  table.  While  they  were  thus 
dealing  with  the  master  of  the  house,  they  obliged  the  family  to  provide 
tliem  a  supper,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  they  took  off" his  clothes,  and 
proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  manner.  Some  gashed 
his  breast  with  knives,  saying,  "  /  cross  out  my  account ;"  others  cut  off 
joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  "  JVotv  will  your  fist  weigh  a  pound  ?" 

After  cutting  oflT  his  nose  and  ears,  and  forcmg  them  into  his  mouth, 
he  became  faint  from  loss  of  blood ;  and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on 
end  upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and  thi:"  *>nded  his  misery. 

*  Then  called  by  its  Indian  name,  Quochecho, 


106 


iiorEHoon. 


[UooK  iir. 


Thfi  Indians  had  been  greatly  alniheo  nd  wronpod  in  their  trading 
with  th(!  whites,  and  it  is  u  triiditinn  to  ti  lay  nil  over  tiiat  part  of  ihe 
country,  that  Major  Jf'aldron  took  great  ;»  outage  of  them  in  trade,  and 
did  not  croHH  out  their  accounts  when  they  had  |)aid  him;  and  thut,  in 
buying  beuvcr,  his  fist  was  accoiuited  to  weigh  a  pound.  Altliongh  lie 
may  liavc  taken  no  more  advantage  of  the  Indians  tiian  the  majority  of 
Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  distant  chiy,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for 
in  impartial  accounts  of  the  transactions  of  our  ancestors  with  tlie 
Indians. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their 
hands.  They  kept  the  place  until  tlie  next  morning,  when,  after  collect- 
ing all  the  phnuler  they  could  carry,  took  up  their  march,  with  20  cap- 
tives, into  the  wilderness  towards  Canada;  where  the  chief  of  them  were 
l)ought  by  the  French,  and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again. 
Twenty-three  were  killed  before  they  left  the  |)lace.  This  offiiir  took 
place  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  June,  JGW>.  Several  friendly  Indians 
nifornied  the  English  at  Chelmsford  of  the  certainty  of  an  ottack  u[)on 
Dover,  and  they  caused  a  letter  to  be  despatched  in  season  to  have  noti- 
fied the  people,  but  on  accoimt  of  some  delay  at  Newbury  ferry,  the 
benefit  of  that  information  was  lost. 

Four  years  after.  Col.  Church  took  Worovihd's  fort,  in  which  were  Kan- 
kamagus's  wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin, 
about  25  or  30  miles  Irom  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a 
history  of  Church's  expedition  to  this  fort.  The  prisonei-s  taken  here  in- 
formed Church  that  there  had  been  lately  a  great  council  held  there  l»y 
the  Indians,  in  which  "many  were  for  peace  and  many  against  it;"  but 
tliey  finally  agreed  to  go  with  300  warriors  to  Wells  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
atui  to  offer  the  English  peace,  which  if  not  accepted,  they  would  then 
fidl  upon  them.  "If  they  could  not  take  Wells,  then  they  resolved  to 
attack  Piscataqua.  The  which,  says  Church,  when  we  were  well  in- 
formed of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that  were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  thera 
victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own  corn,  boiled,  and  a  little  of 
our  pruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  them  clothes  enough  to 
keep  them  warme,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye  in  :  gaue  them 
orders  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  Ave  were  to  them,  biding  them  doe 
the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  j)eace  to  come  to  goodman  SmalPs, 
att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourse  them ;  then 
we  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  that  they  had  deliver- 
ed J  and  nine  of  theirs."* 

In  the  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  among  these  prisoners  were 
Kankamagus*s  wife  and  four  children.  His  brother-in-law  was  taken,  but  he 
"  ran  away  from  them."  Among  tlie  slain  was  Kankainaffus^s  own  sister. 
A  girl  was  brought  away  whose  father  and  mother  had  been  slain  before 
her  eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  Woromho  were  also  among  the  pris- 
onei-s,  all  of  whom  were  carried  to  Plimouth.  This  expedition  upon  the 
Androscoggin  was  on  Sunday,  14  Sept.  1G90. 

A  few  days  after  this.  Church  landed  at  Casco,  where  the  Indians  fell 
Tipon  him  by  surprise,  and  were  not  beaten  oF  for  some  time,  and  then 
only  by  hard  fighting.  This  was  on  the  21  September.  Church  had 
seven  men  killed  and  24  wounded,  two  of  whom  died  in  a  day  or  two  after. 
The  Indians  who  made  this  attack  were  probably  led  by  Kankamagus  and 
Woroviho. 

Hopehnod  was  a  chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  which  we  have  just  spoken.  He  was  chief  of  the 
tribe  of  the  Kennebecks  generally  known  os  the  Nerigwoks.    He  was 

*  Manuscript  letter  wrilteu  at  the  time  by  Church,  and  sent  to  Gov.  Hinckley  of 
Plimouth. 


[Book  1!?. 


Chap.  VIII] 


HOPRIIOOD. 


109 


I'ir  trading 
()art  oC  the 
trudo,  and 
lid  tiiat,  in 
tlioiiKh  Uv 
najoriiy  of 
looked  for 
with   tlie 

into  their 
vr  collcct- 
li  20  cap- 
thcni  W(To 
iitry  «{rain. 
ntlhir  took 
lly  Indians 
taok  upon 
liave  noti- 
ferry,  the 

were  Kan- 
roscogf^'in, 
vc-  given  a 
1  here  in- 
I  there  hy 
St  it ;"  hilt 
I  of  truce, 
ould  thou 
^solved  to 
well  in- 
sane them 
a  httle  of 
ugh  to 
aue  them 
them  doe 
n  SmalPs, 
om ;  then 
deliver- 
ers were 
in,  hut  he 
wn  sister, 
ill  before 
the  pris- 
upon  the 

ians  fell 
nd  then 
rch  had 
wo  after. 
igiis  and 

^d  in  his 
f  of  the 
He  WM 

nckkij  of 


th(!  son  of  Robinhnod,  a  sachoin  of  whom  wc  have  spoken  in  a  former 
chapter.  According  to  out!  writer,  Hopehood  was  also  known  hy  the  name 
yVohawa.*  The  career  of  his  warlike  exploits  was  long  and  hloody. 
Our  first  notice  of  hiiu  is  in  Philip's  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house  at  Ne- 
wichevvannok,  since!  Jierwick,  in  Maine.  Filtcen  pei-sons,  all  women  and 
children,  were  in  t'  o  house,  and  Hopehood,  with  one  only  beside  himself, 
Andrew  of  Saco,  wiioiii  we  have  before  mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with 
Syinon,  thought  to  surprise  them,  and,  but  for  the  timely  discoveiy  of  their 
approach  by  a  young  woman  within,  would  have  eflected  their  purpose. 
She  fastened  and  held  the  door,  while  all  the  others  escaped  unobserved. 
Hopehood  and  his  companion  hewed  down  the  door,  and  knocked  the 
girl  on  the  head,  and,  otli('rwis(!  wounding  her,  left  her  lor  dead.  They 
took  two  children,  which  a  fence  had  kept  from  escaping.  One  they 
killed,  the  other  they  carried  oft'  alive.  The  young  woman  recovered, 
and  was  entirely  wesll  aft<!rwards. 

On  the  IBtJi  of  JMarcli,  1(51)0,  happened  a  horrid  massacre  at  Salmon 
Falls.  Hopehood  had  joined  2'2  Frenchmen,  under  Hertel,  with  ^5  of  his 
warriors.  They  attacked  the  place,  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  in  three  places. 
The  people  defended  themselves  as  well  as  they  were  al)le,  in  their  con- 
Bternation,  until  about .'}()  of  their  best  men  were  slain,  when  they  gave 
themselves  up  to  the  mercy  of  the  besiegers ;  ()4  men  were  carried  away 
captive,  and  much  plunder.  They  burned  all  the  houses,  and  the  barns 
with  the  cattle  in  them.  The  number  of  buihliiigs  thus  destroyed  is  un- 
known, but  was  perhaps  about  30,  and  perhai)S  200  head  of  cattle. 

In  the  same  year,  Hopehood  ap[)ears  again  upon  our  records.  In  May 
of  that  year,  at  the  head  of  a  party,  he  fell  upon  Fox  Point,  in  New 
Hampshire,  killed  about  fourteen  persons,  and  carried  away  six,  after 
burning  several  hou.ses.  This  was  a.s  easily  done,  says  Mather,!  "as  to 
lave  spoiled  an  ordinary  hen  roost."  Two  companies  of  English  soon 
collected  and  pursued  them ;  came  up  with  them,  killed  some,  and  recov- 
ered considerable  plunder.  In  this  action  Hopehood  was  wounded,  and 
lost  his  gun.J 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  after  this,  Hopehood  went  to  the  westward,  "  with 
a  design,  says  Mather,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his 
assistance."  The  Indians  of  Canada  and  the  Five  Nations  were  then  at 
war,  and  he  being  in  their  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  In- 
dians, who,  taking  him  to  be  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  slew  him  and  many 
of  his  companions.  He  had  been  once  a  captive  to  the  English,  and 
served  a  time  in  Boston  as  a  slave.  There  appears  to  have  been  another 
Nerigwok  chief  of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  Gov.  Dudley  at 
Casco,  in  1703.t 

We  have,  in  narrat'iig  the  events  in  the  life  of  Madokaivando,  noticed 
tiie  voyage  of  Maj.  Waldron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  which  was  at 
the  close  of  Philip's  war.  How  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that 
time  by  the  Indians,  which  caused  the  English  to  massacre  many  of  them, 
we  shall  not  take  upon  us  to  declare;  yet  this  we  cannot  but  bear  in 
mind,  tliat  we  have  only  the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy, 
and  not  that  of  those  on  whom  it  fell. 

<.'apt.  Cfuirles  fYost,  of  Kittery,  was  with  Waldron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a  principal  actor  in  it ;  and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  the 


*  Harris,  in  liis  Voyages,  ii.  302,  who  says  he  was  a  Huron  ;  but  as  he  cites  no  au- 
thoritios,  we  know  not  how  he  came  by  his  information. 

t  Magiialia  (Christ.  Americana,  b.  vii.  art.  ix. 

i  "  All  healiien  Indian  would  rather  part  with  his  head  than  with  his  gun."     Loskiel, 
ii.  214. 

10 


ilO 


nOMAZEKN. 


[Hook  III. 


Iiulinna  afterwards.*  Mr.  Hubbard  givos  tliis  nnooiint  of  his  taking  a 
noted  warrior  as  follows  : — "Ca|)t.  Fro.it  soi/cd  an  Indian  railed  MeeuU' 
neway,  a  notorious  rogue,  that  iiad  been  in  arms  at  ConnerticMit  last  Jiine, 
ut  the  falls,  and  saw  that  brave  and  rrsoluto  Cant.  Ihtrner,  when  be  was 
Hiain  about  (irreen  Kivc'r;  anrl  helped  to  kill  Tlumuui  Bracket  at  Caseo, 
August  last,  [lt)7(j.]  And  with  the  help  of  hient.  JVuller,  according  to 
the  major's  order,  carried  him  aboard"  their  vessel.  "Ky  this  time,"  the 
same  author  continues,  "  some  of  the  soldiers  were  got  ashore,  and  in- 
stantly, according  to  their  major's  command,  pursued  the  «;nemy  towards 
their  canoes.  In  the  chase,  several  of  the  enemy  wore  slain,  whose  bodies 
these  [soldiers]  found  at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven;  amongst 
whom  was  Mattahando,  the  sagamore,  with  an  old  powow,  to  whom  tlie 
Devil  had  revealed,  as  sometimes  he  (lid  to  Saul,  that  on  the  same  day  he 
should  be  with  him ;  for  lie  had  a  little  before  told  tlie  Indians,  that  with- 
in two  days  the  English  would  come  and  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  tho 
very  same  time  verified  upon  himself"  Hero  we  must  acknowledge, 
notwithstanding  our  great  respect  for  this  author,  that  his  commentary 
upon  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous.  He  might  have  considered  that 
Sards  among  the  English  would  not  be  wanting,  of  whom  parallels  might 
be  made.  Indeed,  the  historian  of  Kankamagua  might  say  the  Dtvil  was 
less  deceitful  in  the  case  of  this  powow  than  he  was  afterwards  iu  the 
case  of  Major  ffaldron. 

The  English  took  much  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
which  were  about  a  1000  lbs.  of  dried  beef,  and  various  other  commojli- 
ties.  Megunneway,  after  having  fallen  into  their  hands  as  we  have  stated, 
was  shot  without  ceremony. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

BoMAZEEN — Treachery  of  the  whites  towards  him — Is  imprisoned  at  Boston 
— Saves  the  life  of  a  female  captive — Captures  Saco — Is  killed — Arru- 
HAWiKWABEMT — His  coptwc  and  death — Egeremet — Seized  at  Pem- 
maqtiid — Barbarously  murdered — Treachery  of  Chubb — Its  requital — 
Capt.  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — Dony — His  fort  captured  by  Col. 
Church— Events  of  Churches  expedition — Capt.  Simmo — Treats  xcith  the 
English  at  Ca^co — His  speech — Wattanummon — Capt.  Samuel — His 
fight  at  Damaris  Cove — Hegan — One  of  the  name  barbarously  destroyed 
by  the  whites — Mogg — Westbrook  bums  JVerigtook — Some  account  of  the 
Jesuit  Rasle — Motdtori's  expedition  to  JVerigivok — Death  of  Mogg — 
Death  of  Father  Rasle — JVotice  of  Moulton — Charlevoix's  account  of  this 
affair — Rasle  goes  out  to  meet  the  English,  who  shoot  him  down — He  falls , 
near  the  cross  which  hs  had  raised — Seven  Indians  shot  down  by  his  side — 
77i€  English  burn  the  church  and  break  its  crucifix — Shockingly  mangle 
the  body  of  Rasle — Padgus — Bounty  offered  for  Indian  scalps — Captain 
John  LoveteelVs first  expedition — His  second  hunt  for  Indians — Fails  in 


tmth  Paugus- 
dents. 


kim,  and  is  slain — Particulars  of  the  affair — Inci- 


We  will  continue  here  our  catalogue  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  east, 
which,  though  a  remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  than  any  other ;  and 
the  first  of  them  which  we  shall  introduce  was  called 


At  his  native  place,  4  July,  1697.    MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 


[OooK  HI. 

taking  a 
tl  Meffun- 
liist  Juno, 
n  iio  waa 
at  ('nsco, 
nrdiog  to 
tinif,"  the 
0,  mid  in- 
y  towards 
uso  l>odi(!s 
;  amongst 
rvliorn  tlie 
lie  day  lio 
that  with- 
ivas  at  the 
nowledgp, 
mnicntary 
dered  that 
llcls  inlglit 
Devil  was 
•ds  iu  the 

ne,  among 
commodi- 
ave  stated, 


at  Boston 

Arru- 

at  Pem- 

reqiiital — 

by   Col. 

tinth  the 

UEL — His 

destroyed 

unt  of  the 

Mo^fr-. 

mt  of  this 
He  falls  ^ 
\is  side — 
ly  mangle 
—Captain 
-Falls  in 
lir — Inci- 


the  east, 
her ;  and 


Chap.  IX. 1 


AUKUHAWIKVVAnKMT. 


Ill 


Bomnzeen,  wlio  was  a  flachemoru  tribe  of  the  Canilms,  or  KonnelirckH, 
whose  rcsid('n<'e  was  at  an  ancient  sent  of  snganiort's,  iipim  a  river  hear- 
ing tlieir  name,  at  a  plnee  called  JVorndirrtcock.'^  Whether  Hoinnzeen  were 
the  ica(h'r  in  tiie  attack  upon  Oyster  Kiver  in  New  Hampshire,  Groton  in 
Massachnsetts,  and  many  otiier  places,  about  the  year  l(!!>4,  we  cannot 
determine,  biu  Hutchinson  says  he  was  "a  principal  actor  in  the  carnage 
ui»on  the  l''...irliHh,"  nl'UH'  the  treaty  which  Ik*  had  inadc  with  (Jovernor 
Phips/\n  Id!);{.  In  1()!)4,  ho  came  to  the  fort  at  l'cnun!ii|uid  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  and  was  treacherously  seized  by  those  who  commaiKhvl,  ainl 
sent  |)riMoner  to  Boston,  where  he  remained  some  months,  in  a  loathsome 
|)rison.  In  170(5,  ,iew  barbarities  were  committed.  ('Iielmsford,  Sud- 
bury, (Jroton,  Kxeter,  Dover,  and  many  other  places,  sufVered  nu)n!  or 
less.  Many  captives  were  taken  to  Canada,  and  many  kilh'd  upon  the 
way.  A  poor  woman,  one  Rebecca  Taylor,  who  had  arri\ed  at  the  River 
St.  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  hanged  by  her  master,  an  "overgrown  In- 
tlian,"  named  Sampson.  The  limb  of  the  t»*"e  on  which  he  was  executing 
his  purpose  gave  way, and,  while  he  was  making  a  second  attemi)t,  Boina- 
zeen  iia|>|)ened  to  be  passing,  and  rescued  her. 

We  liear  of  iiim  just  after  the  death  of  Arruhawikwnbemt,  in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Sat  o  witli  GO  or  70  nien,  and  killed  several  peo- 
ple, and  carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a  "notorious 
fellow,"  and  yet  but  few  of  his  acts  arc  u|)on  record.  Soirio  time  afler 
tlie  peace  of  1701,  it  seemed  to  be  confirnit'd  by  the  appearance;  oi'  Boma- 
zeen,  and  another  principal  chief,  who  said  the  French,  friars  were  urging 
them  to  break  their  union  with  the  English,  "fcuf  that  they  had  made  no 
impression  07i  them,  for  they  tvere  as  firn  as  the  mountains,  and  should  con- 
tinue so  as  Ions;  as  the  sun  and  moon  endured.^''  On  peace  being  niadvj 
known  to  the  Indians,  as  having  taken  place  between  the  French  and 
FiUglish  nations,  they  came  into  Casco  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  noon  aller 
concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  II.,  dated  11  July,  1713.  Bomazeen's 
name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Capt.  Moidton  was  sent  tip  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  they  fell  in 
with  Bomazeen  about  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  hi  a  as  he  was  escaping 
through  the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter 
were,  in  a  l)arbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the 
mother  taken. 

We  purjjosely  omit  Dr.  C  Mather''s  arcotnit  of  Bomazeen\',  conversation 
with  a  minister  of  Boston,  while  a  priiioner  there,  which  amounts  to  little 
else  than  his  recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which  the  French 
of  Canada  had  made  many  Indians  believe,  to  their  ^'reat  detriment,  as  he 
said ;  as  that  Jesus  Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  Virgin  Mary  a 
French  woman ;  that  the  French  gave  thom  poison  to  drink,  to  inflamn 
them  against  the  P^nglish,  which  made  them  run  mnd.  And  we  hear  of 
others,  who  told  the  Indians  that  the  English  put  Jesus  Christ  to  death  in 
l..ondon. 

Arruhavnkwahcmt,  just  mentioned,  was  a  sachem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norridgewock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  partic- 
ulars of  him,  but,  from  the  fate  he  met  with,  it  is  presumed  he  had  been 
very  instrumental  in  continuingor  brinjring  about  the  eastern  war  of  1710. 
In  that  year.  Col.  JFalton  made  an  expedition  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  encamped  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of 
their  fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indians  into  their  hands,  among  whom 
WAS  Arruhaivikwabemt.     Penhalloiv  says,  he  was  "an  active,  bold  fellow, 

*  Neriirwok  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  wav  of  s|)elliiig  the  name  of  this  place, 
as  agreeiiic;  best  with  it.s  orthoepy  5  at  least,  wilii  that  licard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of 
it,  at  thi.s  (Jay,  ns  pronounced  by  the  oldest  iuhabitants.  It  is  a  delightful  place,  and  will 
be  found  elsewhere  described. 


112 


EGEREMET. 


Bo&«.  III. 


and  one  of  an  undaunted  spirit ;  for  when  they  asked  him  several  qups- 
tious,  he  made  them  no  reply,  and  when  they  threatened  him  with  death, 
he  laughed  at  it  tvith  contempt !  At  which  they  delivered  him  up  unto  our 
friendly  Indians,  who  soon  became  his  executioners.  l?u:  when  the 
squaw  saw  tlie  destiny  of  her  husband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and 
freely  discovered  where  each  party  of  them  [the  Indians]  encamjjed." 
The  savage  perpetrators  of  this  act  callud  themselves  Christian  warriors  ! 
and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  civilization  gains  nothing  in  contrastlDj^- 
the  conduct  of  the  whites,  under  Jf'alton,  and  tliat  of  Bomazeen  towards  a 
captive,  just  related. 

Egeremet  was  of  Machias,  and,  although  sometimes  called  MoxuSy  was, 
we  believe,  a  distinct  sachem.  This  chief,  with  five  others  of  like  quality, 
were  seized  by  the  English  when  they  came  into  Pemmaquid  Fort  to 
treat  with  them.  Egeremet  and  another  were  killed.  This  was  16  Febru- 
ary, 1696.*  Their  seizure  could  not  have  been  outdone,  by  the  greatest 
barbarians,  for  faithlep?ness ;  and  we  shall  learn  that  its  author  paid  for  it 
in  due  time  with  \vs  life.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  transactions  which 
are  in  themselves  sufficiently  horrible,  but  we  will  venture  to  give  the  ac- 
count as  we  find  it  in  Dr.  C.  Mather's  decennium  luctuosum : — f 

"  Let  us,  before  the  year  be  quite  gone,  see  some  vengeance  taken  upon 
tlie  heads  in  the  house  of  the  vncked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  Capt.  March 
petitioning  to  be  dismissed  from  his  command  of  the  fort  at  Pemmaquid, 
one  Chvb  succeeded  him.  This  Chuh  found  an  opportunity,  in  a  pretty 
chubbed  manner,  tp  kill  the  famous  Edgeremet  and  Ahenqi  >■  a  couple  of 
principal  sagamores,  with  one  or  two  othei  Indians,  on  a  Lord's  day. 
Some  that  well  enough  liked  the  thing  whicb  was  now  done,  did,  not  alto- 
gether like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  t.  re  was  a  pretence  of  ti'eati/ 
between  Chid)  and  the  s?igamores,  whereof  ho  took  his  advantage  to  lay 
violent  hands  on  them." 

Thus  the  manner  is  seen  in  which  this  horrid  and  cold-blooded  act  is 
related  I !  Few  are  the  instances  that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  In- 
dian treachery,  as  it  is  termed,  can  go  before  this.  The  reverend  author 
adds, "  If  there  were  any  unfair  dealing  (which  I  know  not)  in  this  action 
of  Chub,  there  will  be  another  Februan/  not  far  off,  wherein  the  avengers 
of  blood  will  take  theu*  satisfaction."  By  this  innuendo,  what  befell  Capt. 
Chubb  afterwards  is  understood,  and  of  which  we  shall  presently  give  an 
account. 

The  point  of  land  called  TrotVs  JVeck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of 
Maine,  was  sold,  in  1685,  hy  Egeremet  and  several  other  sachems.  In  1693, 
he,  with  12  other  chiefs,  treated  with  Sir  William  Phips,  at  Pemmaquid, 
anil  a  treaty  was  signed  by  theni.t 

Before  this,  in  1691,  "  New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath,"  says 
Dr.  C.  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sa- 
cliems  and  Messrs.  Hutchinson  and  Toionsend,  of  Boston,  and  others  of 
the  eastern  coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  by 
tliem,  and  the  English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a  woman 
by  the  name  of  Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having  writ- 
ten letters  on  various  occasions,  such  as  their  affairs  required,  antl  with 
whom  they  regretted  much  to  pai't.  Another  was  JVathanicl  IVhitc,  who 
had  been  bound  and  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut 
oi^,  and,  instead  of  food,  he  was  forced  to  eat  them,  after  which,  but  for 
this  timely  treaty,  the  sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed 
upon  Lim,  This  truce  stipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the  English 
until  May,  1692,  and  that,  on  the  first  of  that  month,  they  would  deliver 


*  Manuscript  of  Rev.  John  Pike, 
\  It  may  be  seen  iu  the  Magnalia. 


t  Magnalia,  b.  vii. 


Chap.  IX.] 


EGERE3IET. 


113 


at  Wells,  all  English  captives  i»  their  hands,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  would 
inform  of  any  plots  that  they  might  know  of  the  French  against  the  Eng- 
lish. Egeremet  being  the  cliief  sachem,  and  most  forward  in  this  busi- 
ness, Dr.  Mather  utters  his  contempt  for  him  by  saying,  "To  this  instru- 
ment were  sot  the  paws  of  Egeremet,  and  five  more  of  their  sagamores 
and  noblemen."* 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Mnssachusctts  Collections,  but 
is  dated  one  year  earlier  tiian  it  is  in  the  Magnalia.  The  fact  that  it  was 
made  upon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.Mather  says, and  as  we  have  quoted  in  the 
life  of  jiladokawando,  appears  from  the  last  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 
which  is  in  theso  words  : — 

"  Signed  and  sealed  interchangeably,  upon  the  water,  in  canoes,  at  Sack- 
atehock,  ivhen  the  ivind  bleiv." 

It  was  headed,  "  At  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  eastward  Indian  enemy 
sagamores."  The  other  five  sachems,  beside  Egeremet,  were  Toquelmut, 
fVatumbomt,  JFatombamet.  fValumhe,  [fFonnnhos,]  and  John  Hawkins,  [or 
Kankamagus,]  The  places  for  whicii  they  stipulated  are,  according  to  the 
treaty,  "  Pennecook,  Winnepisseockeege,  Ossepe,  Pigwocket,  Amoscon- 
gen,  Pechepscut,  Kennebeck  River,  and  all  other  places  adjacent,  within 
tlie  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-named  sagamores." 

The  witntisses  were,  Dewando,  [the  same  called  Adiwando  by  Penhal- 
lotc,  probably,]  JVed  Higon,  John  Alden,  jr.  and  JVathaniel  Alden. 

The  next  year,  Egeremet  was  with  Madokawando,  Moxus  and  a  body  of 
French  under  Labrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  gaiTison  at 
Wells,  which  will  be  found  written  elsewhere. 

We  will  now  irf  ;r;:i  the  reader  of  the  wretched  fate  of  Capt.  Pcwco 
Chub.  It  was  not  long  after  he  committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the 
Indian  sagamores,  before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the  French  and 
Indians.  He  was  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered 
much  disgrace  for  his  treachery  with  the  Indians.f  He  lived  at  Andover, 
in  Massachusetts,  where  the  Indians  made  an  attack  in  February,  1698, 
in  which  he  was  killed.  It  was  not  thought  that  they  expected  to  find 
him  there ;  but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him,  it  gave  them  as  much 
joy,  says  Hutchinson,  "  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole  town,  because  they 
had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy  and  barbarity 
to  their  countrymen."  They  siiot  him  through  several  times  after  he  was 
dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldmixon  speaks  of  this  event.|  He 
says,  "Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  the  false  wretch  who  surrendered 
Pemmaquid  Fort.  The  governor  kept  him  under  examination  some  time 
at  Boston,  and  then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  An- 
dover, the  Indians  surprised  him  and  his  wife,  and  massacred  them ;  a  just 


*  Araffiialia  Christ.  Amerirana,  book  vii.  art.  viii. 

\  Harris's  Voyages,  ii.  3()6,  (ed.  17tJI'.)  says  Chub  was  arrested  by  Co!.  Gedncy,  who 
was  sent  east  with  lliree  ships  of  war,  on  iiuariiig  of  tiie  surrender  of  llic  fort,  aiid  tiiat 
no  Freiinh  or  Indians  could  be  tbund  ;  that  aller  he  strengthened  the  garrison,  he  rc- 
turnod  iiomo, 

'•  Col.  Gi'ibiei/  had  l)ecn  by  land  with  500  men,  to  secure  the  eastern  frontier";.  Find- 
ing tlie  enemy  gone,  he  strengthened  tlic  garrisons,  wliich  were  not  taken.  He  also  ar- 
rested Posco  Chubb,  for  surrendering  Peinci(|uiil  I'\irt,  while  under  his  command  in  July, 
and  had  him  brought  to  iJoston.  Here  Capt.  ('Iiiibb  wa7  conlined,  till  it  was  decided  that 
he  should  lose  his  commission,  and  not  lie  cligiMc  for  any  other.  This  unforlunato  man, 
with  his  wife  Hannah,  and  three  odier«:,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  22, 
lG!t8."     lin:  Mr.  F.'lt's  Anwtls  of  Sal.'m. 

A  naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  time  ;  hence,  the  accounts  are  not  altogether  irrco- 
oiu'ilable.  Three  men-of-war  were  sent  out  in  pursuit  of  the  French,  "but  meeting 
with  contrary  winds,  they  could  never  get  sight  of  theiu."      Ncal,  Hist.  N.  Eug.  ii.  551. 

i  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  77,  78. 


10 


114 


CAPTAIN  TOM.— DONEY. 


[Book  III. 


rewaixl  of  his  treason."  The  author,  we  think,  should  have  added,  ac- 
cording to  the  jurisprudence  of  savages. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  Chub,  and  indeed 
the  only  one,  follows:  "An  Indian  sagamore's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  and  Capt.  Chub  went  out  to  them  without  arms,  man  for  V'An.  An 
Indian  asked  for  rum  and  tobacco:  the  captain  said,  'JVb;  it  i.i  sabbath 
daif.^  They  said,  '  JVe  tvill  have  rum,  or  we  tvill  have  rum  and  you  too! 
Two  Indians  laid  hold  on  the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall 
on,  for  God's  sake.  Then  he  made  signs  to  his  men,  to  come  from  the 
fort.  One  of  the  English  liad  a  hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and 
killed  an  Indian ;  and  then  ours  killed  two  more  Indians,  and  took  an- 
other ali"e,  and  wounded  another,  supposed  mortally.  Then  many  of  the 
eiKMiiy  came  near  to  the  English,  who  retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort."* 

There  was  another  sagamore  of  the  same  r.ame,  noticed  in  the  follow- 
ing wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites  ;  it  waa 
probably  he  who  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Moxus. 

In  the  Indian  war  of  1703,  there  was  a  great  Indian  captain  who  re- 
sided somewhere  to  the  east  of  Pascataqua  River,  who  made  his  name 
dreaded  among  the  settlements  in  that  region,  by  some  bloody  expeditions 
which  he  conducted.     He  wps  called  by  the  English 

Captain  Tom,.  On  17  Aug.  of  this  year,  this  daring  war  captain,  with 
about  30  others,  surprised  a  part  of  Hampton,  killed  five  persons,  where- 
of one  was  a  widow  Hussey,  "who  waa  a  remarkable  speaking  Quaker, 
and  much  lamented  by  her  sect."  After  sacking  two  houses  near  the  gar- 
rison, they  drew  ofT.f 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newbury,  was 
owned  by  Great  Tom.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  pro- 
prietor of  lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he  styles  himself, 
«  /  Great  Tom  Indian."^ 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern 
history.  It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  name  Dony,  or  Doney, 
was  the  name  of  an  Indian  chief,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was 
a  Frenchman,  who  took  up  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  as  Baron  de 
St.  Castcins  did.  There  appears  in  our  history,  in  1645,  a  "  Monsieur 
Dony,"  who  had  some  difficulty  with  Lord  de  la  Tour,  about  their  eastern 
possessions,  and  he  was,  doubtless,  the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account 
after  vards,  in  the  war  of  1G90,  with  the  eastern  Indians.  At  this  time, 
tliero  were  two  of  the  name  in  Maine,  father  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps, 
like  Casteins  the  younger,  was  half  Indian,  but  of  this  we  are  not  sure  ; 
nevertheless,  to  preserve  our  narrative  of  the  events  of  Col.  Church's  ex- 
pedition of  1690,  we  shall  notice  them  among  others. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  V^  September,  before  day,  and,  after  a  wet, 
fatiguing  march  into  the  woods  of  about  two  days,  on  the  soutii-west  side 
of  the  Androscoggin,  came  into  tt  e  neighborhood  of  a  fort.  They  came 
upon  an  Indian  and  his  wife  who  were  leading  two  captives  ;  and  imm«»- 
diately  pursuing  and  firing  upon  ihcm,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who 
proved  to  be  the  wife  of  Young  Doney.§  We  can  only  hope  it  was  not 
their  design  thus  to  have  killed  an  innocent  woman.  Wliich  i)arty  it  was 
that  fired  upon  them  (for  they  divided  themselves  into  three)  is  unknown, 
and  we  in  cl  .ity  must  suppose  that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much 
confusion,  it  was  difficult  to  know  an  Indian  man  from  a  woman. 

*  Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Ilist.  See.  written  in  the  tbllowinj:^  nionlh.  As  it  was 
written  at  a  jjreat  distance  from  the  place,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  lilllo  reliance 
can  he  placed  upon  it.  It  may  have  neen  Chub's  report  of  the  case. 

t  Pcnhallow,  Ind.  Wars,  8  ;  Farmer's  Belknap,  i.  1G7. 

\  Manuscript  Flist.  Nowliury,  by  J.  (^ojiu. 

^  And  the  same  called  in  the  Mugnalia  Robin  Doney. 


Chap.  IX.] 


DONEY. 


eastern 
account 
lis  time, 
)erhaps, 
ot  sure ; 
ch^s  ex- 


As  it  was 
reliance 


As  Church  expected,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort  and  out  at  the 
other,  giving  the  alarm  so  effectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped. 
They  found  and  took  prisonciii  "but  two  men  and  a  lad  of  about  18,  with 
some  women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  wliich 
were  killed.  The  lad  of  18  made  his  escape  up  the  river."  The  whole 
number  killed  in  this  action  was  "  six  or  seven."  The  English  had  but 
or.^  wounded.  They  took  liere,  at  this  time,*  a  considerable  quantity  of 
com,  guns  and  ammunition,  and  liberated  Mrs.  Huckings,  widow  of  Lieut. 
Robert  Huckings,  taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Barnard,  wife  of  Beujamin 
Barnard,  of  Salmon  Falls,  Jlnne  Htard,  of  Cocheco,  a  young  woman, 
daughter  of  one  Willis,  of  Oyster  River,  and  a  boy  belonging  to  Exeter. 
These  captives,  says  Church,  "were  in  a  miserable  condition."  They 
learned  h^  th«m  that  most  of  their  men  were  gone  to  Winter  Harbor  to 
get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians.  This  information  was 
given  by  a  prisoner  talcen  in  the  fort,  who  also  said  that  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the  spring.  "The  sol- 
diers, being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  Indian's  life,  while  in  exam- 
ination ;  inteniling,  wlien  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  executed.  But 
Capt.  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman,  down  on  their  knees  and 
begged  for  him,  saying,  that  ho  hatl  been  a  means  of  saving  their  lives 
and  a  great  many  more  ;  and  had  helped  several  to  opportunities  to  run 
away  and  make  their  escape ;  and  that  np'or,  since  he  came  amongst 
them,  had  fought  against  the  English,  but  being  related  to  Hakin^s\  wife, 
kept  at  the  fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years ;  but  his  living 
was  to  the  westward  of  Boston.  So  upon  their  request,  his  life  was 
spared." 

Two  old  squaws  were  left  in  the  fort,  provided  with  provisions,  and  in- 
structed to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were 
determined  to  do.  They  then  put  four  or  Jive  to  death,  and  decamped. 
Those,  we  must  suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and  children  !  ^^  Knocked 
on  the  head  for  an  example,"  We  know  not  that  any  excuse  can  be  given 
for  this  criminal  act ;  and  it  is  degrading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  must 
be  supposed  to  imagine  that  they  can  prevent  barbarities  by  being  wretch- 
edly barbarous  themselves. 

Old  Done}!  was  next  to  be  hunted.  As  they  were  embarking  at  Ma- 
qiiait,  Mr.  Anlhony  Bracket  came  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them  to  take 
him  on  board,  which  they  did.  He;  learning  tliat  an  f]nglish  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  he  had  been 
some  time  a  prisoner.  The  fleet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harbor,  from 
whence  they  despatched  a  detachment  of  60  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When 
they  came  near,  they  discovered  Donejfs  company  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  who  chiefly  made  their  escape.  A  canoe,  with  three  Indians,  was 
observed  coming  over  the  ri\;er ;  they  did  not  see  the  English,  and  were 
fired  upon,  and  "  all  three  perished."  This  gave  the  firet  alarm  to  Doney^s 
company.  They  did  not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning 
the  fire  of  the  English,  by  which  Lieut.  Hunneivell  was  shot  through  tl:o 
thigh.J  When  the  parties  fired  upon  each  other,  Old  Doney,  with  an  Eng- 
lish captive,  was  higher  up  the  river,  who,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down 
to  see  what  it  meant ;  and  thus  he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to 
escape.  Doney  fled  from  the  canoe,  leaving  his  captive,  who  came  to 
the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas  Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at 
Scarborough. 

There  were  many  other  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  in  which 

*  Siiys  my  record,  which  is  a  manuscript  letter  from  Church,  written  at  that  time. 

t  The  same  called  Kankamasiis. 

i  Oflicial  letter  iu  MS.  from  the  expedition. 


IIG 


CAPTAIN  SIMMO. 


[Book  III. 


they  got  much  plunder,  and  wliich  tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  among 
them,  and  their  final  determination  to  return  home.  Church  urged  a  longer 
continuance,  but  was  out- voted  in  a  council  of  officers,  and  thus  ended 
the  expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached  Church  with  coward- 
ice, and  ahnost  every  thing  but  what  we  should  have  looked  for.  If  put- 
ting to  death  captives  had  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  accorded 
Amen !    But  we  do  not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Two  years  after  this,  in  1G93,  Rohin  Doney  became  reconciled  to  the 
English,  and  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Penimaquid.  But  within  a 
year  after,  he  became  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  wo 
know  not,  and  coming  to  the  fort  at  Saco,  probably  to  settle  the  difficulty, 
was  seized  by  the  English.  What  liis  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but 
the  days  of  forgiveness  and  mercy  were  not  yet. 

Among  the  chiefs  which  we  shall  next  proceed  to  notice,  there  were 
several  of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Captain  Simmo's  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicuous.  We 
shall,  therefore,  go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  his  life,  after  a  low  prelim- 
inary observations. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  Eu- 
rope, their  colonies  in  America  had  to  fear  the  worst.  This  was  tlio 
aspect  which  affairs  wore  in  1703.  With  the  first  news,  therefore,  of 
its  flame,  the  New  Englandei-s'  thoughts  were  turned  towards  the  In- 
dians. Gov.  Dudley  immediately  despatched  messengers  to  most  of  tlio 
eastern  tribes,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  peninsula  in 
Falmouth,  on  the  20  Juno.  His  object  was  so  to  attach  them  to  the  Eng- 
lish, that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  tills  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  tho 
wishes  of  the  English,  a  vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
tjic  chiefs  Adkoando  and  Hegan  for  the  Pcnnakooks,  Wattanummon  for 
the  Pequakets,  Mesamhomett  and  Wexar  for  the  Androscoggins,  Moxus 
and  Hopehood  (perhaps  son  of  him  killed  by  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Nc- 
rigwoks,  Bomazeen  and  Capt.  Samuel  for  the  Konnebecks,  and  Warrun- 
gunt  and  Wanudugunbuent  for  the  Penobscots.  After  a  short  sp  ech  to 
them,  in  which  the  governor  expressed  brotherly  affection,  and  a  desire  to 
settle  every  difficulty  "which  had  happened  since  the  last  treaty,"  Capt. 
Siinmo  replied  as  follows  T-^^ 

"  }Fe  thank  you,  good  hrother^Jor  coming  so  far  to  talk  loilh  its.  It  is  a 
great  favor.  The  clouds  fly  and  darken — hut  we  still  sing  with  love  the 
songs  of  peace.     Believe  my  loords. — So    far  as    tue   sun   is   aiiove 

THE  EARTH  ARE  OUR  THOUGHTS  FROM  WAR,  OR  THE  LEAST  RUPTURE  BE- 
TWEEN US."* 

The  governor  was  then  presented  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  which  was 
to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  had  been  said.  At  a  ])revious  treaty,  two 
heaps  of  small  stones  had  been  thrown  together,  near  by,  and  called  the 
Two-hrothers.\  These  were  considered  by  the  parties  in  the  light  of 
seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now  repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and 
each  increased  their  magnitude,  by  the  addition  of  othoi*s.  Thus  was 
happily  terminated  this  famous  treaty.  Some  parade  and  rejoicing  now 
commenced,  and  a  circu.nstance  transpired  which  threw  the  Euglisli  into 
great  fear,  and,  perhaps,  j^r^atc  suspicion.  A  grand  salute  was  to  bo 
fired  upon  each  side,  at  i)ar.irg,and  the  English,  advisedly,  and  very  wa- 
rily, it  must  be  confessed,  but  in  apjiearance  complimentary,  e\pres«(>d 
their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  fii-st.  The  Indians  received  tli«; 
compliment,  and  discharged  their  guns  ;  to  their  great  surprise,  the  Eng- 


*  This  is  I\rr.  William.inn'.i  vcrsioii  of  the  speech,  Hisl.  Maine,  il.  36. 
t  Tiie  liiiliaas  and  En-^lish. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  SAMUEL.— IIEGAN. 


117 


It  is  a 

love  the 

AIIOVK 
;UE    IIK- 

lirli  was 

laty,  two 

lllod  the 

iglit   of 

ic^s,  and 

|uis  was 

ig  now 

li.sli  into 

Is  to  be 

Icry  wa- 

T(l  the 
ic  Ens- 


lish  found  they  had  been  loaded  with  bullets.  They  now  considered  their 
treachery  certain,  and  marvelled  at  their  escape.  However,  it  can  only 
be  presumed,  that,  according  to  the  maxim  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  had 
come  prepared  to  treat  or  fight,  as  the  case  might  require ;  for  no  doubt 
their  guns  were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  otherwise  why  did 
they  not  fire  upon  the  English  when  they  saluted  them  ? 

What  became  of  Cupt.  Simmo  we  have  as  yet  no  account.  Several  of 
the  other  chiefs  who  attended  this  council  wero,  perhaps,  equally  con- 
spicuous. 

Wattaivimmon  being  absent  when  the  council  first  met  on  the  20  June, 
no  business  was  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confirmed  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  the  conference,  but  that  they  expected  daily  a  reinforcement  of 
200  French  and  Indians,  and  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  Englis-li, 
and  ravage  the  country.  Whether  this  were  merely  a  rumor,  or  the  real 
state  of  the  case,  we  liave  no  means  of  knowing.  Watlanummon  was 
supposed  to  have  been  once  a  Penn'-kook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  I.is 
name  about  a  mile  from  the  state-houSC  in  N.  Hampshire.* 

Capt.  Samuel  was  an  Indian  of  great  bravery,  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
ward in  endeavoring  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  English  at  the  great  council 
just  mentioned.  What  gave  his  pretensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his 
coming  with  Bomazeen,  and  giving  some  information  about  the  designs  of 
the  French.     They  said, 

"  Although  several  missionaries  have  come  among  ws,  sent  by  the  French 
fnars  to  break  the  peace  between  the  E^iglish  and  us,  yet  their  words  have 
made  no  itnp'-ession  upon  us.     We  are  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and 

WILL  so  CONTINUE,  AS  LONG  AS  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  ENDURES." 

Notwithstanding  '.ese  strong  expressions  of  friendship,  "within  six 
weeks  after,"  says  Penhcdlotv,  "  the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  con- 
flagration, no  house  standing  nor  garrison  unattacked."  The  Indiana 
were  no  doubt  induced  to  commit  this  depredation  from  the  influence  of 
the  French,  many  of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  it  is  not 
probable  that  those  Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  wer. 
idle  spectators  of  the  scene ;  but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  en- 
gaged in  the  affair,  we  know  not.  A  hundred  and  thirty  people  were 
said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken. 

Capt.  Samuel  was  either  alive  20  years  after  these  transactions,  or  an- 
other of  the  name  made  himself  conspicuous.  In  .Tune,  1722,  this  war- 
rior chief,  at  the  head  of  five  others,  boarded  Lieut.  Tilton,  as  he  lay 
at  anchor  a  fishing,  near  Damaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  and  his 
brother,  and  beat  them  very  sorely ;  but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  released 
the  other,  who  then  fell  with  great  fury  upon  the  Indians,  threw  one  over- 
board, and  mortally  wounded  two  more.f  Whether  Capt.  Satnuel  were 
among  those  killed  is  not  mentioned. 

There  was  a  Captain  Sain  in  the  wars  of  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  St. 
George's,  Lieut.  Proctor,  at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a  skii'mish  with  the 
Indians,  5  Sept.  in  which  two  of  theu-  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel 
Morris  and  Capt.  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Job  was  taken  captive  ;  the  latter 
being  sent  to  Boston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his 
relatives,  the  government  made  his  widow  a  valuable  present  after  the 
peace.l 

We  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief, 
who  was  present  at  the  famous  treaty  mentioned  above  ;  we  refei  ♦o 

HeguH.    His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  and  Heigon.    There  were  seve- 


*  MS.  communication  of  J.  Farmer,  Esq. 
t  FenhaUow's  lud.  Wars,  8G. 


\  Williamson,  Hist.  Me.  ii.  341. 


118 


MOGG.— RASLE. 


[Book  111. 


ral  of  the  name.  One,  called  Moggheigon,  son  of  Walter,  was  a  sachem 
at  Saco,  in  16fj4.  This  chief,  in  that  year,  sold  to  Win.  Phillips,  "a  tract 
of  land,  being  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Kenne- 
bnnk  River  on  the  S.  W.  side."  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco  River 
to  Salmon  Falls,  and  up  the  Kennebunk  to  a  point  opposite  the  former. 
No  amount  is  mentioned  for  which  the  land  was  sold,  but  merely  "a  cer- 
tain sum  in  goods."*  One  Sampson  Hegon  attendetl  the  treaty  of  Pem- 
inaquid,  in  1G98 ;  John,  that  at  Casco,  in  1727  ;  JVerf  was  a  Pennakook  ; 
Walter,  brother  of  Mogg  ;\  which,  or  whether  either  of  these  were  the  one 
60  barbarously  destroyed  at  Casco,  as  appears  in  the  following  account, 
we  are  not  informed.  The  fate  of  this  Hegon  is  remembered  among  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parts  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  ahorse 
with  spurs  on  nis  heels,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  spurs  continually  goad- 
ed the  animal.  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously 
through  an  orchard,  and  the  craggy  limbs  of  the  trees  tore  him  to  pieces. 
Mather,  in  his  Decenmu^m  Luctuosum,|:  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the 
kind,  which  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1694,  where  the  Indians,  having  taken 
some  horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  on  which  "a  son 
of  the  famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount."  "  But  being  a  pitiful 
horeeman,  he  ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  fast  un- 
der the  horse's  belly.  No  sooner  was  tliis  beggar  set  on  horseback,  and 
the  spark,  in  his  own  opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettlesome  horse. 
furiously  and  presently  ran  with  him  out  of  sight.  Neither  horse  nor  man 
was  ever  seen  any  more.  The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of 
their  nobility,  disapjiearing  by  such  an  unexpected  accident.  A  few  days 
after,  they  found  one  of  his  legs,  (and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  in 
Capt.  Brackets  cellar,  with  abundance  of  lamentation." 

Here  we  cannot  but  too  plainly  discover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narra- 
tor, which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  who  laughs 
at  crime  is  a  participator  in  it. 

From  these,  we  pass  to  affiiirs  of  far  greater  notoriety  in  our  eastern 
history ;  and  shall  close  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most  memorable 
events  in  its  Indian  warfare. 

Mogg,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  1724,  may  veiy  appropri- 
ately stand  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event.  How  long  he  had 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  English  historians,  as  the  old  chief  of  Norridgewok  at  that  time. 
Notwithstanding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok, 
or,  as  Father  Charlevoix  writes  it,  Narantscak,  there  was  a  French  priest 
settled  here,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  all  devotedness ;  and  it  is  believed 
that  they  undertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent. 
The  name  of  this  man,  according  to  our  English  authors,  was  RalU,  but 
according  to  his  own  historian,  Charlevoix,  it  was  Raslc.§  The  depreda- 
tions of  the  Ab6naquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived 
among  them,  were,  therefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Fa- 
ther i?cw/c;  hence  their  first  step  was  to  offer  a  reward  for  his  head.(| 
The  object  of  the  expedition  of  Col.  Westbrook,  in  1722,  was  ostensibly  to 
seize  upon  him,  but  be  found  the  village  deserted,  and  nothing  was  effected 


*  MS.  among  the  files  in  our  slatc-liousc. 

t  MS.  letter  of  Joh7i  Farmer,  Esq.  J  Magnalia,  ii.  546. 

j  Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Nouv.  Fr.  ii.  380,  H  suiv. 

If  "  Apris  plusieurs  tenlatives,  d'ahord  pmtr  ejtgnger  ces  sauvages  par  les  nffres  et  let 
promesises  les  plus  seduisantcs  d,  Iclivrer  aux  Anglois,  ou  dii  moins  a  Ic  renvoyer  a  Qui' 
bee,  et  a  prendre  en  sa  place  iin  de  lews  mitdstres ;  ensuite  pour  le  surpeiidre  et  pour 
i'eidever,  les  Anglois  r>^solus  de  s'en  d'^fiire,(jUoiqnm  lenr  en  diit  coftler,  mirent  sa  t^tt 
a  prix,  et  prornirent  milk  livres  sterling  h  celui,  qui  la  leur  porteroit."  CliarUvoix,  ut 
supra. 


Chap.  IX.] 


MOGG  — RASLE. 


119 


Book  III. 

L  sachem 
" a  tract 
Kenne- 
co  River 
e  former, 
y  "  a  cer- 
of  Pem- 
nnakook ; 
■e  the  one 
r  account, 
mong  tlie 
jn  ahorse 
ally  goad- 
furiously 
to  pieces, 
ling  of  the 
ving  taken 
ch  "  a  son 
ig  a  pitiful 
(fs  fast  un- 
\eback,  and 
some  horse 
se  norTwan 
ler  one  of 
V  few  days 
r  buried  in 

the  narra- 
vho  laughs 

lur  eastern 
lemorable 

appropri- 

»ng  he  had 

Imentioned 

that  time. 

ferigwok, 
tnch  priest 
Is  believed 
h  consent. 
{Ralli,  but 
depreda- 
Iwho  lived 
jupon  Fa- 
jiis  head.II 

fensibly  to 

IS  effected 


1,  ii.  546. 

Yffres  et  les 

\yer  a  Qw- 

ire  ft  po7cr 

^rent  sa  tett 

xrlevoix,  ut 


by  the  expedition  but  the  burning  of  the  place.    Father  Rash  was  the 
last  that  left  it,  which  he  did  at  the  same  time  it  was  entered  by  the  ene- 


my 


having 


first 


secured  the  sacred  vases  of  his  temple  and  the  orna- 
ments of  its  altar.  The  English  made  search  for  the  fugitives,  but  without 
success,  although,  at  one  time,  they  were  within  about  eight  feet  of  the 
very  tree  that  screened  the  object  for  which  they  sought.  Thus  the  French 
considered  that  it  was  by  a  remarkable  interposition  of  Providence,  or,  as 
Charlevoix  expresses  it,  par  une  main  iiivisible,  that  Father  Rasle  did  not 
fall  into  their  hands. 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Indians,  which  was  the 
head  quarters  of  the  whole  eastern  country,  at  this  time,  the  English,  two 
yeare  after,  1724,  sent  out  a  force,  consisting  of  208  men  and  three  Mo- 
hawk Indians,  under  Captains  Movlton,  Harman  and  Bowne,  to  humble 
them.    They  came  upon  the  village,  the  23  August,  while  there  was  not 
a  man  in  arms  to  oppose  them.    They  had  left  40  o**  their  men  at  Teco- 
net  Falls,  which  is  now  nithin  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  the  Kenne- 
beck,  and  about  two  milas  below  Waterville  college,  upon  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river.    The  English  had  divided  themselves  into  three  squad- 
rons :  80,  under  Harman,  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  sur- 
prise some  in  their  corn-fields,  while  Moidton,  with  80  more,  proceeded 
directly  for  the  village,  which,  being  surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be 
seen  until  they  were  close  upon  it.    All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and  the 
English  advanced  slowly  and  in  perfect  silence.     When  pretty  near,  an 
Indl-m  came  out  of  his  wigwam,  and,  accidently  discovering  the  English, 
ran   "  and  seiz-  d  his  gun,  and  giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a  few  minutes 
the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and  advancing  to  meet  them.     Monlton  or- 
dered his  men  not  to  fire  until  the  Indians  had  made  the  first  discharge. 
This  order  was  obeyed,  and,  as  he  expected,  they  overshot  the  English, 
who  then  fired  upon  them,  in  their  turn,  and  did  great  execution.     When 
the  Indians  had  given  another  volley,  they  fled  with  great  precipitation  to 
the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their  women  and  children  had  also  fled 
during  the  fight.     Some  of  the  English  pursued  and  killed  many  of  them 
in  the  river,  and  others  fell  to  pillaging  and  burning  the  village.    Mogg 
disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  possession  of  a  wigwam,  from 
which  he  fired  upon  the  pillagers.      In  one  of  his  discharges  he  killed  a 
Mohawk,  whose  brother  observing  it,  rushed  upon  Mogg  and  killed  him  ; 
and  thus  ended  the  strife.    There  were  about  60  warriors  in  the  place, 
about  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Rasle  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fired 
upon  the  English  ;  and,  having  wounded  one,  Lieut.  Jaques,*  of  Newbu- 
ry ,f  burst  open  the  door  and  shot  him  through  the  head;  although  Movl- 
ton  had  given  orders  that  none  should  kill  him.  He  had  an  English  boy 
with  him,  about  14  years  old,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  from 
the  frontiers,  and  whom  the  English  reported  Risle  was  about  to  kill. 
Great  brutality  and  ferocity  are  chargeable  to  the  English  in  this  affair, 
according  to  their  own  account ;  such  as  killing  women  and  children, 
and  scalping  and  mangling  the  body  of  Father  Rasle.X 

*  Who  I  conclude  was  a  volunteer,  as  I  do  not  find  his  name  upon  the  return  made 
by  Moulton,  which  is  upon  file  in  the  garret,  west  wing  of  our  state-house. 

t  Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  Joshua  CoJJin,  S.  II.  S.  wiiich,  should  the  world 
ever  be  so  fortunate  as  to  see  in  print,  we  will  ensure  them  not  only  great  gratification, 
but  a  fund  of  amusement. 

t  As  we  have  confined  ourselves  chiefly  to  the  English  accounts  in  the  relation  of  this 
affair,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  gratifying  to  many  to  hear  something  upon  the  other  side. 
This  we  cannot  do  better  than  by  ofTering  the  following  extract  from  C/iar/eroi.T.  He 
says, — ."  Jl  n'y  avoit  alors  que  cinqiiantc  gucrrievs  dans  le  boiirg.  lis  prirent  les  amus, 
et  coururent  tumulluairemeiU,  non  pas  pour  defcndre  la  place  contre  un  ennemi,  qui  Hoit 
d^ja  deduns,  mats  pour /avoriser  la  fuite  desfemmes,  des  veillards  et  des  enfans,  et  letir 


J  20 


PAUGUS. 


[Book  III. 


There  was  here  a  Imndsoine  cliiircl!,  with  a  bell,  on  wliich  the  English 
con'iiiitted  u  double  .sacrilege,  fir.st  robbing  it,  then  setting  it  on  lire ; 
he'oin  surpassing  the  act  of  the  firat  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  dep- 
redations upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  America;  for  ho  only  took  away 
the  gold  and  silver  vesseLs  of  a  church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  was  of 
massy  gold,  set  about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  the  advice  of  hi.s 
chaplain.  ''This  might  pass,"  says  a  reverend  author,  "for  sea  divinity, 
but  justice  is  quite  another  thing."  Perhaps  it  will  be  as  well  not  to  in- 
quire here  what  kind  oi divinity  would  authorize  the  acts  recorded  in  these 
wars,  or  indeed  any  wars. 

Harman  was  the  gonei  al  in  the  expedition,  and,  for  a  time,  had  the 
honor  of  it ;  but  Movilon^  according  to  Gov.  Hutchinson,  achieved  the 
victory,  and  it  \,  is  afterward  acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a 
prisoner  "hen  a  t,mail  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those 
taken  i  if    "uction  of  York,  in  1G1)2.     He  died  about  IT-W.     The 

township       Mo  K  luborough,  in  New  Ha.npshire,  was  nanwl  from  him, 
and  many       'lis  pf.^'*»:  ity  reside  there  at  t  le  present  day. 

Under  the  head  Fu-  ^tis,  we  shall  proc  ;ed  to  narrate  our  last  event  in 
the  present  chapter,  than  which,  may  be,  few,  if  any,  are  oftener  mentioned 
in  New  England  story. 

Paugus,  slain  in  the  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  Captain 
Loveioell,  in  1725,  was  chief  of  the  Pequawketa.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine, 
now  includes  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place 
where  the  battle  was  fought.  It  was  near  a  considerable  body  of  water, 
called  Saco  Pond,  which  is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  same  name. 
The  cruel  and  barbarous  murders  almost  daily  committed  by  the  Indians 
upon  the  defenceless  frontier  inhabitants,  caused  the  general  court  of 
Massachusetts  to  offer  a  bounty  of  £100  for  every  Indian's  scalp.  Among 
the  various  excureiojis  performed  by  Loveioell,  previous  to  that  in  which 
he  was  killed,  the  most  important  was  that  to  the  head  of  Salmon-fall 
River,  now  Wakefield,  in  New  Hampshire.  With  40  men,  he  came  upon 
a  small  company  of  ten  Indians,  who  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and,  by 
stationing  his  men  advantageously,  killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed 
was  performed  near  the  shore  of  a  pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the 
name  of  LoveweWs  Pond.  After  taking  oft'  their  scalps,  these  40  war- 
riors marched  to  Boston  in  great  triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended 
upon  hoops,  displayed  in  a  formal  manner,  and  for  which  they  received 
£1000.  This  exploit  was  the  more  iauded,  as  it  was  supposed  that  these 
ten  Indians  were  upon  an  expedition  against  the  English  upon  the  fron- 
tiers ;  having  new  guns,  much  ammunition,  and  spare  blankets  and  moc- 


donner  le  tfins  de  gagner  le  cuti  de  la  riviere,  qui  n'^toit  pas  encore  occupi  par  les  An- 
glois.  Le  P.  Raslk  averti  par  les  clameurs  et  le  tumulte  du  danger,  ok  se  trouvoient  ses 
rvophytes,  alia  sans  crainte  se  presenter  anx  assaillans,  dans  I'esperance  d'atlirer  sur 
Ifii  seul  toute  leur  attention,  et  par-la  de  procurer  le  salut  de  son  troupeau  au  peril  de  sa 
vie.  Son  esperance  ne  fat  pas  vaine,  a  peine  eut-il  pant,  que  les  Anglois  jetterent  un 
grand  cri,  qui  fut  suivi  d'ungrMe  de  monsquetades ,  dont  U  tomba  tnort  aupres  d'nne 
croix,  qu'il  avoit  plantee  au  milieu  du  village  :  sept  sauvages,  qui  V accompagnoient,  et 
qui  avoient  roulu  luifaireun  rempart  deleurs  corps,  furent  tuis  d  ses  cotes.  Ainsi 
mourut  ce  charitable  pastenr,  endonant  sa  vie  potir  ses  ouailles,  apris  trente-sept  a7is 
d'un  penible  apostolat." — "  Quoiqu'on  elit  tire  sur  eux  plus  de  deux  mille  coups  de  fu- 
sils, il  n'lj  en  eut  que  trente  de  tu<^s,  et  quatorze  de  blesses  :"—"  ils  n'^pargnerent  pas 
I'eglise,  mais  ils  n'lj  mirent  lefeu,  qu'aprh  avoir  indignement  profani  les  vases  sacres,  et 
le  corps  adorable  de  Jesus-Christ.  lis,  [les  Anglois,']  retirerent  ensuite  avec  line  pre- 
cipitation,"— "  avoient  eti  frapph  d'une  terreur  panique.  Les  sauvages  rentrerent  aus- 
si-ti)t  dans  lews  villages ;  el  leur  premier  soin,  tandis  que  les  femmes  cherchoient  des 
lurbes  et  des  plantes  propres  aguerir  les  blesses,  fut  de  pleurer  sur  le  corps  de  lur  8.  mis- 
sionnaire.  Ils  le  trouiierent  perc^  de  mille  coups,  la  chevelure  enlevee,  le  crAne  brise  h 
coups  de  baches,  la  bouche  et  les  ycux  remplis  de  bou^,  les  os  des  fambes  fracasses,  et  tout 
les  membres  Tnutilis  de  cent  manieres  dijjfcrcnles."     Hist.  Gen.  li.  382-^1. 


[Book  III. 

tlie  Englisli 
it  on  lire ; 
,  in  iiis  (lep- 
y  took  away 
se  it  was  of 
idvice  of  Ills 
sea  divinity, 
11  not  to  in- 
ded  in  tliese 

ne,  had  the 
chieved  the 
He  was  a 
among  those 
1759.  The 
d  from  him, 

last  event  in 
r  mentioned 

jder  Captain 
g,  in  Maine, 
nd  the  place 
dy  of  water, 
same  name. 
'■  the  Indians 
ral  court  of 
;alp.  Among 
lat  in  which 
[  Salmon-fall 
B  came  upon 
fires,  and,  by 
bloody  deed 
ce  borne  the 
lese  40  war- 
Ips  extended 
ley  received 
ed  that  these 
lon  the  fron- 
ts and  moc- 

p^  par  les  An- 

trouvoient  ses 

d'atlirer  sur 

au  peril  de  sa 

<is  jetterent  un 

aupres  d'une 

impag^twient,  et 

coiis,     Airtsi 

•eTite-sept  ans 

coups  defu- 

argncrent  pas 

Mses  sacres,  et 

auec  tine  pr^- 

•entrerent  aus- 

•herchoienl  des 

de  lur  8,  mis- 

crdne  brise  ^ 

cassis,  et  tout 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS. 


121 


casons,  to  accommodate  captives.  This,  however,  was  mere  conjecturo, 
and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or  enemies  was  not  quite  so  certain 
as  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Paugus  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  and 
personally  to  many  of  LovewtWs  men  ;  and  that  his  name  was  a  terror  to 
the  frontiers.  In  a  song,  composed  aller  the  Pequawket  fight,  he  is  thus 
mentioned,  as  appearing  in  that  battle : — 

"  'Twas  Pangus  led  tlic  Poqu'k't  t«bc ; 
As  runs  the  fox,  woulil  Pausiis  run  ; 
As  howls  the  wild  wolf,  would  lie  howl ; 
A  huge  bear-skin  had  Paugus  on." 

There  was  another  chief,  who  was  second  to  Paugus  in  this  fight,  by 
the  name  of  Wahwa.     What  became  of  him  does  not  ajujcar. 

Capt.  Lovewell  marched  upon  this  expedition  against  Paugus,  with  46 
men,  from  Dunstable,  about  the  middle  of  April,  1725.  Their  setting  out 
is  thus  poetically  set  forth  in  metre  : — 

"  What  time  the  noble  Lovewell  came, 
With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 
The  cruel  I'equ'k't  tribe  to  tame. 
With  arms  and  blood-shed  terrible." 

They  arrived  near  the  place  where  thoy  expected  to  fi  .d  Indians,  on 
the  7  May  ;  and,  early  the  next  morning,  while  at  prTvcrs,  heard  a  gun, 
which  they  rightly  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  .  vgus^s  men,  and 
immediately  jjrepared  for  an  encotmter.  Divesting  themselves  of  their 
packs,  they  marched  forward  to  discover  the  enemy.  But  not  knowing  in 
what  direction  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from  the 
Indians.  This  gavePawg-us  great  advantage ;  who,  following  their  tracks, 
soon  fell  in  with  their  packs,  from  which  he  learned  their  strength.  Be- 
ing encouraged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Paugus  courted  the  conflict,  and 
pursued  the  English  with  ardor.  His  number  of  men  was  said  to  have 
been  80,  while  that  of  the  English  consisted  of  no  more  than  34,  having 
left;  ten  in  a  fort  at  Ossipee ;  and  one,  an  Indian,  had  before  returned 
home,  on  account  of  sickness.  The  fort  at  Ossipee  was  for  a  retreat  in 
case  of  emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a  deposit  of  part  of  their  piovisions, 
of  which  they  disencumbered  themselves  before  leaving  it. 

After  marching  a  considerable  distance  from  the  place  of  their  encamp- 
ment, on  the  morning  of  the  8  May,  Ensign  Wyman  discovered  an 
Indian,  who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  fowls  he  had  just 
killed,  and  in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be  no  probability  that  he 
thought  of  meeting  an  enemy,  but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the 
English,  than  several  guns  were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  Seeing 
that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  this  valiant  Indian  resolved  to  defend  himself 
to  his  last  breath  ;  and  the  action  was  as  speedy  as  the  thought :  his  gun 
was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  Lovewell  was  mortally  wounded  by  the 
fire.  Ensign  Wyman,  taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  the  poor  hunter ;  which 
action  our  poet  describes  in  glowing  terms : — 

"  Seth  Wyman,  who  in  Woburn  lived, 
A  marksman  lie  of  courage  true, 
Shot  the  first  Indian  whom  tliev  saw ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  the  bullet  flew. 

The  savage  had  been  seeking  game  ; 
Two  guns,  and  eke  a  knife,  he  Dorc. 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  his  hand  ; 
He  shrieked,  and  fell  to  rise  no  more." 
11 


122 


PAUGUS. 


[Book  III 


He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another ;  and  then  they  marched 
again  by  the  way  thoy  came,  for  their  packs.  This  was  expected  by  the 
wary  Paufi^us,  and  he  hiy  in  ambush  to  cut  tliem  off.  When  they  liad  got 
completei^y  within  the  ambush, 

"  Anon,  there  eighty*  Indians  rose, 
Who'd  hid  themselves  in  ambusli  dread  ; 
Their  knives  they  shook,  their  f^uns  tliey  aimed, 
The  famous  Paugus  at  iheir  head." 

\Vheu  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
English,  but  seemed  loath  to  begin  the  fight ;  and  wore,  no  doubt,  in  liopcs 
that  the  English,  seemg  their  niunbers,  would  yield  without  a  battle  ;  and, 
therefore,  made  towards  thetn  with  their  guns  presented,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  This  only  encouraged  the  English,  and  they  rushed 
toward  the  Indians,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and,  killing  many,  drove  the 
Indians  for  several  rods.  But  they  soon  rallied  and  fired  vigorously  in 
their  turn,  and  obliged  the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  vvluire  the  battle  began.  Lovfoell,  though  mortally  wounded 
butbre,  had  led  his  men  until  this  time,  but  fell  before  the  retreat. 

''John  Loi^eicell,  capla'm  of  the  band. 
His  sword  he  wav'd,  that  clitter'd  bright, 
For  tlic  last  time  he  cheerVl  his  men, 
And  led  tiieni  onward  to  the  tight. 

'  Fight  on,  fight  on,'  brave  Lovewell  said ; 
'  Figiit  on,  while  Hciaven  shall  givr  you  breath !' 
An  Indian  ball  then  pierc'd  him  through, 
A\\<  1  Lovewell  clos'd  his  eyes  in  death." 

Being  near  the  shore  of  Saco  Pond,  the  English  made  good  their  re- 
treat to  it,  which  prevented  their  being  surrounded;  and  but  for  this  mo- 
tion, none  could  possibly  have  escaped.  The  bank  of  the  pond  aftbrded 
a  kind  of  breastwork,!  behind  which  the  English  maintained  the  fight 
imtil  night.  The  Indians  drew  off  about  dark,  and  they  saw  no  more  of 
them.  Nine  only  of  the  liiiglish  escaped  unhurt,  though  several  that  were 
wounded  lived  to  rLlurn  home.  Paugus  was  killed  by  one  John  Cham- 
berlain, and  is  thus  mentioned  by  the  poet : — 

"  Rut  Chamberlain,  of  Dunstable, 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay, 
3Iet  Paugus  by  the  water-side, 
And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  day." 


A 


son  of  Paugus,  after  peace  was  restored,  came  to  Dunstable  to 
revenge  his  father's  death  by  killing  Chamberlain;  but  not  going  directly 
to  him,  his  design  was  mistrusted  by  some  one,  and  communicated  to 
him,  and  he  kept  himself  upon  guard,  and  had  a  hole  cut  through  the  door 
of  his  house,  from  which  early  one  morning  he  discovered  an  Indian 
behind  a  pile  of  wood,  with  his  gun  pointed  towards  the  door,  to  shoot 
him,  he  supposed,  as  he  came  out;  but  making  use  of  his  advantage. 
Chamberlain  fired  upon  and  killed  this  son  of  Paugus. 


*  l\Ir.  Williamson,  Hist.  Rlainc,  ii.  137,  says  "  at>out  63."  This  number  he  gets,  I 
suppose,  from  an  average  of  three  authors,  thus  ; — Penhallow,  70, — Hutchinson  and 
Sijmms,  80, — and  Belknap,  41 ;  hence,  70-J-80-|-'ll-7-3— G3-}-:  But  he  has  missed  one  of 
his  authorities,  for  70+80+80+41-^4=68 — j  i.  c.  about  G8  would  be  the  accurate 
average. 

t  Penhalloic's  Indian  Wars,  113. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS. 


193 


The  English  chaplain,  Jonaihan  Frye,  was  mortally  wounded  during 
the  buttle. 

"  A  m.in  was  he  of  comely  form, 

Polish'd  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind. 
Old  llarvard'c  learned  halls  he  left, 
Far  in  the  wilds  a  grave  to  find." 

He  was  of  Andover,  in  Massachusetts,  and  had,  but  a  short  time  before, 
graduated  at  Harvard  college. 

"  Lieutenant  Farwdl  took  his  hand. 
His  arm  around  his  neck  ho  threw, 
And  said,  '  Brave  chaplain,  I  could  wish 
That  Ilcaveii  had  made  me  die  for  you.' 

The  chaplain  on  kind  FarweWs  breast, 
Bloody,  and  languishing,  he  fell ; 
Nor  after  that,  said  more  but  this, 
'  I  love  thee,  soldier  ;  fare  thee  well !' " 

The  following  lines  apply  well  here,  although  they  are  not  in  the  or- 
der of  the  poet : — 

"  Then  did  the  crimson  streams,  th«t  flow'd, 
Seem  like  the  waters  of  the  brook. 
That  brightly  shine,  that  loudly  dash. 
Far  down  the  clifls  of  Agiochook."* 

If  nib-acles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  be  induced  to 
pass  to  their  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded 
Englishmen.  Solomon  Keyes,  having  received  three  wounds,  said  he  would 
hide  himself,  and  die  in  a  secret  place,  where  the  Indians  could  not  find 
him  to  get  his  scalp.    As  he  crawled  upon  the  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some 

*  The  Indian  name  of  the  White  Mountains,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire 
would  say.  White  Hills.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  of  these  mountains  to  be 
inhabited  by  invisible  beings,  but  whether  good  or  evil  we  are  not  informed.  Nor  is  it  of 
much  importance,  since  they  reverenced  the  one  as  much  as  the  other. 

It  is  always  highly  gratifying  to  the  curious  to  observe  how  people  primitively  viewed 
objects  which  have  become  familiar  to  them.  We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  Mr. 
Jossijlyn's  description  of  the  White  Mountains,  not  for  its  acatracy,  but  for  its  curious 
extravagance.  "  Four  score  miles,  (upon  a  direct  line,)  to  the  N.  W.  of  Scarborow,  a 
ridge  ofmountains  run  N.  W.  and  N.  E.  an  hundred  leagues,  known  by  the  name  of 
the  White  Mountains,  upon  which  lieth  snow  all  the  year,  and  is  a  landmark  twenty 
miles  otT  at  sea.  It  is  a  rising  ground  from  the  sea  shore  to  these  hills,  and  they  are  in- 
accessible but  by  the  gullies  uliich  the  dissolved  snow  hath  made.  In  these  gnlhes  grow 
saven  bushes,  which  being  taken  hold  of,  are  a  good  help  to  the  climbing  discoverer. 
Upon  the  top  of  the  highest  of  these  mountains,  is  a  large  level,  or  plain,  of  a  day's 
journey  over,  whereon  nothing  grows  but  moss.  At  the  farther  end  of  this  plain  is  an- 
other hill  called  the  Sugar-loaf,  to  outward  appearance  a  rude  heap  of  massie  stones 
piled  one  upon  another,  and  you  may,  as  you  ascend,  step  from  one  stone  to  another,  as 
if  you  were  going  up  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  winding  still  about  the  hill,  till  you  come  to  the 
top,  which  wdl  require  half  a  day's  time,  and  yet  it  is  not  above  a  mile,  where  there  is 
also  a  level  of  about  an  acre  of  ground,  with  a  pond  of  clear  water  in  the  midst  of  it, 
which  you  may  hear  run  down,  but  how  it  ascends  is  a  mystery.  From  this  rocky  hill 
you  may  see  the  whole  country  round  about ;  it  is  far  above  the  lower  clouds,  and  from 
nence  we  beheld  a  vapor,  (like  a  great  pillar,)  drawn  up  by  the  sun-beams  out  of  a  great 
lake,  or  pond,  into  the  air,  wlicre  it  was  formed  into  a  cloud.  The  country  beyond  these 
hills,  northward,  is  daunting  terrible,  being  full  of  rocky  hills,  as  thick  as  mole-hills  in  a 
meadow,  and  cloathed  with  infinite  thick  woods."  New  England's  Rarities,  3,  4.  Sad 
recollections  are  associated  with  the  name  of  those  mountains.  The  destruction  of  lives, 
occasioned  by  an  avalanche  at  the  celebrated  Notch,  in  182G,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten. 
Mr.  Moore,  of  Concord,  has  published  an  interesting  account  of  it  in  the  Col.  N.  H 
Hist.  Soc.  vol.  iii. 


liM 


TAUOUS. 


[ItooK  III. 


diHtanct;  from  the  some  of  notion,  he  found  u  ranoo,  into  wliich  he  rolled 
hiniHelf,  and  was  dritlrd  away  l»y  the  wind.  To  hiH  great  astoniuhinent, 
he  wnHcraHt  UHhort^  at  no  ^reat  dintaiuM;  from  the  fort  at  ONsipee,  to  which 
he  crawled, and  there  met  sev(>ral  of  Iuh  eompanions^  arul  gaining Htrength, 
returned  lionn;  with  them. 

Tliose  who  escaped  (hd  not  leave  the  haltle  ground  until  near  tnidnight. 
When  they  arrived  at  the  fort,  they  expected  to  have  found  refreshment, 
and  thos(!  they  iiad  left  as  a  reserve  ;  hut  a  fellow  whose  nainc!  is  not  men- 
tioned, wIh)  deserted  the  rest  when  tin,'  hattle  hegan,  so  frightened  them, 
that  they  fled  in  great  confusion  and  <lisniay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  this  light  took  places  was  .lO  miles  from  any  white  in- 
hal)itants ;  and  that  any  should  have  8urvivt>d  the  tiunine  which  now  stared 
tlu'in  in  the  face,  is  almost  as  miraculous  as  that  they  should  have;  escaped 
death  at  the  liands  of  the  courageous  warriors  of  Paugus  ;  yet  14  lived 
to  return  to  their  friends. 

Fifty  men,  from  New  IIam|)shirc,  afterwards  marched  to  the  scene  of 
action,  when;  they  found  and  buried  the  dead.  They  f()und  hut  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  was  Paugus.  The  rest  were  supposed  to  have  hcen 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  from  the  battle.*  Wo  will  let  the  poet 
close  the  account : — 

"  Ah !  many  a  wife  shall  rend  her  hair, 
Ami  many  a  child  cry, '  Woe  is  me,' 
When  messengers  tiie  news  shall  bear, 
Of  Lovewell's  dear-bought  victory. 

With  footsteps  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  Lovewell's  pond  shines  clear  and  bright, 
And  mark  the  pln.^e  where  those  are  laid, 
Who  fell  in  Lovewell's  bloody  fight. 

Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  and  say. 
Sad  was  the  hour  and  terrible. 
When  Lffvewell,  brave,  'gainst  Paugus  went. 
With  filly  men  from  Dunstable." 

Afier  LoveiveWs  fight,  the  Androscoggin  and  Pequawket  Indians  retired 
to  the  head  of  Connecticut  River.  They  remained  here  hut  two  years  in 
peace,  at  which  time  the  Androscoggins  removed  to  Canada,  where  they 
were  afterwards  known  as  the  St.  Francis  tribe.  The  others  remained  on 
the  Connecticut.  Their  chief,  Philip^  fought  with  the  Americans  in  the 
revolutionary  war.f 

*  For  the  principal  (acts  in  this  account,  we  are  indebted  to  Sijmnies's  narrative  of  tlic 
fight,  published  the  same  year  in  which  it  happened,  and  lately  republished  in  Farmer  and 
Moore's  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.     The  poetry  is  from  vol.  iii.  of  the  same  work. 

t  Rogers's  Reminis.  Fr.  War.  160. 


BOOK    IV. 


BIOORAPIIY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Preliminrtry  observations  respecting  the  country  of 
WiNGi.NA,  the  first  Virginia  chief  known  to  the 


the  southern  Indians— 
English — Destroys  the 
first  colony  settled  there — Mf.natonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second 
culony  abandons  the  country — Tobacco  first  canned  to  England  by  them — 
Curious  account  of  prejudices  against  it — Gra.nganemeo — His  kind- 
nesses—His  family — His  death — Powhatan— Boimcfcwi'es  of  his  country — 
Surprises  the  Paynnkntanks — Capt.  Smith  fights  his  people — Opekanko^ 
nough  takes  Smith  prisoner — The  particulars  of  that  affair — He  marchis 
him  about  the  country — Takes  him,  at  length,  to  Powhatan,  who  condemns 
him  •  be  put  to  death — Smith''s  life  saved  at  the  intercession  of  Pocahon- 
tas— insolence  of  Powhatan  increased  by  JVitvporVs folly — Smith  bi-ings 
him  to  terms — Ji  crown  sent  over  to  him  from  England — is  crowned  empe- 
ror— Sprti-h — Uses  every  stratagem  to  kill  Smith — Is  baffled  in  twry 
attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speeches — Pocahontas  again  saves  Smith  and 
his  comrades  from  being  murdered  by  her  father — Tomocomo. 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  the  southern  nations  find 
the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  be  seen  by  all  such  as  have  but 
very  partially  taken  a  survey  of  tliein,  and  considered  their  wandering 
Jiabits.  Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a  sachem 
to  his  original  family  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  in  excuse,  that  we  have 
gone  according  to  our  best  information.  But  we  have  endeavoreil  to 
1 


WINtUNA. 


[Rook  IV. 


draw  a  kind  of  natural  boundary  betAveon  the  above-mentioned  nationp, 
(iistMigiiisliing  tli'jse  j)eo|)le  l)eyoiid  the  Cbt'sapeake  and  some  ol*  its  tribu- 
taries, as  the  southern  Indians,  and  thosr  l)etvvcen  that  boundary  and  the 
Hudson  by  liie  name  Iroquois.  To  tlieir  respective  territories  inhind,  wo 
Khali  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix  bounds,  in  our  present  business.  We 
ore  aware  that  some  writers  sup'/osc!  that  all  the  Indians,  from  the  Mi.ssis- 
sippi  to  tie  vicinity  of  the  HuJson,  and  even  to  the  Connecticut,  were 
originally  of  the  same  stocK.  If  this  were  the  case,  the  period  is  so 
remoK;  when  they  8|)read  themselves  over  the  coimtry,  that  these  greitt 
natural  «livisions  had  long  since  caused  (piite  a  dilference  in  the  inhab- 
itants .vhich  they  separated  ;  and  hence  the  projmety  of  noticing  them 
ucfording  to  our  |tlan. 

It  is  said  that  the  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Alleghany, 
nnd  from  the  most  southern  waters  of  James  River  up  to  Patuxent,  in  the 
state  of  Maryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  different  nations,  and  that  tli<^ 
language  of  each  differed  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called 
these  nations  by  the  names  Poivlmtans,  Manahoacs,  and  Monatans ;  these 
were  the  Tuscaroras.  The  Powhatans  Avere  the  most  powerful,  and  con- 
fisted  of  several  tribes,  or  connnunities,  who  possessed  the  country  from 
the  scji-coast  to  the  falls  of  the  rivers.* 

To  give  a  tolerable  catalogue  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 
Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  thence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  far  exceed 
our  plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  pass  to  notice  the  chiefs  of  such  of  those 
nations  as  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their 
localities,  and  whatever  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as 
we  pass,  and  as  we  have  done  in  the  preceding  books. 

Winsina  was  first  known  to  the  English  voyagers  Amidas  and  Bar- 
loiv,  wlio  landed  in  Virginia  in  tlie  summer  of  1584,  upon  an  island  called, 
by  the  Indians,  Wokokon.  They  saw  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third 
day,  when  three  were  observed  in  a  canoe.  One  of  them  get  on  shore, 
and  the  English  went  to  him.  He  showed  no  signs  of  fear,  "  but  spoke 
much  to  them,"  then  went  boldly  on  board  the  vessels.  After  they  had 
given  him  a  shirt,  hat,  wine,  and  some  meat,  "he  w^ent  away,  and  in  half 
an  hour  he  had  loaded  his  canoe  with  fish,"  which  he  immediately  brought, 
and  gave  to  the  English. 

Jf'ingina,  at  this  time,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  had 
lately  received  in  battle,  probably  in  his  war  with  Piamacum,  a  desperate 
and  bloody  chief. 

Upon  the  death  o^  Gi'anganemeo,  \n  l.'iS.'),  WiJi^?na  changed  his  name 
to  Pemissapan.  He  never  had  much  liiith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the 
English,  and  to  him  was  mainly  attributed  the  brwiking  up  of  the  first 
colony  which  settled  in  Virginia. 

It  was  upon  the  return  to  England  of  the  Captains  t57ni£/a,s  and  Barlow, 
from  the  country  of  Wingina,  tliat  Queen  Elizabeth,  from  the  wonderful 
accounts  of  that  fruitful  and  delightful  j)la(;e,  named  it,  out  of  respect  to 
herself,-  Virginia  ;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  from  her  living  un- 
married. Rut,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  "Recause  it  still 
Koemed  to  retain  the  virgin  purity  and  jilenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the 
)K'oplt'  their  primitive  innocency  of  lilb  and  manners."t  Waller  referred 
to  this  country  when  he  wrote  this: — 

"  So  sv\f.,!t  the  air,  so  moderate  the  rlime, 
None  siokly  lives,  or  dies  l)efore  liis  time. 
Heav'ii  sure  lias  kept  this  spot  of  earth  uiicurst, 
To  show  how  all  things  were  created  first." 


•  From  a  communication  of  Secretary  Thompson  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  appended  l« 
the  Notes  on  Virginia,  cd.  of  1801.  f  Siilh,  11. 


[Rook  IV. 

ioned  nntionp, 
ne  ofits  tribii- 
indary  niul  the 
ries  inland,  we 
t)usinesH.  We 
om  the  Missis- 
necticut,  won; 
:  period  is  so 
at  these  {jrejjt 
ill  the  iidiah- 
noticijig  tlieiii 

ver  Allephaiiy, 
atuxent,  in  the 
S  and  tlidt  tii(> 
Eufflish  (•alle<l 
macans ;  these 
erfid,  an(l  eon- 
!  couiUry  from 

3US  liations  of" 
Id  far  exceed 
such  of  those 
the  way,  tfieir 
elucidation,  as 

idas  and  Bar- 
1  island  called, 
until  the  third 

get  on  shore, 
r,  "  hut  spoke 
Lfter  they  had 
and  in  half 

tely  brought, 

ounds  he  had 
,  a  desjierate 

ed  his  name 

ntions  of  the 

)  of  the  first 

and  Barlow, 
le  wonderful 
of  respect  to 
ler  living  un- 

cause  it  still 
tion,  and  the 
dkr  referred 


Chap.  1.] 


WINGINA.— MEiWATONON. 


d 


I 


i 


cl  appended  t« 
t  Stitli,  11. 


Sir  Richard  Gretnvil,  stimulated  by  the  love  of  gain,  next  intruded  him- 
self upon  the  shores  of  f^Vingina.  It  was  fie  who  committed  the  first 
outragt;  upon  the  natives,  which  occasioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony 
which  he  left  behind  him.  He  made  but  one  short  excursion  into  tliu 
country,  during  whici>.  by  foolishly  exposing  his  commodities,  some  na- 
tive took  from  him  a  silver  cup,  to  revenge  the  loss  of  which,  a  town  was 
burned.  He  left  108  men,  who  seated  themselves  upon  th(!  island  of 
Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a  military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and 
Capt.  Philip  Amidas  lieiit.  governor  of  this  colony.  They  made  various 
excursions  about  the  country,  in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious 
metals  ;  in  which  they  were  a  long  time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their 
ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  compelluig  them  to  jiilot  them  about.  Wfn- 
gina  bore,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  provocations  of  the  intruders,  until  tin; 
(ieatli  of  the  old  chief  J5^^senore,  his  father.  Under  pretenct;  of  lionoring 
Ills  funeral,  he  assembled  1800  of  his  people,  with  the  intention,  as  the 
JOnglish  say,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore,  upon  the  information 
of  Skiko,  son  of  the  chief  Menatonon,*  fell  upon  them,  and,  after  killing 
five  or  i^ix,  the  rest  made  their  escape  into  the  woods.  This  was  done 
upon  the  isia;  d  where  ff'ingina  lived,  and  the  English  first  seized  upon 
;I.o  '>oats  of  liis  visitants,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  the  island,  with  die 
intei'tior  no  doubt,  of  murdering  them  all.  Not  long  after,  "  Wingina 
was  entr  p;  :d  by  the  English,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  liis  chief  men." 

Menato  ■•  was  king  of  the  Chawonocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
meokes,  "  r.  powfirful  nation,  possessing  all  that  country  from  Albemarle 
Sound  and  Chowan  Rivof,  quite  to  the  Chesapeakes  and  our  bay."f  At 
this  time,  Menatonon  wan  lame,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  most  sensible  and 
tinderstanding  Indian  with  whom  the  English  ware  at  first  acquainted. 
It  was  he  that  made  Lane  and  iiis  followers  believe  in  the  existence  of  the 
mine  already  mentionetl.  "So  eager  were  they,"  says  Mr.  Stith,  "and 
resolutely  bent  upon  this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  be  per- 
suaded to  return,  as  long  as  they  had  one  pint  of  corn  a  man  left,  and  two 
mastitt'  dogs,  which,  being  boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  might  aftbrd  them 
some  sustenance  in  their  way  back."  After  great  suft'crings,  they  arrived 
upon  the  "onst  again. 

The  reason  why  Menatonon  deceived  the  English,  was  because  they 
made  him  a  prisoner  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  them  in  making  discov- 
eries. Ailer  he  was  set  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  them.  Two  years 
after,  when  Governor  fVhite  was  in  the  country,  they  mention  his  wife 
and  child  as  belonging  to  Croatan,  but  nothing  of  him. 

ffTiite  and  his  company  landed  at  lloanoake,  22  July,  1587,  and  gent  20 
nun  to  Croatan,  on  E'oint  Lookout,  with  a  friendly  luUive  called  Mantm, 
to  see  if  any  intelligence  could  be  had  of  a  former  colony  of  .50  men  left 
there  by  Sir  Richard  Greenv'l,  They  learned,  from  soiiic  natives  whom 
They  met,  that  the  people  of  Dassanionpeak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator 
Kiver,  had  attacketl  them,  killed  one,  and  driven  the  others  away,  but 
whither  they  had  gone  none  could  tell.  One  of  tlii.'ir  present  company, 
a  jiriiicipal  man  of  their  government,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  san'ie 
Indians.  This  tribe  and  several  others  had  agreed  to  come  to  Roanoake, 
and  submit  themselves  to  the  English  ;  but  not  coming  according  to  ap- 
pointment, gave  the  English  an  opportunity  to  take  revenge  for  former 
injuries.  Therefore,  Capt.  Stafford  and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a  guid", 
set  out  upon  that  business.  On  coming  to  their  village,  "  where  seeing 
them  sit  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  them.  The  miserable  soules  amazed, 
fied  into  the  reeds,  where  one  was  shot  through,  and  we  thought  to  havt; 

*  Smith  ealls  liim  tlio  ''  lame  king-  of  IVToraloc." 

t  Slith'at  Virginia,  ]l.     By  "  our  buy"  is  ineaiil  Jitmcii  River  Bay, 


4 


WINC.INA.— ENSENORK. 


[Book  IV. 


been  fully  revenged,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  they  were  our  friends  come 
from  Croatan  to  gather  their  corn  !"  "  Being  thus  disappointed  of  our 
purpose,  we  gathered  the  fruit  we  found  rijie,  left  the  rest  unspoiled,  and 
took  Menatonon,  his  wife  with  her  child,  and  the  rest  with  us  to  Koa- 
iiiiak."*    But  to  return  to  Wingina. 

While  the  English  were  upon  the  errand  we  have  been  speaking  of^ 
fUngina  pretended  to  be  their  friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  oppor- 
tunity, by  giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  course  and  purpose, 
and  urging  them  to  cut  them  oft'.  He  thought,  at  one  time,  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  destroyed,  and  thereuj)on  scoft'ed  and  mocked  at  iuch  a  God  as 
liieirs,  who  would  sufl'er  it.  This  caused  his  son  Enscnore  to  join  their 
«  ncmirs,  but  on  their  return  he  was  their  friend  again.  lie,  and  many  of 
liis  peu|)le,  now  believed,  say  the  voyagere,  that  "  we  could  do  them  more 
hurt  being  dead,  than  lining,  and  that,  iS^jingan  hundred  myles  from  them, 
shot,  and  struck  them  sick  to  death,  and  that  when  we  die  it  is  but  for  a 
time,  then  we  return  again."  Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  subniit- 
te  i  themselves  to  the  English,  and,  among  others,  Ensenore  persuaded  his 
father  to  become  their  friend,  who,  when  they  were  in  great  straits  for 
provisions,  came  and  i)lanted  their  fields,  and  made  wears  in  the  streams 
t(»  catch  fish,  which  were  of  infinite  benefit  to  them.  This  was  in  the 
spring  of  1586,  and,  sajs  Lane,  "  we  not  having  one  corn  till  the  next 
harvest  to  sustain  us."  What  added  greatly  to  their  distresses,  was  the 
•leath  of  their  excellent  friend  Enscnore,  who  died  20th  of  April  follow- 
ing. The  Indians  began  anew  tlieir  conspiracies,  and  the  colony  availed 
themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to  England,  which  was 
in  the  fleet  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  whicii  touched  there  in  its  way  from  an 
exjjedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.f 

The  conduct  of  Lane  and  his  company  in  this  fruitless  attempt  to  estab- 
lish themselves  in  Virginia,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  reprehensible. 
They  put  to  death  some  of  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  cnarges,  and 
no  wonder  they  were  driven  out  of  the  country,  as  they  ought  to  have 
been.};  While  they  were  there,  they  became  acciuainted  with  the  use  of 
tobacco,  and,  takir<f  it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use  soon 
rendered  it  a  great  .Mticle  of  commerce.  And  here  it  will  not  be  improper 
to  notice  how  manv  ditlerent  persons  have  had  the  credit,  or,  perhaps, 
1  should  say  discrtJit,  of  introduciiig  this  "  Indian  weed  "  into  Enghuul ; 
as.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Sir  ft  alter  Ralegh,  Ralph  Lane,  and  some  others. 
Now,  as  some  writer  observes,  the  reader  may  father  it  upon  whom  ho 
pleases,  as  it  is  evident  Sir  Francis  Drake  took  Ralph  Lane  and  tobacco 
Ijoth  together  into  England  ;  and  no  one  will  dispute  the  agency  of  the 
gallant  knight.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  for  he  sent  out  Lane  in  his  employ. 

Mr.  John  Josselyn,  in  his  "Two  Voyages  to  N.  England,"  has  tliis  pas- 
sage :  "  Othere  will  have  tobacco  to  be  first  brought  into  England  from 
Peru,  by  Sir  Francis  Drake's  mariners." 

There  were  many  who  afiected  a  violent  disgust  towards  the  use  of  ^ 
tobacco ;  the  most  cons])icuous  was  King  James,  whose  mind  seems  to 
have  been  just  weak  eiiough  *o  fight  windmills.  He  even  wrote  a  book 
denouncing  its  use  in  tlie  seve  -est  terms  he  could  command.  Not  doubt- 
ing but  the  reader  will  be  gratified  with  a  specimen  of  the  opposition  with 
which  our  Indian  plant  met,  in  its  transatlantic  use,  we  will  offer  him  a 
passage  from  Winstanleifs  Worthies,^  which,  he  says,  is  from  one  of  the 
poets  of  that  day : — 


*  ^milh's  Hist.  Virginia. 

t  Relation  of  Lane,  printed  in  Smith's  Virginia. 

i  Herriol's  Oiist^rvations,  (one  of  Lane'n  company,)  printed  iu  Smith. 

^  Page  211,  212. 


CHJif.  I.]  GRANGANEMEO. 

"  He's  no  good  fellow  that's  without  the  [- 
Burnt  pipes,  tobacco,  and  his  tinder  box.' 


-]x. 


He  then  proceeds,  "  a  folly  which  certainly  had  never  spread  so  far,  if 
here  had  been  the  same  means  of  prevention  used  vvitli  us,  as  was  in 
Turky  by  Moral  Bassa,  who  commanded  a  pipe  to  be  tltrust  through  the 
nose  of  a  Turk  which  was  found  taking  tobacco,  and  so  in  derision  to 
be  led  about  Constantinople.  Take  his  farewell  to  it,  who  once  inucb 
doted  on  this  heathenish  weed  : — 

'Farewell,  thou  Indian  sinoak,  barbarian  vapor. 
An  enemy  to  life,  foe  to  waste  paper. 
Thou  dost  diseases  in  the  body  breed, 
And  like  a  vulter  on  the  purse  dost  feed. 
Changing  sweet  breaths  into  a  stinking  loathing, 
And  with  three  pipes  turns  twopence  uito  nothing. 
Grim  Pluto  first  invented  it,  1  think, 
To  pwyson  all  the  world  with  hellish  stink: 
Base  heathenish  weed,  how  common  is  grown, 
Thai  but  a  few  years  past  was  scarcely  known ! 
When  for  to  see  one  take  it  was  a  riddle, 
As  strange  as  a  baboon  to  tune  a  fiddle^ 
Were  it  confined  oncly  to  genlicmen, 
'Twere  some  repute  to  take  tobacco  then, 
But  bedlams,  tinkers,  coblers,  water-bearers, 
Your  common  drunkards,  and  most  horid  swearers. 
If  man's  flesh  be  like  hogs,  as  it  is  said. 
Then  surely  by  smoaking  thus  it's  bacon  made. 
Farewell,  foul  smoak,  good  for  such  things  as  these, 
'Gainst  iice,  sore  heads,  scabs,  mange,  or  Frc-nch  disease.'  " 

Tobacco  grew  spontaneously  in  Wingandacoa,  (Virginia,)  and  the  na- 
tives called  it  Uppoiooc.  It  is  generally  supposed  to  be  called  tobacco 
from  the  island  Tobago,  but  this  derivation  is  denied  by  some.* 

But  to  return  to  our  biography.  Granganemeo  was  a  chief  very  favora- 
bly spoken  of.  As  soon  as  the  arrival  of  the  English  w^  made  known 
to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  40  of  his  men,  who  were  very  civil, 
and  of  a  remarkably  robust  "ind  fine  appearance.  When  they  had  left 
their  boat,  and  came  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship,  Granganemeo  spread  a 
mat  and  sat  down  upon  it.  The  English  went  to  him  armed,  but  he  dis- 
covered no  fear,  and  invited  them  to  sit  down ;  after  which  he  performed 
some  token  of  friendship ;  then  making  a  speech  to  them,  they  presented 
nim  with  some  toys.  None  but  four  of  his  people  spoke  a  word,  or  sat 
down,  but  maintained  the  most  perfect  silence.  On  being  shown  a  pew- 
ter dish,  he  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  purchased  it  with  20  deer-skins, 
which  were  worth,  in  England,  one  hundred  shillings  sterling ! !  The  dish 
he  used  as  an  ornament,  making  a  hole  through  it,  and  wearing  it  about  his 
neck.  While  here,  the  English  entertained  him,  with  his  wife  and  children, 
on  board  their  ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl,  which 
reached  to  her  middle.  Shortly  after,  many  of  the  people  came  out  of 
the  country  to  trade,  "  but  when  Granganemeo  was  present,  none  durst 
trade  but  himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads  as  he 
did."  He  was  remarkably  exact  in  keeping  his  promise,  "  for  oft  we 
trusted  him,  and  he  wu'ild  come  within  his  day  to  keep  his  word."  And 
these  voyagers  further  report,  that  "  commoidy  he  sent  them  every  day  a 
brace  of  bucks,  conies,  hares,  and  fish,  and  sometimes  melons,  walnuts, 
cucinnbers,  pease  and  divers  roots." 

In  their  wanderings,  Capt.  Amidaa  and  seven  others  visited  the  island 
of  lloanoake,  where  they  found  the  family  of  Granganetneo  living  in  great 

•  Stith's  Hist.  Virginia,  I'J. 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  1  i 


coinibrt  and  plenty,  in  a  little  town  of  nine  houses.  Th  ;  cliii'  »vaf>  iioi 
at  home,  "  but  liis  wife  entertained  them  with  wonderful  courtesy  and 
kindness.  She  made  some  of  her  people  draw  their  boat  up,  to  prevent 
its  being  injured  by  the  beating  of  the  surge  ;  some  she  ordered  to  bring 
them  ashore  on  their  backs,  and  others  to  carry  their  oars  to  the  house, 
for  fear  of  being  stole.  When  they  came  into  the  house,  she  took  off 
iheir  cloathes  and  stockings,  and  washed  them,  as  likeAvise  their  feet  in 
warm  water.  When  tlieir  dinner  was  ready,  they  were  conducted  into 
an  inner  room,  (for  there  were  five  in  the  house,  divided  by  mats,)  wLrro 
they  found  hominy,*  boiled  venison,  and  roasted  fish;  and,  as  a  desi  rt, 
melons,  boiled  roots,  and  fruits  of  variuus  sorts.  While  they  were  at 
meat,  two  or  three  of  her  men  came  in  with  tlieir  bows  and  aiTovvs,  which 
made  the  English  take  to  their  arms.  But  she,  perceiving  their  (listrust, 
ordered  their  bows  and  arrows  to  be  broken,  and  themselves  to  be  beaten 
out  of  the  gate.  In  the  evening,  the  English  returned  to  their  boat ;  and, 
I)utting  a  little  ofi"  from  shore,  lay  at  anchor ;  at  which  she  was  much 
concerned,  and  brought  their  supjjcr,  half  boile,!,  pots  and  all  to  the 
shore ;  and,  seeing  their  jealouny,  she  ordered  several  men,  and  30  women, 
to  sit  all  night  upon  the  shore,  as  a  guard  ;  and  sent  five  mats  to  cover 
them  from  the  weather."f     Well  hath  the  poet  demanded,  "Call  ye  them 


,?" 


common  ac- 


savage .'"'    If  the  wife  of  Grangammeo  was  savage,  in  the 
ceptation  of  the  term,  where  shall  we  look  for  civilization  ? 

Sir  R.  GreenvU,  having  arrived  on  the  coast  in  1685,  anchored  off  the 
island  Wokokon,  26  May,  and,  by  means  ofManteo,  had  sornu  i?uercourse 
with  the  inhabitants.  At  Ilatteras,  where  tliey  staid  a  short  tnne,  soon 
after,  Granganemco,  with  Manteo,  went  on  i)oard  their  ships.  This  waa 
the  last  visit  he  made  to  the  English. 

Thir  must  close  our  account  of  the  excellent  family  of  Granganemeo, 
and  would  that  the  account  of  the  English  would  balance  as  well,  but  they 
exhibit  their  own,  and  onti  item  more  from  it,  and  we  close  the  compari- 
son. For  a  small  kettle  hey  took  50  skins,  worth  in  Englauvl  £12.  lOs. 
sterling.}; 

We  have  now  arrived  at  tiie  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  historj'. 
Powhatan  was,  of  all  the  clucfs  of  his  age,  the  most  famous  in  the  regions 
of  Viif^inia.  The  Englisii  suppos*"!,  at  first,  that  his  was  the  name  of  tho 
country ;  a  common  error,  as  we  h.A'f  teen  in  several  cases  in  tlxe  previous 
books  of  our  biogra;)hy,  but,  in  ilii  •  .^e,  anlike  th<j  others,  the  error  pre- 
vailed, and  a  part  of  iiis  people,  ever  aller  the  settlement  of  the  English, 
were  called  the  Powhaians.  A  great  river,  since  called  the  James,  and  a 
bay  received  his  name  aiso.  He  had  three  brothers,  Opilchepan,  Opekan- 
kanough  and  Catatunugh,  and  two  sisters.  His  principal  residence  was 
at  a  place  called  ff'erowocomoco,  when  the  English  came  into  tlie  country; 
which  v/as  upon  the  north  side  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  county 
of  Gloucester,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Queen's  Creek,  and  about 
25  miles  below  the  fork  of  the  river.§  He  lived  here  until  the  English 
began  to  intrude  themse'vcs  into  his  vicinity,  when  he  took  up  his  resi- 
dence at  Orakakes. 

Poivhatan  was  not  his  Indian  name,  or  rather  original  name;  that 
was  Wahunsonacock.  He  is  described  as  tall  and  well  proportioned — 
bearing  an  aspect  of  sadness — exceedingly  vigorous,  and  possessing  a 

"A  food  nritide  of  Indian  com,  or  maize,  beaten  and  carefully  husked,  something 
liKe  furmety  in  England  ;  and  is  aji  excellent  dish  various  ways." 

t  Stith's'liist.  Virginia,  10,  11. 

\  Smith's  Hist.  Virp-'..ia. 

^  About  two  n)i!es  ,:low  whore  Richmond  now  stpnds.  The  farm  of  a  gentleman  of 
•he  ntnie  of  Muyo  included  the  site  of  a  part  of  his  town,  in  1813. — CumpbeWi 
i'irginia. 


[Book  J '.'. 

f  wa?  xioi 
irtcsy  and 
:o  prevent 
J  to  bring 
he  house, 
)  took  oft' 
ir  feet  ia 
icted  into 
ts,)  where 
a  dcsi  rt, 
y  were  at 
wa,  which 
r  (listrust, 
he  beaten 
tout ;  and, 
vas  much 
ill  to  the 
to  women, 

I  to  cover 

II  ye  them 
riniou  ac- 

e«i  off  the 
uercourse 
time,  soon 
This  waa 

nganemeo, 
,  but  they 
compari- 
£12.  lOa. 

la  historj'. 
16  regions 
Irne  of  tho 
previous 
srror  jjre- 
English, 
\es,  and  a 
Opekan- 
snce  was 
[country ; 
county 
id  about 
English 
Ihis  resi- 

jric;  that 
Itioned — 
jessing  a 

Something 


klcman  of 
uimpbcU's 


Chap.  I.] 


POWHATAN. 


body  capable  of  sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was,  in  1607,  about  GO 
years  of  age,  and  his  hair  was  considerably  gray,  which  gave  him  a  ma- 
jestic appearance.  At  liis  residence,  he  had  a  kind  of  wooden  form  to 
sit  upon,  and  his  ornamental  robe  wasof  raccoon  skins,  and  his  head-dress 
was  composed  of  many  feathers  wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He 
swayed  ntany  nations  upon  the  great  rivers  and  hays,  tlie  chief  of  whom 
he  had  conquered.  He  originally  claimed  only  the  places  called  Pow- 
hatan, (since  named  Haddihaddocks,)  Arrohattock,  (now  Appomattox,) 
Youghtanund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  Werowocomoco,  and  Kiskiak  ;  at 
which  time,  his  cliief  seat  WJis  at  Powliatan,  near  the  foils  of  James  River. 
But  when  he  had  extended  his  conquests  a  great  way  north,  he  removed 
to  Werowocomoco,  as  a  more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  country  upon  James 
River,  from  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  bmnches,  was  the  boundary 
of  his  country,  southerly — and  so  across  the  counay,  "nearly  as  high  as 
the  falls  of  all  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in 
Maryland,"  and  some  of  the  nations  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeake. 
His  dominions,  according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  chil- 
dren, but  to  his  brothers,  and  then  to  his  sisters,  (the  oldest  first,)  thence  to 
the  heirs  of  the  oldest ;  but  never  to  the  lieii-s  of  the  males. 

He  usually  kept  a  guard  of  40  or  50  of  the  most  resolute  and  well- 
formed  men  about  him,  especially  when  he  slept ;  but,  after  the  English 
came  into  his  country,  he  increased  them  to  about  200.  He  had  as  many, 
and  such  women  as  he  pleased ;  and,  when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  head 
and  another  at  his  feet.  When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  be- 
stowed them  upon  such  of  his  men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New 
England  chiefs,  he  had  many  places  where  he  passed  certain  seasons  of 
the  year;  at  some  of  which  he  had  very  spacious  wigwams,  30  or  40 
yards  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provided  against  his  coming. 

In  1(J08,  he  surprised  the  people  of  Payankatank,  who  were  his  neigh- 
bors and  SI  jects.  Captain  Smith,  m  the  account,  "writ  mth  his  men 
hand,"  says,  lie  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was  thus." 
He  sent  sevt  al  of  his  men  to  lodge  with  them  the  night  on  which  he 
meant  to  fall  upon  them  ;  then,  secretly  surrounding  them  in  their  wig- 
wams, commenced  a  horrid  slaughter.  They  killed  24  men,  took  off  their 
scalps,  and,  with  the  women  and  children  prisoners,  returned  to  the  sa- 
chem's village.  The  scalps  they  exhibited  upon  a  line  between  two  trees, 
as  a  trophy,  and  the  weroteance  (their  name  of  a  chief)  and  his  wife 
Powhatan  made  his  servants. 

From  1585  to  1607,  every  attempt  to  settle  a  colony  in  Virginia  had 
failed  ;  and,  at  this  time,  would  have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled 
perseverance  of  one  man.  I  need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  Capt.  John 
Smith,  The  colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  the  planting 
sea.son  was  over ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  »hey  found  themselves  in  a  suffer- 
ing condition,  from  want  of  suitable  provisions.  Smith,  therefore,  under- 
took to  gain  a  supply  by  trafticking  with  the  Indians  back  in  the  country, 
who,  being  acquainted  with  his  situation,  insulted  him  and  his  men  wher- 
ever they  came;  offering  him  but  a  handful  of  corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread, 
for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "  But  seeing  by  trade  and  courtesie  there  waa 
nothing  to  he  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such  conclusions  as  necessitie 
inforced,  thorgh  contrary  to  his  coMuni-ssion."  So  he  fired  upon  them, 
and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He  then  marched  to  their  village. 
Tliere  they  found  corn  in  abuiidaiice,  which,  after  some  maiionuvring, 
he  -  I'^ci  oded  ui  trading  ft)r,  and  returned  with  a  supply  to  J.imestown. 

S  iiih,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Chikahama- 
nin.  A' 'en  he  had  passed  upas  far  as  it  was  navij^able  for  his  barge,  he 
left  it  '1'.  a  wide  place,  at  a  safe  distuucc  from  the  shore,  and  ordered  hia 


^Mm 


8 


rOVVHATAN. 


[Book  IV. 


men  not  to  f»o  on  shore  on  Juiy  condition.  Taking  two  of  his  own  men 
mid  two  In(hans,  he  proceeded  to  complete  liis  discovery.  As  soon  as  iio 
was  gone,  his  men  went  on  shore ;  one  was  killed,  and  the  rest  hardly 
escajxHl.  Sinilli  was  now  20  miles  into  the  wilderness.  Opckankanovgli, 
with  ;100  warriors,  liavin<?  learned,  from  the  men  they  had  jnst  taken, 
which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  him,  and  came  npon  the  two  Eng- 
lishmen belonging  to  his  company,  and  killed  them  l)oth  while  asleep, 
he  being  absiuit  to  shoot  some  fowls  for  provisions  ;  they  then  contin  led 
their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  iiom  his  canoe,  and  endeavored 
to  retreat  to  it,  but,  being  hard  pressed,  made  a  shield  of  one  of  his  In- 
dians, and,  in  this  maimer,  fought  upon  the  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divers  others.  Being  obliged  to  give  all  his  attention  to 
his  pm-suers,  he  accidentally  fell  into  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  dee]) 
that  he  could  not  extricate  himself.  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands 
upon  him  ;  and  those  whom  thi!ir  own  numl)ers  forced  nearest  to  liim, 
were  observed  to  tremble  v,ith  tiiar.  The  Indian  he  had  bound  to  Jiis 
arm  with  his  garters,  doubtless  saved  him  from  being  killr'd  by  their 
arrows,  from  which,  owing  to  his  Indian  shield,  he  received  but  very  little 
hurt,  except  a  wound  in  his  thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  full  of 
tliem. 

When  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with 
cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suftered  them  to  come  and  take  him. 
After  pul'ing  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  place  where  hia 
men  had  just  been  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire.  They  now  showed 
lum  kindness,  rubbing  his  benuml)ed  limbs,  and  warming  him  by  the  fire. 
Jle  asked  for  their  chief,  and  Opekankanoujrh  appeared,  to  whom  he  gave 
a  small  compass.  This  amused  them  exceedingly.  "  Much  they  mar- 
velled at  the  playing  of  the  fly  a"»d  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  [dainly, 
and  yet  not  touch  it,  because  ot  die  glass  tliat  covered  them.  But  when 
be  demonstrated,  by  that  globe-like  iewell,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth, 
and  'ikies,  the  sjjlieare  of  the  sunne,  and  moone,  and  starres,  and  how  the 
sunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the  world,  continually — tiie  great^ 
nesse  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  diversity  of  the  nations,  varictie  of  complex- 
ions, and  how  we  ^vere  to  them  antipodes,  and  many  other  such  like  mati.rs, 
they  all  stood  as  amazed  with  admiration  !"  Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had 
such  siiCi'CSs  in  explaining  to  them  his  knowledge  of  geograjdiy  and  astron- 
omy, (how  nmch  of  it  they  understood  we  will  not  undertake  to  say,)  within 
an  hour  after,  they  ti(;d  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  multitude  of  them  seeined 
prepared  to  shoot  him.  Hut  when  their  bows  were  bent,  Opekankanousch 
held  uo  his  eoinpass,  and  tlicy  all  laid  down  their  weai)ons.  They  now 
led  liim  to  Ora|)akas,  or  Orakakes,  a  temporary  seat  of  Powhatan,  on  the 
north  side  of  Ch'kahomiuy  swamp.  Here  they  feasted  him,  and  treatetl 
him  well. 

Whiii  rheymorched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up  in  a  row,  with  their 
ehif'f  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  and  swords  they  had  taken 
frou)  the  iJnglish  were  borne.  Smith  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men 
hold  of  eac!i  arm,  and  on  each  aide  six  more,  with  their  arrows  notched, 
and  ready,  if  he  should  atteu'pt  to  escape.  At  the  town,  they  danced  and 
suTig  about  l.im,  and  then  put  him  into  a  large  house,  or  wigwam.  Here 
they  kept  him  so  well,  that  he  thought  they  were  fatting  him  to  kill  and 
eat.  They  took  him  to  a  sick  man  to  v^iu'c  him;  but  he  told  them  he  could 
not,  ui  less  they  would  let  him  ;j,o  to  Jamestown,  and  get  something  with 
which  he  could  do  it.     This  thi!y  would  not  consent  to. 

The  taking  of  Jamestown  was  now  resolved  upon,  and  they  made  groat 
preparations  for  it.  To  this  end,  they  endeavored  to  get  Smitfi\<i  assist- 
ance, by  making  large  promises  of  land  and  women  ;  but  he  t(;id  them  it 
could  not  bo  done,  and  described  to  them  the  great  ditticb    /  of  the  under- 


/,'//'// v/;v 


/■/} 


lis  own  men 
,3  soon  as  lio 

rest  Imrdly 
kankanoup;h, 
1  just  tukcn, 
lit!  two  Fiiif;- 
wliile  asleep, 
^,n  contiii  Jeti 
I  endeavored 
le  of  liis  In- 
e  had  killed 
is  attention  to 
I  was  so  dee]) 

to  lay  hands 
iirest  to  liiin, 
bound  to  his 
lied  by  their 
hut  very  little 
B  shot  lull  of 

erishing  with 
md  take  him. 
ace  where  hia 
'  now  showed 
iin  hy  the  fire, 
ivhoni  he  gave 
ich  they  mar- 
see  so  j)lainly, 


ley  made  great 

]  Smithes  assist- 

[e  t(dd  them  it 

of  the  under- 


Kiiiq  FowliatiiU  11  Dill II, k  I'Sniith   ti-  /■/•  //iiviif,  Ins 


~'rT7^_  _  -rJr^::^r---^==H=^-  i'/f<//V?A'/ IVikiihoulns  A;./-/."' /</>  Z-//"'  lii.\  f/itHi/f/ii//iiffs 

_-Jli£^S-'  T^r^^JL;^:^^-^      iVIil  llnw  ll  •'  Mi/'i,-i/fil:.,W/'t/li'ir/{ill<l.\  ri'i'<f'\<''  fii/t'''y 

/■j/'/r/tri'i/  /ri'/ii  //if   ,>/n/i/tif/  ,is  /'iif'/rs/i,;/  /t/ c.ir' Smith  liiiiisril'. 


Chap.  I] 


rOVVIIATAN. 


9 


taking  in  audi  a  manner  that  they  were  greatly  terrified.  With  the  idea 
of  procuring  K'^inething  curious,  Stnilh  prevailed  upon  some  ot' tliein  to 
go  to  Jaincstowti ;  whidi  journey  they  performed  in  the  most  severe, 
frosty  and  snowy  weather.  Ily  this  means,  he  gave  the  people  tiiero  to 
understand  what  iiis  situation  was,  and  what  was  intended  against  tiieni, 
by  sending  a  leaf  from  his  pocket-book,  with  a  few  words  written  upon 
it.  He  wrote,  also,  for  a  few  articles  to  be  sent,  which  were  duly  brought 
by  the  messengers.  Nothing  had  caused  such  astonishment  as  their 
bringing  the  veiy  articles  Smith  had  promised  them.  That  he  could  talk 
to  his  friends,  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  utterly  incomprehensible  to 
them. 

Being  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying  Jamestown,  they  amused 
themselves  by  taking  their  captive  from  jjlace  to  place,  in  great  pomp  and 
triumph,  and  showing  him  to  the  different  nations  of  the  dominions  of 
Powhatan.  They  took  him  to  Youghtannund,  since  called  Pamunkey 
River,  the  country  over  which  Opekankanough  was  chief,  whose  princi- 
pal residence  was  where  the  town  of  Pamunkey  since  was;  thence  to 
the  Mattaponies,  Piankatanks,  the  Nautaughtacuiids,  on  Rappahanock,  tho 
Nominies,  on  the  Patowmack  River;  thence,  in  a  circuitous  course, 
through  several  other  nations,  back  again  to  the  residence  of  Opekankor 
nough.  Here  they  practised  conjurations  upon  him  for  three  successive 
days  ;  to  ascertain,  as  they  said,  whether  he  intended  them  good  or  evil. 
This  proves  they  viewed  him  as  a  kind  of  god.  A  bag  of  gunpowder 
having  fallen  into  their  hands,  they  preserved  it  with  great  care,  thinking 
it  to  be  a  grain,  intending,  in  the  spring,  to  plant  it,  as  they  did  com.  He 
was  here  again  feasted,  and  none  could  eat  until  he  had  done. 


Being  now  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  the  manoeuvres  and  pranks 
with  him  they  could  think  of,  they  proceeded  to  Powhatan.  "  Here  more 
than  200  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at  him,  as  he  had  been 


10 


I'OWIFATAN. 


fMooK  IV. 


Ji  iiioiistor,  till  Powhatan  and  his  trnyno  lind  put  thnnipoivos  in  tlioir 
gn-atcm  l)r(ivori<3H."  Hi;  was  seated  hcton!  a  tire,  upon  a  scat  like  a  lied- 
stead,  having  on  a  rolie  of  rareoon  skins,  "and  all  the  t.iyles  han^inp  hy." 
On  each  side  of  him  sat  a  young  woman;  and  upon  (wdi  siJi;  of  tiie 
houHe  two  rows  of  men,  and  with  us  many  women  hehind  them.  These 
Inst  hud  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted  red — some  of  whone  h»!uds 
were  udorned  with  white  down  ;  and  ahout  their  necks  white  heuds.  On 
Smilk's  being  hrouglit  into  the  presi  nee  ni'  Powhatan,  nW  present  joined  in 
u  great  shout.  "  Tlie  queen  of  Apamatuek  was  ippointed  to  hring  him 
water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  brought  him  a  bunch  of  feathers, 
instead  of  a  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then,  having  feasted  him  again,  "  alter 
their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a  long  consultation  was  held,  but 
the  conclusioji  was,  two  gn>at  stones  were  l)rought  bei'ore  Powhatan — then 
as  mnny  as  could  lay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them  and  thereon 
laid  his  head,  uiui  being  ready,  with  their  clubs,  to  beat  out  his  brains, 
Pocahontas,  tlu;  king's  dearest  daughter,  wIkmi  no  (uitreaty  could  prevail, 
got  his  head  ui  her  urines,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  li-oni 
death." 

Powhatan  was  unable  to  n'sist  the  extraordinnry  Bolicitations  and  sym- 
pathetic entreaties  of  his  kind-hearted  little  daughter,  and  thus  was  saved 
the  life  of  Capt.  Smith  ;  a  character,  who,  without  this  astonishing  deliv- 
erance, was  sufficiently  renowni^d  for  escapes  and  adventures. 

The  old  sachem,  having  set  the  sentence  of  death  aside,  made  up  his 
mind  to  employ  Smith  as  an  artisan  ;  to  make,  for  himself,  robes,  .shoes, 
bows,  arrows,  and  pots ;  and,  for  Pocahontas,  bells,  beads,  and  copper 
trinkets.  Powhatan^s  son,  named  JVantatjuaus,  was  very  friendly  to 
Smith,  and  rendered  him  many  important  sei-vicea,  as  well  atler  as  during 
his  captivity. 

"  Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself  in  the  most  fear- 
fullest  manner  he  could,  caused  Captain  Smith  to  be  brought  forth  to  a 
great  hotjse  in  the  woods,  and  there,  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left 
alione.  Not  long  after,  from  behinde  a  mat  that  divided  the  house,  was 
n-ade  the  most  dolefullest  noyse  he  ever  heard  ;  then  Powhatan,  more  like 
a  Dcvill  then  a  man,  with  some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came  unto 
him,  and  told  him,  now  they  were  friends  ;  and  presently  he  should  go  to 
Jamestowne,  to  send  him  two  great  gunnes,  and  a  gryndestone,  for  which 
he  would  give  him  the  countiy  of  Capahowosick,  [Capahowsick,]  and 
forever  esteem  him  his  sonne,  JVantuquo7id.  So  to  Jamestowne,  with  12 
guides,  Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they  quartered  in  the  woods,  he 
still  expecting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of  his  imprisonment,) 
every  hour  to  be  put  to  one  death  or  another."  Early  the  next  morning, 
they  came  to  the  i'ort  at  Jamestown.  Hen;  he  treated  his  guides  ,vith  the 
greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  offered  Rawhunt,  in  a  jesting  manner, 
and  for  the  sake  of  a  little  sport,  a  huge  mill-stone,  and  two  demi-culve- 
riiis,  or  nine  pound  cannons,  to  take  to  Powhatan,  his  master ;  X\m»  fidjilling 
his  engagement  to  send  him  a  grindstone  and  two  guns.  This  Rawhunt 
was  a  sachem  under  Powhatan,  and  one  of  his  most  faithful  captains,  and 
who,  it  seems,  accompanied  Smith  in  his  return  out  of  captivity. 

"They  found  them  somewhat  too  heavie,  bu  wl)en  they  did  see  him 
discharge  them,  being  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughs  of  a  great 
tree  loaded  with  isickles,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so  tumbling  down, 
that  the  poore  salvages  ran  away  half  dead  with  fear.  But,  at  last,  we 
regained  some  conference  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and  sent 
to  Powhatan,  his  women,  and  children,  such  presents,  and  gave  them  in 
gcnerall  full  content."* 

*Tliis  is  Captain  Smith's  own  account,  which  I  shall  follow  minutely;  adding  occa- 
*ioaaHy  from  Stith,  to  illustrate  the  geography  of  the  country. 


Chvp    I] 


I'OVVIIATAN. 


11 


Powhatan  wnH  now  completdy  in  thci  KiigliHli  inlrroHt,  nnd  uIinoRt  rvnry 
oiIkt  (lay  s<'nt  his  (laiiffliter,  I'ocalionta-n,  wiili  victiial.s,  to  Jaintstown,  of 
whifli  tlicy  were  greatly  in  need.  Smilh  liad  told  Powhatan  tliat  a  fjnat 
chief,  which  was  Ca|itain  JVcwport,  would  arrive  from  Miiplaii<l  ahoiit  that 
time,  which  coining  to  pat<s  as  lit;  liad  naid,  greatly  increastsd  his  admira- 
tion of  the  wisdom  of  the  Knglisii,  and  he  was  ready  to  <lo  as  they  desired 
in  every  thing  ;  and,  hut  for  the  vanity  and  ostentation  of  JVewport,  mat- 
ters woidd  have  gone  on  well,  ami  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advau- 
ta;;e.  Htit  he  lavished  so  many  presents  upon  Powhatan,  that  lie  was  in 
no  way  inclined  to  trade,  atid  soon  liegan  to  show  his  haughtiness,  hy 
«lemandiiig  five  times  the  value  of  an  article,  or  his  contempt  for  what 
was  oU'ered. 

By  .VcwjmiVs  imprudence  and  folly,  what  had  cost  Smith  so  much  toil 
and  pains  to  achieve,  was  hlown  away  hy  a  single  hreath  of  vanity. 
Nevertheless,  his  great  mind,  continually  exercised  in  ditlicnlt  matters, 
brought  the  suhtle  chief  again  to  his  own  terms.  Himself,  with  JVewport, 
and  about  20  other.s,  went  to  Poivhatan's  residence  to  trade  with  iiini. 
"Wherein  Powhatan  carried  himself  so  proudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his 
salvage  manner,)  as  made  us  all  to  admire  bis  natural  gifis."  He  pre- 
tended that  it  was  far  beneath  his  dignity  to  tradv  as  his  men  did.  Thus 
his  craft  to  obtain  from  JVewport  his  p)ods  for  whatcner  he  pleased  to  give 
in  return.  Smith  saw  through  Powkatan^s  crurt,  and  told  JVcivport  how  it 
would  turn  out,  but  being  determined  to  show  himself  as  dignified  as  the 
Indian  cliief,  repented  of  his  folly,  like  too  many  others,  when  it  was  too 
late.  Smith  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  JVeivporl  the  ohieC 
Powhatan  made  a  speech  to  him,  when  they  were  about  to  enter  upor 
trading.  He  said,  "  Captain  JVewport,  it  is  not  agreeable  to  my  greatness, 
in  this  peddling  manner,  to  trade  for  trifles ;  and  I  esteem  you  also  a  great 
werowance.  Therefore,  lay  ine  down  all  your  commodities  together; 
what  I  like  I  will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I  think  fitting 
their  value."  Accordingly,  JVewport  gave  him  all  his  goods,  and  received 
in  return  only  about  three  bushels  of  corn  ;  whereas  they  cx|)ected  to  have 
obtained  20  hogslieads.  This  transaction  created  some  hard  thoughts 
between  Smith  and  J^''cwport. 

If  it  add  to  raise  Poivhatan  in  our  admiration,  it  can  detract  nothing 
from  the  character  of  Smith,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Indian 
chief.  For,  with  a  few  blue  beads,  which  he  pretended  that  he  had  shown 
liim  oidy  by  accident,  and  which  be  would  hardly  ]mn  with,  as  he  pre- 
tended, because  they  were  of  great  price,  and  worn  only  by  great  kings, 
lie  completely  got  his  end,  at  this  time,  answered.  Tantalization  had  the 
desired  effect,  and  Powhatan  was  so  infatuated  with  the  lure,  that  he  was 
almost  beside  himself,  and  was  ready  to  givt  all  be  had,  to  possess  them. 
"  So  that,  ere  we  departed,"  says  my  relation,  "  for  a  pound  or  two  of  blew 
beades,  he  brought  over  my  king  for  2  or  300  bushells  of  corne." 

An  English  boy  was  left  with  P(  hatan,  by  Captain  JVewport,  to  learn 
the  language,  manners,  customs  and  geography  of  his  country  ;  and,  in 
return,  Powhatan  gave  him  JVamontack,  one  of  his  servants,  of  a  shrewd 
and  subtle  capacity  ;  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England.  Powhatan 
became  offended  with  Captain  Smith,  when  J^cwpoii  left  the  country,  in 
1608 ;  at  whose  departure  he  sent  him  20  turkeys,  and  demanded,  in  return, 
20  swords,  which  were  granted.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  the  same  number 
to  Smith,  expecting  the  like  return ;  but,  being  disappointed,  ordered  his 
men  to  seize  the  English  wherever  they  could  find  them.  This  caused 
tlifiiculty — many  of  the  English  being  robbed  of  their  swords,  in  the 
vicinity  of  their  forts.  They  continued  their  depredations  until  Smilh 
surprised  a  number  of  thetn,  from  whom  he  learned  that  Poivhatan  was 
endeavoring  19  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power,  to  be  able  to  massacre  tho 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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12 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  IV. 


English.  When  he  found  that  his  plot  wns  disrovcred,  he  sent  Pocakon- 
taSf  with  presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  pretended  that  the  mischief  was 
done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable  chiefs.  He  directed  her  to  endeavor 
to  effect  the  release  of  his  men  that  were  prisoners,  which  Smith  consented 
to,  wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  her  account ;  and  tlius  peace  was  restored, 
which  had  been  continually  interrupted  for  a  considerable  time  before. 

On  the  10th  of  September,  1008,  Smith  was  elected  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia. Mwport,  going  often  to  England,  had  a  large  share  in  directing 
the  affairs  oi  the  colony,  from  his  intertdt  with  the  proprietors.  He  ar- 
rived about  this  time,  and,  among  other  baubles,  brought  over  a  crown  for 
Powhatan,  with  directions  for  his  coronation ;  which  had  the  ill  effect  to 
make  him  value  himself  more  than  ever.  JVcwport  was  instructed  to 
discover  the  country  of  the  Monacans,  a  nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was 
at  war,  and  whom  they  would  assist  him  against,  if  he  would  aid  in  the 
business.  Captain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to  invite  him  to  Jamestown  to 
receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  arriving  at  Wcrowocomoco, 
and  delivering  his  mespago  to  the  old  chief,  he  replied,  "  If  your  king 
have  sent  me  presents,  I  also  am  a  king,  and  this  is  my  land.  Eight  days  I 
will  stay  to  receive  them.  Your  father  [meaning  NeAV[)ort]  j>  to  come  to  me, 
not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  will  I  bite  at  such  a  bate.  As  for 
the  Monacans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuries ;  and  as  for  Mquanachuck^ 
where  you  say  your  brother  was  slain,  it  is  a  contrary  way  from  those  parts 
you  suppose  tt ;  but,  for  any  salt  icater  beyond  the  mountains,  the  relations 
you  have  had  from  my  people  are  false."  Some  of  the  Indians  had  made 
the  English  believe  that  tlie  South  Sea,  now  called  the  Pacific  Ocean,  was 
but  a  short  distance  back.  To  show  Smith  the  absurdity  of  the  story,  he 
drew  a  map  of  the  country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith  returned  as  wise  as 
he  went. 

A  house  was  built  for  Powhatan,  almut  this  time,  by  some  Germants 
who  came  over  with  Newport.  These  men,  thinking  that  the  English 
.  could  not  subsist  in  the  country,  wantonly  betrayed  all  the  secrets  of  the 
English  to  Powhatan,  which  was  again  the  source  of  much  trouble.  They 
even  urged  him  to  put  all  the  English  to  death,  agreeing  to  live  with  him, 
and  assist  him  in  the  execution  of  the  horrible  project.    Powhatan  was 

f)lea8ed  at  the  proposition,  and  thought,  by  their  assistance,  to  effect  what 
le  had  formerly  hoped  to  do  by  engaging  Smith  ir  such  an  enterprise. 
Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captain  Smith ;  by  which  act,  the  chief  ob- 
stacle to  succ«»s8  would  be  removed ;  and,  accordingly,  they  took  every 
means  in  tht  r  i  ower  to  effect  it. 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  for  corn,  hoping  an 
opportunity,  in  that  business,  would  offer.  That  his  design  might  not  be 
mistrusted,  Powhatan  promised  to  load  his  ship  with  corn,  if  he  would 
bring  him  a  grindstone,  50  swords,  some  muskets,  a  cock  and  a  hen,  and 
a  quantity  of  copper  and  beads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  as 
though  sure  of  meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Warrasqueake,  and  were  informed, 
by  the  sachem  of  that  place,  of  Potvhatan's  intentions.  That  sachem 
kindly  entertained  them,  and,  when  they  departed,  furnished  them  with 
guides.  On  account  of  extreme  bad  weather,  they  were  obliged  to  spend 
near  a  week  at  Kicquotan.  This  obliged  them  to  keep  then*  Christmas 
among  the  Indians,  and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a  merry  Christmas 
it  was ;  having  been  "  never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  better 
fires,  or  fed  with  greater  plenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fish,  flesh  and  wild 
fowl."' 

Having  arrived  at  Wcrowocomoco,  after  much  hardship,  they  sent  to 
Powhatan  for  provisions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  but  three 
or  four  days'  supply  along  with  them.    The  old  chief  sent  them  immedi- 


[Book  IV. 

!nt  Pocahon- 
riiscliief  was 
to  endeavor 
th  consented 
vas  restored, 
10  before, 
rnor  of  Vir- 
in  directing 
)rs.  He  ar- 
a  crown  for 
c  ill  effect  to 
nstructed  to 
owhatan  was 
Id  aid  in  the 
imestown  to 
owocomoco, 
f  your  king 
Eight  days  J 
0  come  to  me, 
ite.  As  for 
tquanachuckf 
n  those  porta 
the  relations 
s  had  made 
Ocean,  was 
the  story,  he 
id  as  wise  as 

le  GermanR, 

the  English 

;crets  of  the 

auble.  They 

'c  with  him, 

whatan  was 

effect  what 

enterprise. 

le  chief  ob- 

took  every 

,  hoping  an 
light  not  be 
"  he  would 
hen,  and 
guarded,  as 

■e  informed, 
I  at  sachem 
them  with 
ed  to  spend 
Christmas 
Christmas 
a  by  lietter 
3h  and  wild 

ley  sent  to 
n  but  three 
m  immedi- 


Chap.  I] 


POWHATAN. 


13 


atcly  a  supply  of  broad,  turkeys  and  venison,  and  soon  after  iniulc  a  fi'Jist 
for  tlicrn,  nccordiiig  to  custom. 

Meanwhile,  Powhatan  pretended  he  had  not  sent  for  the  English  ;  tell- 
ing them  he  had  no  corn,  "and  his  people  much  less,"*  and,  therefore, 
iutimat»"l  that  he  wifshod  they  would  go  off  again.  Ihu  Smith  produced 
the  m(!ssenger  that  he  hud  sent,  and  so  confronted  him ;  Powhatan  then 
laughed  heartily,  and  tluis  it  passed  f!)r  a  joke.  He  then  asked  for  their 
commodities,  "hiu  he  liked  ;iOthing,  except  guns  and  swords,  and  valued 
a  basket  of  corn  higher  tiian  a  basket  of  copper  ;  saying,  he  could  rate 
his  corn,  but  not  the  copper."  Ca|)t.  Sinith  then  made  a  speech  to  him, 
in  which  he  endeavored  to  work  u|)on  his  feelings  and  sense  of  honor; 
said  he  had  sent  his  meivto  build  him  a  house  while  his  own  was  neglect- 
ed ;  that,  because  of  his  promising  to  sup[>ly  him  with  corn,  he  hud 
neglected  to  supply  himself  with  provisions  wIhmi  he  might  have  done  it. 
Finally,  Smith  reproached  him  of  divei-s  ucgligftnces,  deceptions  and  pnn  ar- 
ications,  but  the  main  cause  of  Powlmtan^s  refusing  to  trade  seems  to  have 
been  because  the  English  did  not  bring  the  articles  he  most  wanted. 

When  Smith  had  done,  Powhatan  answered  him  as  follows : — "  /Fc  have 
but  little  corn,  but  what  tee  cari  spare  shall  be  brought  two  days  hence.  As 
to  your  coming  here,  I  have  some  doubt  about  the  reason  of  it.  I  am  told,  by 
my  men,  that  you  came,  not  to  trade,  bvi  to  invade  my  people,  and  to  possess 
my  country.  Tliis  makes  me  less  ready  to  relieve  you,  ana  frightens  my  peo- 
ple from  bringing  in  their  com.  And,  therefore,  to  relieve  them  of  that  fear, 
leave  your  arms  aboard  your  boats,  since  they  are  needless  here,  where  toe  are 
all  friends,  and  forever  PowhatansJ'^ 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  t:pe!it  the  first  day. 
"  But,  whilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wrangled 
Powhatan  out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  fur  a  copper  kettle ;  which  the  presi- 
«leut  seeing  bun  much  affect,  [value,]  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  grf-ater 
value ;  yet,  in  regard  of  his  scarcity,  he  would  accept  that  quaiuiiy  at 
present ;  provided  he  should  have  as  much  more  the  next  year,  or  the 
Alanakin  country,"  were  that  condition  not  complied  with. 

This  transaction  will  equal  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of  N. 
England,  but  we  will  leave  the  reader  to  make  his  own  comment. 

At  the  same  time,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  were  some 
very  singular  passages,  as  reported  by  Smith.  One  was  that  be  had  seen 
the  death  of  all  his  people  three  times;  and  that  none  of  those  three  gen- 
erations was  then  living,  except  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to 
make  the  English  think  him  something  more  than  human.  The  old  chief 
then  went  on  and  said, 

"  /  am  now  grown  old,  and  must  soon  die ;  and  the  succession  must  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opitchapan,  Opekankanough  and  Catataugh,* 
and  then  to  my  two  sisters,  and  their  two  daughters.  I  loish  their  experience 
was  equal  to  -.nine ;  and  thai  your  love  to  iw  might  not  be  less  than  ours  to 
you.  Why  shoidd  you  take  by  force  that  from  tis  which  you  can  have  by  love  ? 
Why  should  you  destroy  tts,  who  liave  provided  you  with  food?  What  can 
you  get  by  ivar  f  We  can  hide  our  provisions,  and  fly  into  the  woods  ;  and 
then  you  must  consequently  famish  by  wronging  your  friendt.  What  is  the 
cause  of  your  jealousy?  You  sec  us  unarmed,  and  willing  to  supply  your 
wants,  if  you  will  come  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  not  loiih  stvords  and  guns, 
as  to  invade  an  enemy.  I  am  not  so  simple,  as  not  to  know  it  is  belter  to  eat 
good  meat,  lie  well,  ami  sleep  quietly  tvith  my  women  and  children;  to  laugh 


8G 


Tlie  reader  may  wonder  how  this  could  be,  but  it  is  so  in  tlic  old  history,  by  Stith, 
tCatanaugii,  Stith. 


14 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  IV, 


and  be  merry  mth  the  English ;  and,  heing  their  friend,  to  have  copper, 
hatchets,  and  whatever  el.ic  I  want,  than  tojlyfrom  all,  to  lie  cold  in  the  woods, 
feed  upon  acorns,  roots,  and  such  trash,  aim  to  be  so  hunted,  that  I  cannot 
rest,  eat,  or  sleep.  In  stick  circumstances,  my  men  must  watch,  and  if  a  twig 
sJiovld  but  break,  all  tvould  cry  oid, '  Here  comes  Capt.  Smith' ;  and  so,  in 
this  miserable  manner,  to  end  my  miserable  life ;  and,  Capt.  SmiUi,  this  niiglit 
be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  your  rashness  and  unadvisedness.  J,  there- 
fore, exhort  you  to  peaceable  councils ;  and,  above  all,  I  insist  that  the  guns 
aiul  swords,  the  cause  of  all  our  jealousy  and  uneasiness,  be  removed  and 
sent  away.''^ 

Smith  interpreted  thia  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  what  it  ex- 

{)ressed,and  it  rather  confirmed  than  lessened  his  former  suspicions.  He, 
lowever,  made  a  speech  to  Powhatan,  in  his  turn,  in  which  he  endeavored 
to  convince  him  that  the  English  intended  him  no  hurt ;  urging,  that,  if 
tiiey  had,  how  easily  they  might  have  effected  it  long  before ;  and  that,  as 
to  their  perishing  with  want,  he  would  have  him  to  understand  that  the 
English  had  ways  to  supply  themselves  unknown  to  the  Indians ;  that  as 
to  his  sending  away  the  arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  In- 
dians were  always  allowed  to  bring  theirs  to  Jamestown,  and  to  keep  them 
in  their  hands.  Seeing  Smithes  inflexibility,  and  despairing  of  accom- 
plishing bis  intended  massacre,  he  spoke  again  to  Smith  as  follows : — 

"  Capt.  Smith,  I  never  v^e  any  toerowance  so  kindly  as  yourself;  yet  from 
you  I  receive  the  least  kindness  of  any.  Capt.  Newport  gave  me  swords, 
copper,  clothes,  or  whatever  else  I  desired,  ever  accepting  what  I  offered  him ; 
and  tvoidd  send  away  his  guns  ivhen  requested.  JVb  one  refuses  to  lie  at  my 
feet,  or  do  ivhat  I  aemand,  bid  you  only.  Of  you  I  can  have  nothing,  but 
what  you  value  not ;  and  yet,  you  tvill  have  tchatsoever  you  please.  Capt. 
Newport  you  call  father,  and  so  you  call  me ;  but  I  see,  in  spite  of  us  both, 
you  will  do  what  you  will,  and  loe  must  both  study  to  humor  and  content  you. 
Bui  if  you  intend  so  friendly,  as  you  say,  send  away  your  arms ;  for  you 
see  my  undesigning  simplicity  and  friendship  cause  me  thu^  nakedly  to  for- 
get myself.^' 

Smith  now  was  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Powhatan  only  trifled  away 
the  time,  that  he  might,  by  some  means,  accomplish  his  design.  The 
boats  of  the  English  were  kept  at  a  distance  from  the  shore,  by  reason  of 
ice.  Smith,  therefore,  resorted  to  deception  ;  he  got  the  Indians  to  break 
the  ice,  that  his  men  might  come  in  and  take  on  board  the  corn  they  had 
bought,  and,  at  the  same  time,  gave  orders  to  them  to  seize  Powhatan  ; 
Smith,  in  the  mean  time,  was  to  amuse  him  with  false  promises.  But 
Smith's  talk  was  too  full  of  flattery  not  to  be  seen  through  by  the  saga- 
cious sachem ;  and,  before  it  was  too  late,  he  conveyed  himself,  his 
women,  children,  and  eflfects  into  the  woodo ,  having  succeeded  in  his 
deception  better  than  Smith ;  for  two  or  three  squaws  amused  him  while 
Powhatan  and  the  rest  escaped.    Unwilling,  however,  to  renounce  his 

Eurpose,  Powhatan  sent  Smith,  soon  after,  a  valuable  bracelet,  as  a  present, 
y  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excube  the  conduct  of  his  eachem ; 
he  said,  Powliatan  ran  off'  because  he  was  affaid  of  the  English  arms,  and 
said,  if  they  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  come  with  his  people,  and 
bring  com  in  abundance.  At  length,  finding  all  artifices  vain,  Powhatan 
resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  their  cabins,  on  the  following  night 
But  here,  again,  Pocahontas  saved  the  life  of  Smith  and  his  attcndan*s. 
She  came  alone,  in  a  dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed 
Smith  of  her  father's  design.  For  this  most  signal  favor,  he  offered  her 
such  articles  as  he  tliought  would  please  her;  but  she  would  accept  of 
nothing,  and,  with  tears  standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  father  should 
Bee  her  with  any  thing,  he  would  mistrust  what  she  had  done,  and  instant 


[Book  IV. 

0  have  copper, 
'd  in  the  woods, 
,  that  I  cannot 
h,  and  if  a  ttoig 
th' ;  and  so,  in 
litli,  this  might 
ness.  J,  there- 
t  that  the  guns 
e  removed  and 

to  what  it  ex- 
spicions.  Up, 
he  endeavored 
urging,  that,  if 
e ;  and  that,  as 
rstand  that  the 
]dians ;  that  as 
;,  since  the  In- 
d  to  keep  them 
ing  of  accom- 
i  follows : — 

irself;  yet  from 

%ve  me  swords, 

1 1  offered  him ; 

ises  to  lie  at  my 

ive  nothing,  but 

please.    Capt. 

tpite  of  Its  both, 

:nd  content  you. 

arms ;  for  you 

nakedly  tofor- 

ly  trifled  away 

design.    The 

e,  by  reason  of 

idians  to  break 

1  corn  they  had 
ize  Powhatan ; 
womises.  But 
h  by  the  saga- 
d  himself,  his 
zceeded  in  his 
ised  him  while 

renounce  his 
3t,  as  a  present, 
)f  his  sachem ; 
^lish  arms,  and 
tis  people,  and 
vain,  Powhatan 
bllowing  night, 
his  attendants. 
,  and  informed 
he  offered  her 
ould  accept  of 
r  father  should 
>ne,  and  instant 


Chap.  I] 


POWHATAN. 


15 


death  would  be  her  reward ;  and  she  retired  by  herself  into  the  woods, 
as  she  came. 

Powhatan  was  so  cxnsporatrd  at  tlio  failure  of  his  pints,  that  he  threat- 
ened death  to  his  men  if  they  did  not  kill  Smith  by  some  means  or  other. 
Not  long  after,  a  circuuistance  occurred,  which  gave  him  security  the  rest 
of  his  administnition.  One  of  Potvhatan''s  men  having,  by  .some  means, 
ffot  a  (jiiantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  he  could  manage  it  like  the 
Knglish.  Several  came  about  him,  to  witness  his  exploits  with  the  strange 
commodity,  when,  by  some  means,  it  took  fire,  "and  blew  him,  with  one 
or  two  more,  to  death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  the  Indians,  and 
so  ama/ed  and  lightened  Powhatan,  that  his  people  came  from  all  direc- 
tions, and  desired  peace  ;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  articles  that 
the  English  had  never  liefore  missed.  Powhatan  would  now  send  to 
Jamestown  such  of  his  men  us  had  injured  the  English,  that  they  might 
be  dealt  with  as  they  deserved.  The  same  year,  ItiOl),  he  sent  them  nearly 
half  his  crop  of  corn,  knowing  them  to  be  in  great  want. 

Captain  Smith,  having,  by  accident,  been  shockingly  bm-iied  by  his  |iow- 
dcr-bags  taking  fire,  for  want  of  surgical  aid,  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
country  and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  pub- 
lished the  account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  bis  own  adventures, 
which  is  almost  the  only  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country. 
He  died  in  London,  in  lG31,t  in  the  52d  year  oi"  his  age. 


Thou  (hvis  admired, 


Didst  make  proud  Powhaian,  his  subjects  send, 
To  lames  his  towne,  thy  censure  to  attend : 
And  all  Virgina's  lords,  and  pcttic  kin^, 
Aw'd  by  thy  vertue,  crouch,  and  presents  brings, 
To  gain  thy  grace  ;  so  dreaded  thou  liast  beene : 
Ana  yet  a  heart  more  milde  is  seldome  scene. "| 

The  Dutchmen  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  so  assid- 
uous t )  bring  ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One  of  them 
died  in  wretchedness,  an^  •'>  others  had  their  brains  beat  out  by  order 
of  Powhatan,  for  their  deception. 

After  SmiLk  had  left;  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made  to  believe  that  he 
was  dead.  Powhaian  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  after,  ordered 
one  of  his  counsellors,  named  Ultamatomakin,^  or  Tomocomo,\  whom  he 
sent  to  England,  to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instructed 
him,  also,  to  note  the  number  oi  the  people — to  learn  the  state  of  the 
country — and,  if  he  found  Smith,  to  make  him  show  him  the  God  of  the 
English,  and  the  king  and  queen.  When  he  arrived  at  Plimouth,  he  took 
a  long  stick,  and  began  to  perform  a  part  of  his  mission  by  cutting  a  notch 
for  every  person  he  shoulu  see.  But  he  soon  gave  up  that  business.  And, 
when  he  returned  to  his  own  country,  his  chief  asked  him,  among  other 
things,  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  in  Eng- 
land. His  answer  to  that  inquiry,  we  hazard  not  much  in  saying,  is  nearly 
as  extensively  known  as  the  golden  rule  of  Confucius.  It  was  as  follows : 
*'  Count  the  stars  in  the  sky,  the  leaves  on  the  trees,  and  the  sand  vpon  the 
sea-shore,— for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  England." 

Tomocomo  had  married  a  sister  of  Pocahontas,  and,  probably,  accompa- 


*  Did  not  the  English  of  N.  England  owe  their  safety  to  Massasait  and  Miantunno- 
moh's  fear  of  tiie  same  article  ? 


t  Josselyn,  N.  Eng.  Rarities,  106. 

i  Laudatory  verses  affixed  to  the  first  volume  of  his  History  of  Virginia. 


II  Purchas. 


•I  I 


16 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  IV. 


nied  her  to  England.*  Wliilo  there,  the  famous  anti(|uary,  Samuel  Pur- 
chase, had  an  interview  with  him,  and  from  whom  lie  ct)ll(;('tcd  many  facts 
relating  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  his  countrymen ;  the  result  of 
which  he  afterwards  puhlished  in  his  Pilgrim8.f 

The  difficulties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Powhatan  and  the  Eng- 
lish ;  very  little  time  passed,  while  he  lived,  but  what  was  full  of  brous 
and  dissatisfaction,  on  the  one  ])art  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have 
fallen  under  our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as 
Powhatan.  He  died  at  peace  with  the  English,  in  April,  1G18,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Opitchapan,  his  second  brother,  who  was  known  afterwards 
by  the  name  Itopatin. 

Our  readers  will  be  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  Capt.  Smith  was 
borljarous  enough  towards  the  Indians,  but  we  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  horrible,  in  the  course  of  his  proceedings,  as  was  exhibited  by  his 
successor.  Lord  De  La  War.  This  gentleman,  instead  of  taking  a  mean 
course  between  the  practices  of  Smith  and  N'ewport,  went  into  the  worst 
extreme.  Finding  Poivhatan  insolent,  on  Ins  arrival  in  the  country,  he 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  him  to  unconditional  submission.  Hav- 
ing, therefore,  got  into  his  hands  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  caused 
his  right  hand  to  be  cut  off.  In  this  manned  and  horrid  condition,  he  sent 
him  to  Powhatan ;  at  the  same  time,  giving  the  sachem  to  understand  that 
all  his  subjects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience 
any  longer ;  telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  the  country  should  be 
immediately  destroyed,  which  was  just  then  ripcf  This  wretched  act 
increased,  as  reasonably  it  should,  the  indignation  of  Poti^ftcrfcn,  and  his 
acts  were  governed  accordingly. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Reflection  upon  tlie  character  rf  Potohatan — Pocahontas — She  singiilarli/ 
entertains  Capt.  Smith — Disaster  of  a  boaVs  cretv — Smith's  attempt  to 
surprise  Powhatan  frustrated  iii  consequence — Pocahontas  saves  the  life 
of  ff)jiffin — Betrayed  into  the  hands  of  the  f English — Japazaws — J\lr. 
Rolfc  marries  Pocahontas — Opachisco — Pocahontas  visits  England — 
Her  interview  loith  Smith — Dies  at  Gravesend — Her  son — Opkkanka- 
NOUGH — Made  prisoner  by  Smith — Is  set  at  liberty — Nemattanow — 
Murders  an  Englishman — Is  murdered  in  his  turn — His  singular  conduct 
at  his  death — Conducts  the  massacre  of  1022 — Plots  the  extirpation  of  the 
'English — Conducts  the  horrid  massacre  of  1G44 — /*  taken  prisoner — His 
conduct  upon  the  occasion — Barbarously  ivounded  by  the  guard — Last 
speech,  and  magnanimity  in  death — Refections — Nickotawance — Toto- 
POTOMoi-->oi?i«  the  English  against  the  Rechahecrians — /*  defeated  and 
slaiit. 

It  is  impossible  to  say,  what  would  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  great 
Poivhatan,  towards  the  English,  had  he  been  treated  by  them  as  he  ougiit 
to  have  been.  The  uncommonly  amiable,  virtuous  and  feeling  disposition 
of  his  daughter  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in  reading  his  history  ; 
and,  notwithstanding  he  is  described  l)y  the  historians  as  possessing  a  sour. 


*  Mr.  Oldmixon  (Rrit.  Empire,  i.  285.)  says,  "  That  when  the  princess  Pocahontas 
came  for  Enjrlnnfl,  a  coucarousa,  or  lord  of  her  own  nation,  attended  her ;  his  name  was 
Utiamaccomiick. ' ' 

t  Vol.  V.  b.  viii.  ciiap.  vi.  page  955.  :f  Harris,  Voyages,  ii,  226. 


[Book  IV. 

^aviuel  Pur- 
(l  many  facts 
the  result  of 

iiid  the  Eng- 
iull  of  broils 
I  cliiefs  hnvo 
icteristicB  as 
J18,  and  was 
n  afterwards 

t.  Smith  was 
ith  any  thing 
lihited  by  liis 
iing  a  mean 
to  the  worst 
1  country,  he 
ssion.  itav- 
(Iship  caused 
lition,  he  sent 
ilerstand  that 
ed  obedience 
ry  should  be 
wretched  act 
itan,  and  his 


Chap.  II.] 


POCAHONTAS. 


17 


he  sins^ularlif 
I's  attempt  to 
saves  the  life 
AZAWS — J\Ir. 
England — 
Opkkanka- 

lATTANOVV 

«;ular  conduct 
rpation  of  the 
prisoner — His 
guard — Last 
NCE — ToTo- 
defeated  and 

.  of  the  gi-eat 
I  as  he  ought 
ig  disposition 
his  history ; 
!ssing  a  sour, 

CSS  Pocahontas 
;  his  name  was 

ages,  ii.  226. 


morose  and  savage  disposition,  full  of  treachery,  deceit  and  cunning — and 
whose  word  was  never  to  be  depended  upon,  yet,  on  the  very  page  that  lie 
IS  thus  represented,  we  shall  iind  the  same  faults  set  him  as  examples  by  the 
English  themselves. 

The  first  and  most  memorable  events  in  the  life  of  Pocahontas  have 
necessarily  been  detailed  in  the  account  of  her  father ;  therefore  we  shall, 
under  her  own  name,  give  those  which  are  more  disconnected  with  his. 

Pocahontas  was  born  about  the  year  151)4  or  5,  and  hence  was  no  more 
than  l^or  13  years  old,  when  she  saved  the  life  of  Capt.  Smith,  in  1G07. 
Every  particular  of  that  most  cMraordinary  scene  has  been  exhibited.  It 
has  also  been  :nentiotied,  that,  at  the  suggestion  of  Capt.  JVetvport,  Smith 
went  with  a  few  men  to  Werowocomoco,  to  invite  Powhatan  to  lames- 
town  to  receive  presents,  hoping  thereby  to  influence  hiui  to  open  a  trade 
in  corn  with  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  place,  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  but  was  at 
the  distance  of  30  tniles  off'.  Pocahontas  and  her  women  received  him, 
and  while  he  waited  for  her  father,  they  thus  entertained  him :  "  In  a  fayro 
plaine  field,  (soys  Smith,)  they  made  a  fire,  before  which,  he  sitting  upon 
a  mat,  suddainly  amongst  the  woods  was  heard  such  a  hydeous  noise  and 
shrecking,  that  the  English  botooke  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  seized 
on  two  or  three  old  men  by  them,  supposing  Powhatan,  witli  all  his 
power,  was  come  to  surprise  them.  But  presently  Pocahontas  come, 
willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any  hurt  were  intended ;  and  tho  beholders, 
which  were  men,  women  —id  children,  satisfied  the  captain  there  was  no 
such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were  presented  with  this  onticke  ;  30 
young  women  came  naked  out  of  the  woods,  onely  covered  behind  and 
before  with  a  few  greene  leaues,  their  bodies  all  painted,  some  of  one  color, 
some  of  another,  but  all  differing.  Their  leader  had  a  fayre  payre  of  bucks 
homes  on  her  head,  and  an  ottcr-skinne  at  her  girdle,  and  another  at  her 
arme,  a  qi'iver  of  orrowes  at  her  backe,  o  bow  and  arrows  in  her  hand. 
The  next  hod  in  her  hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  club,  another  a  pot- 
sticke,  all  horned  alike ;  the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerall  devises. 
These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and  cryes,  rushing  from  among  the 
ti'ees,  cast  themselves  in  a  ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing  with 
most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oft;  fulling  into  their  infernall  passions,  and  sol- 
emnly again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  neare  an  houre  iii  this 
mascarado,  as  they  entred,  in  like  manner  they  departed."  After  a  short 
time,  they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wigwams.  Here  they 
were  more  tormented  than  before,  "  with  crowding,  pressing,  hanging 
about  them,  most  tediously  crying, '  Love  you  not  me  ?  love  you  not  me  ?' " 
When  they  had  finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best 
victuals  their  country  afforded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Captain  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country',  with  an 
intention  of  surprising  Powhatan,  there  happened  a  melancholy  accident 
at  home,  to  a  boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  vciy  severe 
weather,  by  one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  matters.  In 
the  boat  were  Captain  Waldo,  Master  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expe- 
dition, Mr.  Anthony  Gosnolil,  brother  of  the  well-known  Jinrtholometv 
Gosnold,  and  eight  others.  By  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  tlio.se  all  perished, 
and  none  knew  what  had  become  of  them,  uniil  their  bodies  were  found 
by  the  Indians.  The  veiy  men  on  whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at 
the  fort  for  his  succor,  in  case  he  sent  for  them,  were  atiionj;  the  numlier. 
Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this  expedition,  somebody  mu.st  bo 
sent  to  opprize  Smith  of  the  catastrophe.  None  volunteered  for  the  haz- 
ardous service,  but  Mr.  Richard  Wjiffin,  who  was  obliged  to  undertake  it 
alone.  Tiiis  was  a  time  when  Powhatan  was  very  insolent,  and  iirgtul  daily 
the  killing  of  Smith  upon  hia  men.  Nevertheless,  after  many  dilliculties, 
2* 


18 


POCAHONTAS. 


fBooK  IV 


lie  nrrived  at  Wprowocomoco,  Hen;  lin  ioiiiul  liiinst.'lf  ninidBt  propara- 
tiniis  lor  war,  and  in  8till  grr>ntrr  danger  than  lie  luui  yet  I  oen.  Jiiit 
Pocahontas  up|)eured  as  Ids  uavior.  Knowing  tl^;  intention  of  the  war- 
riora  to  kill  iiini,  hIw.  first  Hccivted  liiiii  in  tin-  woods,  and  then  directed 
those  wliu  sought  liiai  in  an  opposite  direction  from  that  he  had  gone; 
HO,  by  this  incanH,  he  escniicd,  ajid  got  safe  to  Smith  at  I'aniunkey.  TJiis 
was  in  the  winter  of  1G01>. 

W(i  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Hevry  Spilthnn,  who,  was  one 
of  30  that  went  to  trade,  upon  the  confidence  of  Powhatan,  but  who  were, 
all  except  Spilinan,  killed  by  his  |)eoi)le. 

From  UiOJ),  the  time  Smith  left  the  country,  until  K511,  Pocahontas  was 
not  seen  at  Janjestown.  At  this  time,  she  was  treacherously  taken  ])ris- 
oner  by  Captain  .^r/afa/,and  kept  hy  the  English  to  j>reventPou'/trt<«nfroin 
doing  them  injury,  and  to  extort  a  great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  terms 
of  peace  as  they  should  dictate.  At  the  titne  she  was  betrayed  into  th<' 
hands  of  Captain  Jlrgal,  she  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  chief  of 
Potomack,  whose  name  was  Japazatvs,  a  jMirticular  friend  of  the  English, 
and  an  ohl  acquaintance  of  Captain  Smith.  Whether  she  had  taken  up 
her  residence  here,  or  whether  she  was  here  only  u|K>n  a  visit,  we  arc  not 
informed.  Hut  some  have  conjectured,  that  she  retired  here  soon  nfter 
Smithes  departure,  that  she  might  not  witness  the  frequent  murders  of  the 
ill-govenied  English,  at  Jar  lestown.  Captain  w^r^aZ  was  in  the  Potomack 
River,  for  the  purjwse  of  trade,  with  his  ship,  when  he  learned  that  Poca- 
hontas was  in  the  ncighl)orliood.  Whether  Japazatvs  had  acquired  his 
treachery  from  his  inuircourse  with  the  English,  or  whether  it  were  natu- 
ral to  his  disposition,  we  will  not  undertake  to  decide  here  ;  but  certain  it 
is,  that  he  was  ready  to  practise  it,  at  the  instigation  ot'Jlrgal.  And  for  a 
copper  kettle  for  himself,  and  a  few  toya  for  his  squaw,  he  enticed  the 
innocent  girl  on  boai'd  ArgaVs  ship,  and  l)etrayed  her  into  his  hands.  It 
was  effected,  however,  witliout  compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  liis  squaw.  The 
captain  had  previously  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  and  tliat 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  tenderness.  This  circumstance  shouid  go 
as  far  as  it  may  to  excuse  Japazaios.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board  was 
well  contrived.  Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a  ship,  having 
befbre  seen  many,  Japazaws^  wife  pretended  great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but 
would  not  go  on  board  unless  Pocahontas  would  accompany  her.  To  this 
she  consented,  but  with  some  hesitation.  The  attention  with  which  they 
were  received  on  board  soon  dissipated  all  fears,  and  Pocahontas  soon 
strayed  from  her  betrayers  into  the  gun-room.  The  captain,  watching  his 
opi)ortunity,  told  her  she  was  a  prisoner.  When  her  confinement  was 
known  to  Javazaws  and  his  wife,  thay  feigned  more  lamentation  than  she 
did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  the  plot ;  and,  after  receiving  the  price 
of  their  perfidy,  were  sent  ashore,  and  Argal,  with  his  pearl  of  great  price, 
sailed  for  Jamestown.  On  being  informed  of  the  reason  why  she  was 
thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  the  captivity 
of  his  daughter,  and  to  demand  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which 
he  and  his  jieople  had.  from  time  to  time,  taken  and  stolen  from  them. 
This  unexpected  news  threw  the  old,  stem,  calculating  chief  into  a  great 
dilemma,  and  what  course  to  take  he  knew  not ;  and  it  was  three  months 
before  he  returned  any  answer.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  by  the  advice 
of  his  council,  he  sent  back  seven  Englishmen,  with  each  a  gun  vvhich 
had  been  spoiled,  and  this  answer :  that  when  they  should  return  his 
daughter,  he  would  make  full  satisfaction,  and  give  them  500  bushels  of 
corn,  ancl  be  their  friend  forever ;  that  he  had  no  more  guns  to  return,  the 
rest  being  lost.  They  sent  him  word,  that  they  would  not  restore  her, 
until  he  liad  conipli'.'d  with  their  demand  ;  and  that,  as  for  the  gu  :3,  they 


[Book  IV 


Chap.  11] 


POCAHONTAS. 


10 


8t  prnpnra- 
I  lien.  lUit 
)f  the  wnr- 
I'n  dirt'cted 
I  had  gone ; 
key.    Tiiis 


wlio  were, 

ihontas  was 
taken  ])ris- 
vhaian  from 
such  terms 
ed  into  tin- 
he  chi«f  of 
lie  Englisli, 
d  taken  up 
,  wo  arc  not 

soon  I'.itcr 
rders  of  the 
e  Potoninck 
I  that  Poca- 
icqnircd  his 
;  wero  nntu- 
lut  certain  it 

And  for  a 
enticed  tho 
s  liands.  It 
?quaw.  The 
er,  and  tliat 
e  should  go 

hoord  was 

lip,  having 
sec  one,  but 
To  this 

wiiich  they 
hontas  soon 
vatchinghis 

ement  was 
on  than  she 
tlie  price 

great  price, 
fhy  she  was 


le  captivity 
ools,  wliich 
from  them, 
into  a  great 
iree  months 
the  advice 
gun  vvliich 
return  his 
husliels  of 
return,  the 
restore  her, 
}  gu  :3,  they 


did  not  Iiohevo  they  were  lost.  Seeing  tlie  determination  of  the  Eiif-Iish, 
or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  wo  apprehend,  why  they  "  heard  no 
more  from  him  for  a  long  time  after." 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  I.  I'i{,  Sir  Thomns  Dale  took  rocahontas,  and 
went,  with  a  shi|>,  up  Powlintmi's  River  to  VVerowocomoco,  the  residence 
of  her  father,  in  hopes  to  eftert  an  exchange,  and  bring  alniut  n  peace. 
Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  and  they  met  witli  nothing  but  bravailoes,  and 
a  disposition  to  fight,  from  all  the  Indians  they  saw.  After  burning  many 
of  their  habitations,  and  giving  out  thr(>ats,  some  of  the  Indians  came  and 
made  peace,  as  they  calhul  it,  which  oi)cned  the  way  for  two  of  Pocahon- 
t(is\<i  brothei-s  to  come  on  board  the  ship.  Their  joy  at  seeing  their  sister 
may  be  imagined. 

A  particular  friendship  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahontas  and 
a  worthy  young  Englishman,  by  t\ni  name  of  John  Rolfe  ;  which,  at  length, 
growing  into  a  sincere  attachment,  and  lieing  mutual  b«'tween  them,  he 
made  known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  compani'  This  being  highly 
approved  of  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  an.l  other  gcnti  n  of  high  standing 
and  authority,  a  consummation  was  soon  agreed  upon.  Acquainting  her 
brother  with  her  determination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  her 
fiither  also  ;  who,  as  h'-ghly  approving  of*  it  as  the  English,  inmiediately 
sent  Opachiscoj  her  uncle,  and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  perform- 
ance, and  to  act  as  her  servants  upon  the  occasion  :  and,  in  the  beginning 
of  April,  1()13,  the  marriage  was  solemnized  according  to  appointment. 
Powhatan  was  now  their  friend  in  reality ;  and  a  friendly  intercourse 
commenced,  which  was,  without  much  interruption,  continued  until  his 
death. 

Pocahontas  lived  happily  with  her  husliand,  and  became  a  believer  in 
the  English  religion,  and  expressed  no  desire  to  live  again  among  those 
of  her  own  nation.  M'^hen  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  in 
1(31(5,  Pocahontas  accompanied  him,  with  her  husband,  and  several  other 
young  natives.  They  arrived  at  Plimouth  on  the  12th  of  June  of  that 
year.  She  met  with  much  attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court 
by  the  Lord  and  Lady  Delaware,  and  others  of  distinction.  She  was,  at 
this  time,  called  the  Lady  Rebecca.  Her  meeting  with  Captain  Smith  was 
affecting;  more  especially  as  she  thought  herself,  and  very  justly,  no  doubt, 
too  slightly  noticed  by  him,  which  caused  her  mucli  grief.  Owing  to  the 
barbarous  nonsciise  of  the  times.  Smith  did  not  wish  her  to  call  liim  fa- 
ther, being  afraid  of  giving  o  fence  to  royalty,  by  assuming  to  be  the  lather 
o  *  a  king's  daughter  Yet  he  did  not  intend  any  cause  of  offence,  and 
did  all  in  his  power  to  make  her  hap|)v.  At  their  first  interview,  after 
n.'inaining  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him.  "  You  promised  my  father,  that 
what  was  yours  should  be  his ;  and  that  you  and  he  would  be  all  one.  Being 
a  stranger  in  our  country,  you  called  Powhatan yh</jer ;  and  I,  for  the  satne 
reason,  will  now  call  you  so.  You  were  not  afraid  to  come  into  myfather^s 
country,  and  strike  fear  into  every  body  but  myself;  and  are  you  here  afraid 
to  Id  me  call  you  father  ?  I  tell  you,  then,  i  will  call  you  father,  and  you  shall 
call  mc  child;  and  so  I  will  forever  be  of  your  kindred  and  country.  They 
always  tuld  us  that  yon  ivcre  dead,  and  I  knew  not  othenvise,  till  I  came  to 
Plimouth.  But  Powliatan  •commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and 
know  the  truth,  because  your  countrymen  are  muck  given  to  lying." 

The  useftd  and  worthy  young  Pocahontas,  being  about  to  embark  for 
her  native;  country,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1()17,  fell  sick  at  Graves- 
end,  and  died  ;  having  attained  only  the  age  of  22  years.  She  left  one 
son,  whose  ii.'ime  was  Thomas  Rolfe,  very  young;  and  whom  Sir  Lewis 
Stcuhfy,  of  IMinoutli,  doi^in-d  to  be  left  with  him,  that  he  might  direct  his 
othicatvon.  Jint,  iioni  tlie  unmanly  part  this  gentleman  took  against  the 
unfortunate  Ralegh,  he  was  brought  into  such  merited  disrepute,  that  he 


30 


OPEKANKANOUGII. 


[Book  IV. 


found  himself  oliligod  to  timi  nil  liis  jutfiuion  to  \m  own  proHonntion  ; 
and  tlu!  Hon  of  Punthonlas  whh  taken  to  London,  und  there  <;(hioated  Ity 
Ills  une!i',  Mr.  Hruri/  liolfe.  He  nrterwards  came  to  Amerion,  to  the  na- 
tive (Mtuntry  of  his  mother,  where  he  heonnie  n  genth^rnan  of  preat  dis- 
tinction, and  posNCHsed  an  ain|>le  fortune.  He  leil  an  only  dauf;liter,  who 
married  Colonel  Jiobtrt  HoUiiifr,  and  died,  leaving  an  only  son,  Mn'}or  John 
HollinfT,  who  was  the  father  of  Colonel  John  Jhlliiif;,  and  sevend  daugh- 
ters; on«!  of  whom  married  Col.  Rirhard  Ramlol^)h,  from  whom  arc 
descended  those  lN;aring  that  name  in  Virginia,  at  this  day.* 
Harlow  thus  notices  Pocahontas  : — 

"  BJpsl  Pnctihontas !  fonr  no  lurking  piiilo  ; 
I  Tliy  lioro's  love  shall  well  rrward  thy  smile. 

Ah,  soothe  llic  wuiiileror  in  his  desperate  plicht, 

lli<h;  him  by  day,  nnd  cahn  his  cares  l)y  iiiglit ; 

Tho'  savage  nations,  with  thy  veiifjeful  siro, 

Pursue  their  virtim  with  luircasinfi;'  ire — 

And  tho'  their  tiireats  thy  startled  car  assail, 

Let  virtue's  voice  o'er  lllial  fears  prevail." — Columbiad. 

Opekankanovfrh  has  already  received  our  notice.  He  was  a  very  con- 
Kpieiious  character  in  his  time,  and  was  styled,  hy  the  Virginians,  King  of 
the  Pannmkies.  The  dreadful  massacre,  of  which  ho  was  author,  brings 
to  mind  his  name  oilener  than  almost  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  Im;  some  contradiction,  or  difference  of  opinion,  with 
regard  to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Some  of  the  Indians  reported  that  ho 
came  from  tho  west,  and  was  not  a  brother  of  PotvJuttan ;  but  that  story, 
we  judge,  is  merely  a  fable,  invented  and  told  by  some  of  them,  who  were 
his  enemie^j,  to  influence  the  English  against  him,  that  they  might  destroy 
him. 

Opekankanouffh  seems  to  linve  l)orne  the  name  of  Mangopeomen  in 
lG'il,f  a  circimistancc  imnoticed  by  most  historians,  and,  therefore,  wo 
conclude  that  it  prevailetl  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even 
an)ong  them  fell  into  disuse  soon  after. 

Opitchapan,  called  also  Odnn,  and  lastly  Sasauopeomen,l  was  the  suc- 
cessor of  Powhatan,  but  he  st^ems  never  to  have  been  otherwise  noted. 
"TJie  defects  of  tht;  new  emperor,"  says  Mr.  Burk,  "were  aggravated  in 
the  minds  «-f  the  Indians,  by  a  conijmrison  with  the  accomplished  Ope- 
kankanoii^h,  who,  in  the  council  and  the  field,  was  the  most  conspicuous 
warrior  amongst  the  Powhatans;  and  who,  during  the  life-time  of  the  late 
etnporor,  had  procured  from  the  free  tribe  of  the  Chickahominies,  the  title 
of  their  king."  The  same  author  calls  Opitchapan  a  "  feble  and  decrepid" 
chief,  who  "was  little  calculated  to  secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience."^ 

In  1G08,  the  Indians  liad  become  Jiniversally  at  variance  with  the  Eng- 
lish, nnd  insulted  them  whenever  they  appeared  abroad ;  knowing  their 
miserable,  half-starved  condition.  Insult  followed  insult,  upon  both  sides, 
und,  but  for  the  never-tiring  perseverance  of  Smith,  this  colony,  like  the 
first,  would  have  been  soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  wotdd  promise  to 
tradj?  with  them,  but  when  they  went  to  them  for  that  purpose,  they  only 
"  laughed  at  tlieir  calamities ;"  sometimes  putting  jokes  upon  them,  and 
at  others,  running  away  into  the  woods. 

In  this  extremity  of  their  circuiiistanccs,  though  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
Smith  resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  some  of  the  Indians'  store  of 

{)rovisions,  by  some  means  or  othei-.    He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  Pnmun- 
:ey,  the  residence  of  Opikankanovgh,  with  15  men,  where  he  tried  to 


*  Smillis  Virginia,  with  addilioiis  from  iftith. 
t  liur/i's  Va.  V.  221i,  t  Ibid. 


§  Hist.  Virgiuia,  i.  233. 


[Book  IV. 


Chap.  II.] 


OI'KKANKANOUrUI.— NEM.VTTANOW. 


31 


rosorvntion ; 
I'ducatcil  l»y 
n,  to  tli<:  iiu- 
jf  great  (IIh- 
ujflitrr,  who 
,  Nlajctr  JoA« 
vcnil  (luiigh- 
>vhuin  uru 


3  a  very  con- 
ians.Kiiigof 
luthor,  brings 
times. 

opinion,  with 
ortcd  that  ho 
)ut  that  story, 
m,  who  were 
night  destroy 

ifTopeomen  in 
therefore,  wo 
[jcrhaps,  even 

was  the  suc- 
crwise  noted, 
agpi'avated  in 
iplished  Ope- 
:  conspicuous 
me  of  the  lato 
linies,  the  title 
ind  decrepid" 
;  obedience."^ 
k^ith  the  Eng- 
nowing  their 
on  both  sides, 
lony,  like  the 
d  promise  to 
ise,  they  only 
on  them,  and 

)th  of  winter, 
ians'  store  of 
cd  to  Pamun- 
he  tried  to 


irgiuia,  i.  233. 


trade  with  him  for  corn ;  but,  not  Hiirreeiling,  bo,  in  n  (Icspcrate  manner, 
t*ei/.ed  upon  th*t  rliii-f  by  \\'\h  hair,  in  tb)*  midHt  of  bin  m«>M,  "  with  Iiih  ])iH- 
toll  readii!  JH-nt  agaiiiHt  \m  iireartt.  'I'buM  ho  led  tiie  tremltliiig  king,  nean; 
d<;ad  witli  fear,  amougHt  all  bis  people."*  .S/>it7/i  told  him  that  lie  had 
attempted  to  murder  him,  which  war)  the  eauHo  of  IiIh  treating  him  thus. 
No  one  <*an  doid>t,  on  reading  the  history  of  those  aHairs,  that  the  Indians 
all  wished  .S'mi//i  dead,  but  whether  they  all  wanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  quitu 
so  plain. 

One  great  end  of  Smithes  design  was  now  tmswered  ;  for  OpekankO' 
noHi;h\t  people  came  in  load«>(l  with  presents  to  ransom  their  chief,  until 
bis  l)oats  wer<^  com|)!etely  filled.  News  being  Itrought  of  a  disaster  ut 
Jamestown,  he  was  set  at  liberty. 

JVrmrMtinow,  a  nniownnd  warrior,  we  have  to  introduce  hero,  a.s  well 
on  accoimt  of  bis  sui)posed  agency  in  bringing  about  the  great  massacre 
of  \(f^i,  as  for  th(!  object  of  exhibiting  a  trait  of  chanicter  eijually  to  bo 
admired  and  lamented.     We  are  not  certain  that  be  belonged  to  the  jm'o- 
ple  of  Opekanknnoufrh,  but  it  is  storied  that  o  jealousy  existed  between 
them,  and  that  the  chief  had  informed  Sir  deorge  Yearaley  ihat  he  winhed 
.Ne'mnltnnow^s  throat  were  cut,  soiue  time  before  the  massacre  took  place, 
to  which  W(;  have  alluded.     However,  Opekankanou^h  denied  it  aftcr- 
ivards,  and  affected  great  indignation  at  his  nuirder,  and  the  Indians  said 
the  massacre  was  begun  by  him,  to  revenge  JMenuUtanoio's  death.     But 
ot»r  present  object  is  to  portray  th».  character  of  Mmattanow,  who  was 
both  eccentric  and  vain,  and  "  who  was  wont,  out  of  bravery  and  parade, 
to  dross  bims(;lf  up,  in  a  strange,  antic  and  barbaric  fashion,  with  feathers, 
which,  therefore,  obtained  him  the  name  of  Jack-of-the-feather."    He  was 
even  more  popular  among  his  coiuitrymen  than  Optkankanoxigh,  which, 
doubtles.s,  was  the  ground  of  that  chief's  jealousy  ;  esfiecially  os  he  was 
one  of  the  greatest  war-captains  of  his  times.     He  had  l)eun  in  many 
fights  and  encounters  with  the  English,  always  exposing  himself  to  the 
greatest  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  them.    This  cir- 
cumstance caused  the  Indians  to  believe  in  bis  invulnerability,  and  henco 
he  WHS  by  them  considered  superhuman.     Only  about  14  days  before  the 
massacre,  Jack-of-the-feather  went  to  the  house  of  one  Morgan,  where  he 
saw  many  such  articles  exhibited  rj  were  calculated  to  excite  admiration 
in  such  pcoi»le.     Jack,  perhaps,  had  not  the  means  to  purchase,  but,  it 
seems,  be  was  resolved,  some  how  or  otlii'r,  tv^  i)ossoss  them.     He,  there- 
lore,  told  Morgan,  that  if  he  would  take  his  conunoditi(«  to  Pamunkey, 
the  Indians  would  give  him  a  groat  price  for  them.     Not  in  the  least  mis- 
trusting the  design  of  J\cmnttanou>,  the  timple  Englishman  set  out  for 
Pamunkey,  in  comi)any  with  this  Indian.     This  was  the  last  the  English 
li(!ard  of  Morgan.     However,  straugc  as  it  may  seem,  Jack''s  ill-directing 
fate  sent  him  to  the  same  place  again,  and,  what  was  still  more  strange,  he 
had  the  cap  of  the  murdered  Morgan  upon  his  bead.    Morgaii's  servants 
osked  him  where  their  master  was,  who  very  deliberately  answered,  that 
he  was  deiid.     This  satisfied  them  that  be  had  murdered  him.     They, 
therefore,  seized  him,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a  magistrate  at  Berkeley ; 
but  be  made  a  good  deal  of  resistance,  which  caused  one  of  his  captors 
to  shoot  him  down.     The  singular  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  be  related. 
Though  mortally  wounded,  .VewiaWaJioif  was  not  killed  outright,  and  his 
cai)tors,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a  boat  to  proceed 
to  Mr.  Thorpes,  the  magistrate.     As  they  were  going,  the  wan'ior  becamo 
satisfied  that  he  must  die,  and,  with  the  most  extraordinary  earnestness, 
besought  that  two  things  might  be  granted  him.     One  was,  that  it  shoulil 


*  Perliaps  the  New  Kni^landors  followed  Smith's  example,  afterwards,  in  the  case  of 
Alexander,  Ninigret,  and  others. 


« 


OPFIKANKANOUail. 


rn.ioK  IV. 


u»!V<'r  Iw  told  to  li'iH  roiiiilntiK!!)  tliiit  \\v  vns  killed  by  n  l)ull«'t ;  and  tlic 
otlitT,  tliiit  lie  nlioidd  Ih;  liiiried  aiiKUif^'  tin*  IliigliMli,  ko  that  it  Hliould  inner 
l*R  dim-overed  that  he  had  died,  or  wan  Hiiltjeet  to  death  like  other  men. 
Surh  wius  the  pride  and  vanity  exiiihited  hy  an  Indian  ut  hi.i  death.  The 
following  inferenee,  therefore,  in  naturally  to  he  drawn  ;  that  a  (h-nire  to 
b(;  rentmned,  and  heltl  in  veneration  hy  poHterity,  iu  not  cunfined  to  thu 
civili/ed  and  learned  of  any  nge  or  nation. 

Meanwhile,  Opekanknnou^h,  the  luttter  to  inrreaHO  th(«  rage  of  hin  war- 
rk)i"s,  afliieted  great  grief  at  yVem)illanoiv\i  death,  whieh  had  the  «'irect  ho 
intended  ;  owing,  ewpecially,  to  tlm  favor  in  whieh  that  warrior  had  stood 
among  the  IndiaiiH.  itiit  the  IliigliMh  were  Hutislied  that  tluN  witH  only 
pretenee,  as  we  havt!  hefi)r(!  observed  ;  beeaiiHe  they  wert!  informed  of  his 
trying  to  engage  some  of  his  neighbors  against  them,  and  otherwise  aeted 
suspiciously,  some  time  b«'fore  jViiiKillanoic^s  death  ;  of  the  justice  of 
vvhieli,  however,  tlu;  Knglisli  tritul  arguments  at  lirst,  and  threats  al\er- 
wards,  to  convince!  him.  \iy  his  dissiniiilation,  Optkankatwufrh  cotii|)letelj' 
deceived  them,  and,  just  belbre  the  iiiasHaere,  treated  a  messenger  that 
was  sent  to  him,  with  much  kindness  and  civility  ;  and  assured  him  that 
tilt;  peace,  which  had  been  some  time  before  concluded,  was  held  so  firm 
by  him,  tliat  tlio  sky  shoidd  full  so')ner  than  it  should  be  violated  on  his 
part.  And  such  was  the  concert  and  secrecy  among  all  the  Indians,  that,  only 
two  days  before  the  f!'»al  22  March,  some  kindly  conducted  the  English 
through  the  woods,  and  i<ent  one  of  their  youth  to  live  with  the  English, 
and  learn  their  language.  Moreover,  on  the  morning  of  that  very  day, 
they  came  unarmed  among  them,  and  traded  as  usual,  and  even  sat  down 
to  breakfast  with  their  victims,  in  several  instances.  Never,  perhaps,  was 
a  massacre  so  well  contrived  and  conilucted,  to  ensure  success,  as  was  this 
of  Opeknnkanou^h.  The  English  were  lulled  into  a  fatal  security,  and 
even  unknowingly  assisted  the  Indians  inUieir  design  ;  lending  them  their 
boats  to  communicate  with  distant  tribes,  and  furnishing  them  with  vai-i- 
ou3  utensils,  which  were  converted  at  once  into  weapons  of  death. 

The  22  March,  1G22,  having  come,  and  the  appointed  hour  of  that  mem- 
orable day  orrived,  with  a  siinultancousness  unparalleled  on  any  former 
occasion,  the  Indians  rose  from  their  ambushes,  and,  with  the  swillness 
of  the  tiger,  appeared,  in  a  moment,  amidst  the  Englisli  settlements.  Age, 
sex  nor  condition  shielded  no  one;  their  greatest  benefactors  were  among 
their  first  victims.  Thus,  in  the  space  of  about  one  hour,  fell  three  hun- 
dred and  forty-seven  men,  women  and  children.  IJy  this  horrid  calamity, 
out  of  80  plantations,  six  only  were  left  uninjured.  And  these  were 
saved  by  the  timely  information  of  a  Christian  Indian  called  Chanco. 

The  ensuing  summer  was  spent,  by  the  surviving  English,  in  strength- 
ening themselves  against  further  attacks,  and  preparations  for  taking 
vengeance  on  the  Indians ;  wholly  neglecting  all  improvements,  works  of 
utility,  and  even  their  planting.  Every  thing  was  lost  sight  of  in  their 
beloved  project  o"^  revenge ;  and  the  En'^lish,  in  their  turn,  showed  them- 
selves more  treacherous,  if  not  more  barbarous,  than  their  enemy.  For, 
under  the  pretence  of  making  peace  again  with  them,  they  fell  upon  them 
nt  unawares,  and  murdered  many  without  mercy.  This  crime  was  vasdy 
aggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the  Indians  to  come  forward  and  make  peace, 
tlie  English  had  not  only  solemnly  assured  them  forgiveness,  but  likewise 
security  and  safety  in  their  persons. 

It  was,  for  some  time,  supposed  thot  Opeknnkanough  was  among  the 
slain,  but,  if  Mr.  Beverley  was  not  misinformed,  the  same  sachem,  22  years 
afterwanls,  executed  a  still  greater  massacre  upon  the  English,  as,  in  the 
next  i)lace,  we  shall  relate. 

How  long  Opekankaiioufrh  had  been  secretly  plotting  to  cut  off  the  in- 
tiuders  of  his  soil  cannot  be  known;  but,  in  i()44,  all  the  Indians,  over  a 


[I1....K    IV. 


Chap.  II.] 


OPEKANKANOUOI!. 


rt ;  iiinl  tli<) 
lioiild  iicvor 
itllirr  liK'ii. 
Iratli.  Tho 
t  a  <l«'Hir('  to 
fliird  to  tliu 

of  IiIh  wnr- 
lu!  iHi'i't  lin 
)i-  lirul  Httiod 
li'iN  wiiH  only 
triiifd  of  IiIh 
;rwisc  nrtcd 
I!  jiiMtico  of 
irt'UtH  nftcr- 
coniplctcly 
si<ciip>r  that 
•vi\  liiiii  tliat 
lit'ld  HO  fii'iri 
>latL>d  on  hJH 
iiH,  tliut,oiily 
the  Eii^lisli 
the  Ktiglish, 
at  very  day, 
en  sat  down 
)crha[KS,  was 
I,  us  was  this 
leciirity,  and 
g  them  their 
n  with  vai'i- 
atii. 

f  that  meni- 
ally former 
he  swillness 
ments.  Age, 
;re  among 
II  three  him- 
'id  calamity, 
these  were 
Chanco. 
in  strength- 
for  taking 
ts,  works  of 
of  in  their 
owed  them- 
lemy.     For, 
II  upon  them 
0  was  vastly 
make  jieace, 
but  likewise 

among  the 
cm,  22  years 
;h,  us,  in  the 

It  off  the  in- 
iians,  over  a 


3|)aoe  of  country  of  fiOO  miles  in  extent,  were  leagued  in  the  eiiterpriiM*. 
Tli't  old  I'hief,  at  tluH  time,  was  Hii|)|iosed  to  lie  mar  UK)  years  of  age,  and, 
thr  iigh  uiiahle  to  walk,  would  be  |inMi>iit  in  the  execution  of  his  belove(l 
iiroject.  It  was  upon  the  IH  April,  when  O/icAvoi^vniow^Wi,  borne  in  a  litt«T, 
led  his  warriors  forward,  and  coiumciiced  the  bltxnly  work.  They  lH.>gan 
at  the  frontiers,  with  a  determinati«)n  to  slay  all  betore  thriu,  to  the  (tea. 
Atb>r  continuing  the  massacre  two  days,  in  which  time  about  TKIO  {>ersons 
were  murdered,  Sir  tyUlinin  lierkclei/,  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force, 
checked  their  nrogress.  The  destruction  of  the  inhabitants  was  the 
greatest  upon  York  and  I'amunkey  Rivers,  where  Opekankanoitirh  com- 
manded in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their  turn,  were  driven  to  great 
oMremity,  and  their  old  chief  was  taken  prisoner,  and  carried  in  triuriipb 
to  Jamestown.  How  long  atler  tlit;  massacre  this  happened,  we  are  not 
informed  ;  but  it  is  said  that  the  fatigues  he  had  previously  undergtino 
hiul  wast<*d  away  his  flesh,  and  destroyed  the  elasticity  of  his  niuscUts  to 
that  degree,  that  ho  was  no  longer  able  to  raise  x\w,  eye-lids  from  his  eyes; 
and  it  was  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  lie  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  ene- 
mies. A  soldier,  who  had  beeti  appointed  to  guard  him,  barbarously  fired 
upon  him,  and  inflicted  a  mortal  wound,  lie  was  supposed  to  have  been 
nrompteil  to  tho  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  the  old  chief's  agency 
in  the  massacre.  Just  before  he  expired,  hearing  a  great  bustle  and  crowd 
about  him,  he  ordere*!  an  attendant  to  lifl  up  his  eye-lids  ;  when  ho  dis- 
covered a  multitude  pressing  around,  to  gnuify  the  untimely  curiosity  of 
beholtiing  a  dying  sachem.  Undaunted  in  death,  and  roused,  as  it  were, 
from  sleep,  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  multitude,  ho  deigned  not  to 
obs4.>rve  th(;m  ;  but,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  tlie  ex|)iring 
breath  of  authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  should  be  called  to 
liim.  When  the  governor  came,  Opckanknnough  said,  with  indignation, 
"  H(ul  it  been  my  fortune  to  have  taken  Sir  \\m.  Berkkley  prisoner,  I 
would  not  meanly  have  exposed  hiin  as  a  shoto  to  my  people  ;"*  and  soon  after 
expired. 

It  is  said,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact,  that  it  was  owing  to 
the  encroachments  upon  his  lands,  that  caused  Opekankanov^h  to  deter- 
mine U[»on  a  massacre  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless, 
conformable  to  the  grants  of  the  proprietors.  He  could  hardly  have  ex- 
pected entire  conquest,  as  his  people  had  already  begun  to  waste  away, 
and  English  villages  were  springing  up  over  an  extent  of  country  of  more 
than  500  miles,  with  a  |H)puloiisness  beyond  any  preceding  example  ;  still, 
he  was  determined  upon  the  vast  undertaking,  and  sacrificed  himself  with 
as  much  honor,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leonidas  at 
Thermopylte. 

Sir  fVtlliam  Berkeley  intended  to  have  sent  him,  as  a  present,  to  the  king 
of  England ;  but  assassination  deprived  him  of  the  wretched  satisfaction, 
and  saved  the  chief  from  the  mortification .f 

None  of  the  Virginia  historians  seem  to  have  been  informed  of  the  true 
date  of  this  lust  war  of  Opekankanoufrh ;  the  ancient  records  of  Virginia, 
says  Mr.  Burk,  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extraordinary 
omission.)  Mr.  Beverley  thinks  it  began  in  l(j39,  and,  although  Mr.  Burk 
is  satisfied  that  it  took  place  after  1641,  yet  he  relates  it  under  the  date 
1640.  And  we  are  not  certain  that  the  real  date  would  ever  have  been 
fixed,  but  for  the  inestimable  treasuiy  of  N.  England  history,  JVinthrop^s 
Journal. 

That  it  took  place  subsequent  to  1G41,  Mr.  Burk  assures  us,  upon  the 
evidence  of  the  MS.  records ;  for  they  relate  that,  in  1640,  one  John  Bur^ 
torn  had  been  convicted  of  the  murder  of  an  Indian,  and  that  his  punish- 


*'  Beverley,  Ilisl.  Virg.  51. 


t  See  British  Empire  in  America;  i.  240^  1. 


84 


NICKOTAWANCE.— TOTOPOTOMOI. 


[Book  IV 


mcnt  was  remitted,  "  at  the  intercession  of  Opekankanough,  and  his  great 
jnon."  And  that,  in  the  end  of  the  year  1G41,  Thomas  Jtolfe,  the  son  of 
Pocahontas,  petitioned  the  governor  for  permission  to  visit  liis  kinsman, 
Opekankanough,  and  Cleopatre,  the  sister  of  his  mother.  That,  therefore, 
tliese  events  happened  previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Opekankanovgh. 

JWckotawance  succeeded  Opekankanough,  as  a  trihutary  to  the  English. 
In  1()48,  he  '^ame  to  Jamestown,  with  five  other  chiefs,  and  hroiight  20 
beaver  skins  to  he  sent  to  King  Charles.  He  mode  a  long  oration,  whicli 
he  conchided  with  the  protestation,  "that  tlie  sun  and  moon  shoiihl  first 
loose  their  glorious  lights,  and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  people,  should 
ever  more  hereafter  wrong  the  English." 

Totopotomoi,  probably,  succeeded  JVickotawance,  as  he  was  king  of  Pa- 
munkey  in  1656.  In  that  year,  a  large  body  of  strange  Indians,  called 
Rechahecrians,  came  down  from  the  inland  mountainous  country,  and 
forcibly  possessed  themselves  of  the  country  about  the  falls  of  James 
River.  The  legislature  of  Virginia  was  in  session,  v.hen  the  news  of  their 
coming  was  received.  What  cause  tlio  English  had  to  send  out  an  army 
against  them,  our  scanty  records  do  not  satisfactorily  show  ;*  but,  at  all 
events,  they  determined  at  once  to  dispossess  them.  To  that  end,  an  army 
of  about  100  men  ws:j  raised,  and  put  under  the  direction  of  Col.  Edtcard 
Hill,  who  war  joined  by  Toiojiotomoi,  with  100  of  his  wan-iors.  They  did 
not  find  the  Rechahecrians  unprepared,  but  what  were  the  particulars  of 
the  meeting  of  the  adverse  parties  we  are  not  informed.  The  event, 
however,  was,  to  the  allien,  most  disastrous.  Totopotomoi,  with  the  most 
of  his  men,  was  slain,  and  the  English  suffered  a  total  defeat,  owing,  it  is 
said,  to  the  criminal  management  of  Col.  Hill.  This  officer  lost  his  com- 
mission, and  his  property  v/as  taken  to  defray  the  losses  sustained  by  the 
Country.  A  peace  seems  to  have  been  concluded  with  the  Indians  soon 
after. 

*  By  the  following  preamble  aiul  resolve  of  the  legislature,  all  we  possess,  touching 
this  matter,  is  to  be  gathered: — ''  Whereas  information  hath  been  received,  that  many 
western  or  inland  Indians  are  drawn  from  the  mountains,  and  lately  set  down  near  the 
falls  of  James  Rive.-,  to  the  number  of  6  or  700,  whereby,  upon  many  several  considera- 
tions being  had,  it  is  conceived  great  danger  might  ensue  to  this  colony.  This  assembly, 
therefore,  do  think  fit  and  resolve,  thit  theiie  new  come  Indians  be  in  no  sort  suffered  to 
seat  themselves  there,  or  any  place  near  us,  it  having  cost  so  much  blood  to  expel  and 
extirpate  those  perfidious  and  treacherous  Indians,  wTiich  were  there  fo'mcrly.  It  being 
so  apt  a  place  to  invado  us,  and  within  the  limits,  which,  in  a  just  ir,  were  formerly 
conquered  by  us,  and  by  us  reserved,  at  the  conclusion  of  peace, '..ith  the  Indians, 
Bulk,  Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  105. 


[Book  IV 

and  liis  great 
fe,  the  son  of 
Ills  kiiisiimn, 
lat,  thcj'eforo, 
ekankaaovffh. 
tlie  English. 
I  brought  20 
ration,  which 
1  siiould  first 
eople,  should 

3  king  of  Pa- 
ndians,  called 
country,  ami 
ills  of  James 
news  of  their 
out  an  army 
r  ;*  but,  at  all 
end,  an  army 
'Col.  Edtvard 
•s.  They  did 
particulars  of 
The  event, 
ivith  the  most 
t,  owing,  it  is 
lost  his  com- 
itained  by  the 
Indians  soon 


ossess,  touchirifi^ 

ved,  that  many 
down  near  the 

kferal  considera- 
This  assembly, 
sort  suffered  to 

)d  to  expel  and 
icrly.  It  being 
were  formerly 

li  the  Indians. 


Chap.  Ill] 


TOMOCHICHI. 


25 


^^":wm  :^  - 

1 

^Bst^-"-i 

'Mir   - 

^  ~^-a  m  1 

n}^  K-V_^ 

^=^--   .            ,1,  „ 

I^Kj^^^.-'  s> 

'■^ft 

'\    '■'".■■■■    -^^/  A 

■  1 

i 

^.^^ 

^^-^'~~. 

9 

CHAPTER  III. 

iSeft/'emcn<  o/"  Carolina — jHie  English  are  kindhf  receivea  by  the  Indians — 
ToMOCHicHi — Holds  a  counnl  toUh  the  English — Rs  proceedings — 
Speeches  of  the  chiefs — Tomochichi,  loith  several  others,  goes  to  England 
with  Gen.  Oglethorpe — Makes  a  speech  to  tJie  king — Returns  to  America — 
His  death — Attakullakulla,  Malachta,  Wolf-kino,  and  others, 
visit  Charleston — Some  Indians  brvtally  murdered — Proceedings  of 
AttakullakvUa  in  jn-eventing  retaliation  upon  some  English  in  his  potcer — 
&oeech  to  his  warriors — fVar — Conducted  roith  barbarity  on  both  sides — 
l&nglish  murder  hostages — Ockonostota  takes  Fort  Loudon — Most  of  the 
captives  slain — Chlucco,  or  the  Lono-warrior. 

The  presumption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
visited  the  southern  shores  of  North  America.  When  Gen.  Oglethorpe 
landed  in  Greorgia,  in  1732,  O.  S.,  and  commimicated  to  the  Indians  the 
contents  of  a  journal  of  Sir  Walter's,  they  seemed  to  have  a  tradition  of 
him,  which  they  had  fondly  cherished ;  although,  if  the  person  they 
meant  were  Ralegh,  a  hundred  years  had  elapsed  since  he  was  there. 
They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe  a  place  near  Yamacraw  bluff,  since 
Charleston,  on  which  was  a  large  mound,  in  which  was  buried,  they 
said,  a  chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  upon  that  spot.  The 
chief  had  requested  his  people  to  bury  liitn  there,  that  the  place  might  be 
kept  in  veneration. 

Tomochichi  was  the  principal  chief,  or  mico,  as  chiefs  were  called,  of 
this  region.  Seveial  chief  men,  of  various  tribes,  came  to  welcome  the 
English,  immediately  after  their  arrival.  "  They  were  as  follows :  From 
tlie  tribe  of  Coweeta,  Yahan-lakee,  their  king,  or  mico ;  Essaboo,  their 
warrior,  the  son  of  Oid-brim,  lately  dead,  whom  the  Spaniards  called  em- 
peror of  the  Creeks,  with  eight  men  and  two  women  attendants.  From 
the  tribe  of  Cuseetas,  Ctisseta,  their  mico  ;  Tatchiquatchi,  their  head  war- 
rior, with  four  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Owseecheys,  Ogeese,  the 
rnicb,  or  war  king;  JSeathlouthko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three 
attendants  From  the  tribe  of  Cheechaws,  OiUhleteboa,  their  mico, 
Thlautho-thlvkee,  Figeer,  Sootamilla^  war  captains,  with  three  attendants. 
3 


26 


TOMOCHICHI. 


[Book  IV 


From  the  tribe  of  Echetas,  Chutabeeche  and  Robin,  two  war  captains,  (tho 
latter  was  bred  among  the  Englisii,)  with  four  attendants.  From  the  tribe 
of  Polachucolas,  OUlattee,  their  head  warrior,  and  five  attendants.  From 
the  tribe  of  Oconas,  Oueekachumpa,  called  by  the  EngUslt  Long-king, 
Koowoo,  a  warrior.  From  the  tribe  of  Eufaule,  Tonummi,  head  warrior, 
and  three  attendants. 

"  The  Indians  being  all  seated,  Oueekachumpa,  a  very  tall  old  man,  stood, 
and  made  a  speech,  which  was  interpreted  by  Mr.  ff^gan  and  Mr.  Mus- 

Srove,"  in  which  he  said  ull  the  lands  to  tlie  southward  of  Savannah  River 
elonged  to  the  Creeks.  He  said,  the  Indians  were  poor,  but  the  same 
Power  that  gave  the  English  breath,  gave  them  breath  also.  That  that 
Power  had  given  the  English  the  most  wisdom.  That,  as  they  had  come 
to  instruct  them,  they  should  have  all  the  lands  which  they  did  not  use 
themselves.  That  this  was  not  only  his  mind,  but  the  minds  of  the  eight 
towns  of  Creeks,  who  had,  after  consulting  together,  sent  some  of  their 
chief  men  with  skins,  which  was  their  wealth.  At  this  period  of  Oueeka- 
chumpa's  speech,  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  eight  towns  brought  each  a 
bundle  of  buck's  skins,  and  laid  them  down  before  Mr.  Oglethorpe.  Then 
the  chief  said,  "  These  are  the  best  things  ice  possess,  but  we  give  them  unth 
a  good  heart.  I  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  Tomochichi,  and  his  peo- 
ple. He  is  my  kinsman,  and,  though  he  toas  banished  from  his  nation,  he  is 
a  good  man  and  a  greed  warrior.  It  loas  on  account  of  his  tvisdom  and  jus- 
tice, that  the  banished  men  chose  him  their  king.  I  hear  that  the  Cherokees 
have  killed  some  Englishman.  If  you  [addressing  Mr.  Oglethorpe]  toill 
command  us,  toe  toill  go  against  them  toith  all  our  force,  kill  their  people,  and 
destroy  their  living.''^ 

Tomochichi  belonged  to  Yamacraw,  and  was  sachem  of  the  tribe  that 
resided  there.  When  Oueekachumpa  had  done  speaking,  Tomochichi  drew 
near  with  his  men,  and,  after  making  a  lo.v  bow,  said, — 

''  /  toas  a  banished  rnan,  and  I  came  here  poor  and  helpless  to  look  for  good 
land  near  the  tombs  of  my  ancestors,  and  tohen  you  came  to  this  place,  I 
feared  you  tooxdd  drive  tis  aioay ;  for  toe  toere  weak  and  wanted  com.  But 
you  confirmed  our  land  to  tis,  and  gave  tis  food.''*  The  other  chiefs  spoke 
in  the  same  manner  as  Oueekachumpa  had,  and  then  agreed  upon  and 
executed  an  amicable  treaty. 

The  next  year,  1734.  Mr.  Oglethorpe  returned  to  England.  He  took 
along  with  him,  Tomochichi,  Sennwki,  his  consort,  and  Toonakotoi,  the 
prince,  his  nephew ;  also,  Hillispilli,  a  war  captain,  and  JlpaJcowtski, 
Stimalechi,  Sintouchi,  Hinguithi  and  Umphychi,  five  other  chiefs,  with  their 
interpreter.  These  were  accommodated,' while  in  London,  at. the  Geor- 
gia office.  Old  Palace  Yard,  where  they  were  not  only  handsomely  enter- 
luined,  but  had  great  attention  showed  them.  After  being  dressed  suitably, 
they  visited  the  king's  court,  at  Kensington,  where  they  had  an  interview 
with  his  majesty,  King  George  II.  Tomochichi  presented  him  with  several 
eagle's  feathers,  which  was  considered,  by  him  and  his  people,  the  most 
respectful  present  they  could  make.  The  sachem  then  delivered  the  fol- 
lowing speech  to  the  king : — 

"  This  day  I  sec  the  majesty  of  your  face,  the  greainesn  of  your  hxntse,  ami 
ike  number  of  your  people.  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  tvhole  nation  of 
Uie  Creeks,  to  reneio  the  peace  they  had  loitg  ago  made  toith  the  English.  I 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days ;  am,  though  I  cannot  live  to  see  any  advan- 
tage to  myself,  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  children  of  all  tJie  nations  of 
the  Upper  and  Lotoer  Creeks,  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  knotvledge 
of  the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  which  is  the  siciflett 
of  birds,  and  tohofieth  all  round  our  nations.  These  feathers  are  a  stgn  of 
peace  in  our  land,  a-nd  we  Jiave  brought  them  over  to  leave  them  with  you, 
great  king,  as  a  i,  .^'n  of  everlasting  peace.      O !  great  king,  tohatsoever 


Chap.  III.] 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


.97 


eao  warnor. 


words  you  shall  say  Unto  me,  I  imU  tell  them  faithfully  to  all  the  kin^s  of  the 
Creek  naiions.^^  Tlie  king's  answer  was,  in  tlie  highest  degree,  concilia- 
tory, and  what  was  termed  gracious.* 

Thus  are  traced  the  tirst  steps  in  the  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did 
every  lliing  promise  a  continuance  of  that  friendship  so  well  hegun  by 
Gen.  Og;lethorpe.  Nothing  was  left  undone,  while  the  Creek  chiefs  were 
in  England,  to  impress  upon  their  minds  exalted  ideas  of  the  power  and 
greatness  of  the  English  nation.  The  nobility  were  not  only  curious  to 
see  them,  but  entertained  them  at  their  tables  in  the  most  magnificent  style. 
Alultitudes  flocked  around  them,  conferring  gifts  and  marks  uf  respect 
upon  them.  The  king  allowed  them  £20  3terling  a  week,  during  their 
stay,  and  it  was  computed  that,  at  their  return  to  America,  they  brought 
jtresents  to  the  amount  of  £400  sterling.  After  remaining  in  England 
tour  months,  they  embarked  at  Gravesend  for  Georgia.  They  were  con- 
veyed to  the  place  of  embarkation  in  his  majesty's  carriages.f 

We  have  not  met  with  a  record  of  the  death  of  Tomochichi,  but  as  he 
was,  at  this  time,  an  old  man,  he  probably  died  not  long  after. 

In  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  1743,  many  Indians 
were  drawn  into  the  controversy,  on.  both  sides.  Toeanoeoun,l  or  Tooa- 
nohotoi,^  a  nephew  of  Tomachichi,  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  an 
encounter  with  the  Spaniards,  by  a  Spanish  captain.  Tooanohmvi  drew 
his  pistol  with  his  left  hand,  and  shot  the  captain  through  the  head. 

Thus,  with  the  Spaniards  upon  one  hand,  and  the  English  upon  the 
other,  and  the  French  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  Creeks  and  Cherokeos 
became  subject  to  every  possible  evil  to  which  the  caprice  of  those  seve- 
ral nations  gave  rise.  Although  there  were  events,  in  every  yt'ar,  of  im- 
portance, yet,  in  this  place,  we  shall  take  up  the  period  rendered  more 
mt  norable  by  the  distinguished  chiefs  Attakullakidla  and  Ockonostota.^ 

The  fame  of  Carolina  had,  in  1753,  drawn  a  multitude  of  Europeans 
to  her  shores.  The  same  year,  on  the  2C  May,  Malachty,  attended  by  the 
Wolf-king  and  the  Ottasee  chief,  with  about  20  others,  and  above  a  hun- 
dred of  their  people,  came  to  Charleston.  They  were  met,  on  their 
way,  by  a  troop  of  horsemen,  who  conducted  them  to  the  town,  by  the 
governor's  order,  in  great  state.  This  was  to  induce  them  to  make  [)eace 
and  remain  their  allies,  and,  to  this  end,  the  Gov.,  Glenn,  made  a  very  j)a- 
cific  speech,  in  the  Indian  manner.  Malachty,  who,  at  this  time,  seems  to 
have  been  the  head  chief  among  the  Creeks,  presented  the  governor  with 
a  quantity  of  skins,  and  readily  consented  to  a  peace  with  the  English, 
but,  in  regai-d  to  a  peace  with  the  Cherokees,  he  said,  that  was  a  matter 
of  great  moment,  and  he  must  deliberate  with  his  people,  before  he  could 
give  an  answer.  The  Cherokees  were  already  under  the  protection  of 
the  English,  and  some  of  them  had,  not  long  before,  been  killed  by  the 
Creeks,  in  the  very  neighborhood  of  Charleston.  The  party  which 
committed  this  outrage  was  led  by  Malachty.  Notwithstanding,  a  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities  boems  to  have  taken  place,  for  numbers  of  each  nation 
joined  the  English  immediately  after  the  capture  of  Oswego,  by  the 
French,  in  1756.  The  Cherokees  are  particularly  named  as  having  ren- 
dered essential  service  in  the  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne ;  but  a 
circumstance  happened,  while  those  warriors  were  returning  home  from 
that  expedition,  which  involved  them  in  an  immediate  war  with  the  Eng- 

*  Harris,  Voyiigcs. 

t  MCa/l's  Georgia,  i.  4.5.  |  flarrix. 

^  AT  Call,  who  says  he  accompanied  Gen.  Oglethorpe  to  England,  in  1731,  with 
Tomochichi. 

II  Ouconnostolah,  Ouconnoslola,  Ouconnostata,  Wynne.— Occonoslota,  Ramsay.— 
AttakuUakulla  was  generally  called  the  Littk-carpenler. 


28 


ATl'AKULLAKULLA. 


[Book  IV. 


lisli,  in  whose  service  they  had  been  engaged.  Having  lost  their  horses, 
and  being  worn  out  with  toil  and  fatigue,  on  coining  to  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia,  they  picked  up  several  of  those  animals,  which  belonged  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  places  through  which  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Ram- 
say* says,  was  the  cause  of  the  massacre,  which  they  suffered  at  that 
time.  But  Mr.  Adair,\  who  lived  then  among  th?  Indians  in  those  parts, 
says,  "  Several  companies  of  the  Cheerake,  who  joined  our  forces  under 
Gen.  Stanioix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  affirmed  that  tlieir  alienation  from 
us  was  because  they  were  confined  to  our  martial  arrangement,  by  un- 
just suspicion  of  them — were  very  much  contemned, — and  half  starved  at 
the  main  camp:  their  hearts  told  them,  therefore,  to  return  home, as  free- 
men and  injured  allies,  though  without  a  supply  of  provisions.  This  they 
did,  and  pinching  hunger  forced  them  to  take  as  much  as  barely  support- 
ed nature,  when  returning  to  their  own  country.  In  their  journey,  the 
German  inhabitants,  without  any  provocation,  killed,  in  cool  blood,  about 
40  of  their  warriors,  in  different  places — though  each  party  was  under  the 
command  of  a  British  subject."  It  must  be  remembered  that,  upon 
BraddocKa  defeat,  Virginia  had  offered  a  reward  for  the  scalps  of  hostile 
Indians.  Here,  then,  was  an  inducement  for  remorseless  villains  to  mur- 
der, and  it  was  impossible,  in  many  oases,  to  know  whether  a  scalp  were 
taken  from  a  friend  or  an  enemy.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying,  grew  the  excegsive  calamities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
the  southern  provinces.  Forty  innocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered 
in  cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a  war,  which 
caused  us  much  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any 
since  that  region  of  country  was  p '.diited  by  the  whites. 

At  one  place,  a  monster  entertained  a  party  of  Indians,  and  treated  them 
kindly,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  caused  a  gang  of  his  kindred  ruffians 
to  lie  in  ambush  where  they  were  to  pass,  and,  when  they  arrived ,  bar- 
barously shot  them  down  to  a  man  !  The  news  was  forthwith  carried  to 
the  Cherokee  nation,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warriors, 
was  like  thai  of  electricity.  They  seized  their  tomahawks  and  war  clubs, 
and,  but  for  the  wisdom  of  Attakvllakvlla,  would  have  murdered  several 
Englishmen,  then  in  their  country  upon  some  matters  respecting  a  treaty. 
As  Attaktdlakulla  was  a  chief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of 
the  murders,  and  the  design  of  vengeance.  He  therefore  goes  imme- 
diately to  tliem,  and  informed  them  of  their  danger,  and  assisted  them  to 
secrete  themselves;  then,  without  loss  of  time,  he  assembled  his  warriors, 
and  made  a  speech  to  them,  in  which  he  inveighed,  with  great  bitterness, 
against  the  murderous  English,  and  urged  immediate  war  against  them ; 
**and  never  (said  he)  shall  the  hatchet  be  buried,  until  the  blood  of  our  coun- 
trymen be  atoned  for.  Let  t«  not  (he  continued)  violate  our  faith,  or  the 
laws  of  hospitality,  by  imbruing  our  hands  in  the  blood  of  those  who  are  note 
in  our  potoer.  They  came  to  us  in  the  confidence  of  friendship,  tvith  belts  of  * 
wampum  to  cement  a  perpetual  alliance  with  us.  Jjet  us  carry  them  back  toj| 
their  own  settlements ;  conduct  them  safely  ivithin  their  corifines,  and  then  take 
up  the  hatchet,  and  endeavor  to  cxttmiinate  the  whole  ra4:e  of  them.''*  This 
council  was  adopted.  Before  commencing  hostilities,  however,  the  mur- 
derers were  demanded,  but  were  blindly  refused  them,  and  we  have  men- 
tioned the  consequences. 

The  French,  it  was  said,  used  their  influence  to  enrage  the  Indians ;  but, 


*  Hist.  South  Carolina,  i.  169. 

fHist.  Amer.  Indians,  245.  That  the  Indians'  taking  horses  was  no  pretext  for  the 
murders,  even  at  the  lime,  appears  evident.  "  As  (says  Capt.  ATCall,  i.  257.)  the  horses 
in  those  parts  ran  wild  in  tne  woods,  it  was  customary,  both  amone;  the  Indians  and 
wliite  people  on  the  frontiers,  to  catch  them  and  appropriate  them  to  their  own  use," 


[Book  IV. 

eir  horsea, 
'ontiers  of 
■ed  to  the 
r.  Ram- 
id  at  that 
lose  parts, 
ces  under 
ition  Irotn 
nt,  by  un- 
'  starved  at 
le,  as  free- 
This  they 
y  support- 
irney,  the 
3od,  about 
under  the 
hat,  upon 
of  host'"Q 
18  to  mur- 
calp  were 
no  hesita- 
distressed 
murdered 
i^ar,  which 
ed,  as  any 

iated  them 
3d  rufiians 
rived,  bar- 
carried  to 
warriors, 
war  clubs, 
ed  several 
5  a  treaty. 
>prized  of 
es  imme- 
i  them  to 
warriors, 
)itteniess, 
nst  them ; 
our  coun- 
iihy  or  the 
are  noto 
Ih  belts  of  ' 
m  back  tol^ 
then  take 
This 
the  mur- 
ave  men- 

ans;  but, 


ext  for  the 
the  horses 
ndians  and 
f\k  use," 


Chap.  III.] 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


29 


%. 


if  that  were  the  case,  we  should  not  deem  it  worth  naming,  as  it  appears 
to  us  that  nothing  more  could  be  i  ocessary  to  inflame  them  than  the  hor- 
rid outrages  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

Meanwhile,  war  parties  dispersed  themselves  along  the  frontiers  of  South 
Carolina,  and  began  the  slaughter  of  the  inhabitants  with  that  fury  and 
barbarity  which  might  justly  have  been  expected  from  an  exasperated 

Eeople.  With  such  tardy  steps  did  the  whites  proceed,  thot  half  a  year 
ad  passed  before  a  force  could  be  sent  against  them.  Col.  Montgomerif, 
afterwards  Lord  Eglington,  at  length  marched  into  their  country,  but  was 
ambushed  at  a  place  called  Crows-creek,  a  dangerous  defile  between  a 
river  and  a  steep  mountain,  where  he  met  with  a  dismal  defeat  The 
colonel  ond  a  part  of  his  men  escaped.  • 

If  we  can  believe  Mr.  Adair, — and  I  know  not  that  he  is  or  has  been  un- 
der any  impeachment, — the  perfidy  of  the  whites,  in  this  war,  surpasses,  or, 
at  least,  is  equal  to  anything  which  occurred  in  New  England,  regarding 
the  Praying  Indians,  in  the  times  of  Pometacom,  alias  King  Philip.  The 
following  is  an  instance.  A  great  many  of  the  remote  Cherokee  towns 
took  no  part  in  the  war,  in  the  first  place,  but,  on  the  contrary,  declared 
ihemselves  the  friends  of  the  whites,  and  even  volunteered  to  fight  agoinst 
whatever  people  should  be  found  in  arms  against  them ;  and,  as  they 
needed  ammunition,  a  large  deputation  from  those  tribes  set  out  for 
Charleston,  to  strengthen  their  friendship  and  tender  their  assistance. 
The  principal  leader  of  these  Indians  was  a  chief,  whom  the  whites  called 
^oitruf- O,  "  on  account  of  a  blue  hnpression  he  bore  in  that  form;"  a 
brave  and  aged  warrior,  and  particular  friend  of  the  English.  The 
friendly  Indians,  under  Round-O,  were  met  by  an  army  under  Gov.  Lyttle- 
ton,  of  1100  men,  at  Fort  Prince  George,  in  Dec.  1759.  This  fort  wjis 
upon  the  Savannah  River,  near  the  Cherokee  town  called  Keotvee.  Here 
the  governor  compelled  these  friendly  Indians  to  sign  a  treaty,  one  article 
of  which  required  them  to  deliver  22*  of  their  people  into  his  hands,  to 
be  kept  as  hostages  for  the  due  fulfilment  of  all  the  rest.f  Besid  .s  the  ab- 
surdity of  detaining  hostages  from  their  friends,  the  English  seem  to  have 
been  miserably  blind  to  their  interests  in  other  respects ;  for  the  Indians,  at 
this  time,  knew  not  the  meaning  of  hostages,!  but  supposed  those  so  retained 
were  doomed  to  slavery ;  an  office  the  most  unsuflfcrable  to  Indians  of  all 
others.  The  following  are  such  of  the  names  of  the  unfortunate  Chero- 
kees  as  we  have  been  able  to  collect,  who,  under  the  name  of  hostages, 
were  thrown  into  a  dismal,  close  prison,  scarce  large  enough  for  six  lucn, 
where  they  remained  about  two  months,  and  were  theu  massacred,  as  in 
the  sequel  we  shall  show : — 

CheTwhe,  Ousanatanah,  TaUichama,  Tallitahe,  Quarrasattahe,  Connasa- 
ratah,  Kaiagtoi,  Otassite  of  Watogo,  Ousanoletah  of  Jore,  Kataehtah  of 
Cowetche,  Chisquatalone,  Skiaetista  of  Sticoe,  T^naesto,  ff'ohatche, 
fVyejah,  Oucahchistaixah,  JVtchotche,  Tony,  Toaiiakoi,  Shallisloske  and 
Chistie. 

Both  Attaktdlakulla  and  Ockonostota,  it  appears,  were  at  Fort  Prince 
George  at  this  time,  and  signed  the  treaty ;  and  Otassite,  Kitagusta,  Ocon-. 
nocca  and  Killcannokca  were  the  others  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  Things 
having  been  thus  settled,  Mr.  Lyttleton  returned  to  Charleston,  where  ne 

*This  was  the  number  of  murderers  the  governor  demanded  should  be  delivered  to 
him.  Two  had  been  delivered  up  before  the  hostages  were  taken,  and  when  any 
others  were  delivered,  the  same  number  of  hostages  were  to  be  released.  Trtatij, 
Art.  III. 

t  The  treaty  is  printed  at  length  in  the  Bntish  Etnpira,  by  Mr.  Wynne,  (ii.  273.)  an 
author,  by  the  way,  of  very  great  merit. 

\  Adair. 


90 


ATTAKULLAKULLA.— OCKONOSTOTA. 


[Book  IV. 


was  received  like  a  conqueror,  although  what  he  had  done,  it  will  appear, 
was  worse  than  if  he  had  done  nothing  at  all. 

Ockonostota,  for  good  reason,  no  doubt,  entertained  a  deep-rooted  hatred 
against  Capt.  Cotymore,  an  officer  of  tl"^  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but 
just  leil  the  country,  when  it  was  founu  that  he  was  hovering  about  the 
garrison  with  a  large  number  of  warriors.  But  it  was  uncertain,  for  some 
time,  whether  they  intended  to  attack  the  fort,  or  whether  they  wished  io 
continue  near  their  friends,  who  were  imprisoned  in  it.  However,  it  is 
said,  that,  by  some  means,  a  plan  was  concerted  between  the  Indiana 
withoiu  ami  those  confined  within  the  fort,  (or  surprising  it.  Be  this  as 
it  may,  Ockonostota  practised  the  following  wile  to  effect  the  object.  Hav- 
ing placed  a  party  •{  his  warriors  in  a  dark  cane-brake  near  at  hand,  he 
sent  a  squaw  to  the  garrison  to  invite  the  commander  to  come  out,  for  he 
had  something  of  importance  to  communicate  to  him.  Capt.  Cfftyviore 
imprudently  went  out,  accompanied  by  two  of  his  officers,  and  Ockonos- 
tota appeared  upon  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Savannah,  with  a  bridle  in  his 
hand,  the  better  to  conceal  his  intentions.  He  told  the  captain  he  was 
going  to  Charleston  to  effect  the  release  of  the  hostages,  and  requested 
that  a  white  man  might  accompany  him ;  and  that,  as  the  distance  was 
great,  he  would  ^o  and  try  to  catch  a  horse.  The  captein  promised  him 
a  guard,  and  hoped  he  would  succeed  in  finding  a  horse.  Ockonostota 
then  quickly  turned  himself  about,  and  swinging  his  bridle  thrice  over  his 
head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his  men,  and  they  promptly  obeying  it,  about 
30  guns  were  dis<rharged  upon  the  officers  at  tht  same  moment.  Capt. 
Cotymore  received  a  shot  in  his  lefl  breast,  from  which  he  died  in  two  or 
tliree  days  after,  and  both  the  others  were  wounded.  On  recovering  the 
fort,  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  the  hostages  in  irons.  Ar  Englishman, 
who  laid  hold  on  one  of  them  for  that  purpose,  was  stabbed  and  slain ; 
and,  in  the  scuffle,  two  or  three  more  were  wounded,  and  driven  out  of 
tlie  place  of  confinement.  The  tragedy  in  the  fort  had  now  only  com- 
menced ;  the  miserable  prisoners  had  repelled  their  assassins  for  the  mo- 
ment, and  doubtless  hoped  for  deliverance  from  their  friends  without,  who 
had  now  closely  besieged  the  place.  But  unfortunately  for  these  poor 
wretches,  the  fort  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  their  arts  of  war,  and 
the  dastardly  whites  found  time  and  means  to  murder  their  victims,  one 
by  one,  in  a  manner  too  horrible  to  relate. 

There  were  few  families  who  did  not  lose  a  friend  or  relation  by  this 
massacre,  and,  as  one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  desolations 
quickly  followed. 

Meanwhile,  singular  as  it  may  appear,  Attakullakulla  rema'ned  the  fast 
fiiend  of  the  whites,  and  used  all  his  arts  to  induce  his  countrymen  to 
make  peace.  But  it  was  in  vain  he  urged  them  to  consider  that  they  had 
more  than  revenged  themselves ;  they  were  determined  to  carry  all  before 
them.  MtakvlldcvUa  was  now  an  old  man,  and  had  been  in  England 
formerly,*  and  had  become  much  attached  to  the  English,  from  several 
causes.  On  the  other  hand,  Ockonostota  was  a  stern  warrior,  in  the  vigor 
of  manhood,  and,  like  the  renowned  Pontiac,  was  determined  to  rid  liis 
country  of  his  barbarous  enemies. 

Afler  the  unfortunate  expedition  of  Col.  Montgomery,  to  which  we  have 
before  alluded,  all  communication  was  cut  off  between  Fort  Loudon  and 
the  English  settlements,  and  nothing  but  famine  and  the  worst  of  deaths 
stared  those  who  held  it  in  the  face.  The  number  of  men  stationed  here 
was  200,  and  their  situation  was  truly  deplorable.  Ockonostota,  with  his 
numerous  warriors,  kept  sti .  ;t  watch,  insomuch  that  there  was  no  means  of 
escape.    At  length,  the  garrison  having  miserably  subsisted,  for  some  time, 

*  He  went  over  with  Sir  Alexander  Cumming,  ia  1730. 


Chap.  III.] 


OCKONOSTOTA.— ATTAKULL AKULL  l. 


81 


upon  popic  famiBhed  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  many  became  /"jolved  to  throw 
themselves  into  the  power  of  tiic  Indians,  wishing  rather  to  die  by  their 
hands,  than  miserably  to  perish  within  tlieir  fortress.  Capt.  Sleuart,  an 
officer  among  them,  was  veil  known  to  the  Indians,  and  {Mssessed  great 
address  and  sagacity.  He  resolved,  at  this  crisis,  to  repair  to  Chote,  the 
residence  of  OcKonostota,  and  make  overtures  for  the  surrender  of  the 
garrison.  He,  accordingly,  effected  his  object,  and  returned  with  articles 
cf  capitulation  agreed  upon.  Besides  the  names  of  Ockonostota  and  Paul 
Demere,  the  commander  of  the  gairison,  the  name  of  anotI>cr  chief  was 
to  the  articles,  called  Cunigacatgoae.  The  articles  stipulated,  that  the 
^rrison  should  march  out  with  their  arms  and  drums,  each  soldier  hav- 
mg  as  much  powder  and  ball  as  his  officers  should  think  necessary,  and 
that  they  should  march  for  Virginia  unmolested. 

Accordingly,  on  7  August,  1760,  tiie  English  took  up  their  march  for 
Fort  Prince  George.  They  had  proceeded  but  about  15  miles,  when  they 
encamped,  foi  the  night,  upon  a  small  plain  near  Taliquo.  They  were 
accompanied  thus  far  by  Ockonostota  in  person,  and  many  others,  in  a 
friendly  manner,  but  at  night  they  withdrew  without  giving  any  notice. 
The  army  was  not  molefited  during  the  night,  but,  at  dawn  of  day,  a  sen- 
tinel came  running  into  camp  with  the  infornmtion  that  a  host  of  Indians 
were  creeping  up  to  surround  them.  Capt.  Demere  had  scarce  time  to 
rally,  before  the  Indians  broke  into  his  ccmp  with  great  fury.  The  poor 
emaciated  soldiers  made  but  feeble  resistance.  Thirty  of  their  number 
fell  in  the  first  fnset,  among  whom  was  their  captain.  Those  that  were 
able,  endeavoreit  to  save  themselves  by  flight,  and  others  surrendered 
themselves  upon  the  place.  Among  the  latter  was  Capt.  Steuart.  The  pris- 
onera  were  conducted  to  Fort  Loudon,  which  now  became  Ockonostota^a 
head-quaiters. 

Attakidlakvlla,  learning  that  his  friend  Steuart  was  among  the  captives, 
proceeded  immediately  to  Fort  Loudon,  where  he  ransomed  him  at  the 
expense  of  all  the  property  he  could  command,  and  took  care  of  him  with 
the  greatest  tenderness  and  affection. 

The  restless  Ockonostota  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George. 
He  was  induced  to  undertake  that  project,  as  fortune  had  thro\vn  in  his 
way  some  of  the  means  for  such  an  undertaking,  hitherto  beyond  his 
reach.  Before  abdicating  Fort  Loudon,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  ground 
several  bags  of  powder.  This  his  men  had  found.  Several  cannon  had 
also  been  left  behind,  and  he  designed  to  force  his  English  prisoners  to  get 
them  through  the  woods,  and  manage  them  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince 
George.  But  AttakvilakuUa  defeated  these  operations,  by  assisting  Capt. 
Steuart  to  escape.  He  even  accompanied  him  to  the  English  settlements, 
and  returned  loaded  with  presents. 

Ockonostota  continued  the  war  until  Col.  Grant,  in  1761,  traversed  the 
Cherokee  country,  and  subdued  his  people  in  several  battles ;  and  peace 
was  at  last  effected  by  the  mediation  of  Attakvllalculla.  This  chief's  resi- 
dence was  upon  the  Tennessee  or  Cherokee  River,  at  what  was  called  the 
Overkill  Towns.  In  1773,  when  the  learned  traveller,  Bnrtram,  traveled 
into  the  Cherokee  country,  he  met  the  old  chief  on  his  way  to  Charles- 
ton ;  of  which  circumstance  he  speaks  thus  in  his  Travels : — "  Soon  aftei 
crossing  this  large  branch  of  the  Tannsc,  I  observed  descending  the 
heights,  at  some  distance,  a  company  of  Indians,  all  well  mounted  on 
horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward ;  on  their  nearer  approach,  I 
observed  a  chief  at  the  head  of  the  caravan,  and  apprehending  him  to  be 
the  lAttle-carpenter,  emperor  or  grand  chief  of  the  Cherokees,  as  they 
came  up,  I  turned  off"  from  the  path  to  make  way,  in  token  of  respect, 
which  compliment  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimously  re- 
turned ;  for  bis  kigbnees,  with  a  gracioua  and  cheerful  smile,  came  up  to 


83 


CHLUCCO. 


[Book  IV. 


iiie,  and  clapping  his  hand  o'\  his  breast,  offered  it  to  me,  oaylng,  I  am 
Ala-cul-aUla,  and  iieartily  sliook  hands  with  me,  and  asked  nie  if  1  knew 
it ;  I  answered,  that  the  good  spirit  who  goes  before  me  spoke  to  me,  and 
said,  that  is  tiie  gieat  ^ta-cul-cuUa."  Mr.  Bartram  added,  that  he  was  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  though  that  was  a  great  way  off,  yet  the  name  o^Atta- 
kidlakulla  was  dear  to  his  white  l)rothei-8  of  Ponnsyivania.  The  chief 
tJien  asked  him  if  he  came  directly  from  Charleston,  and  if  his  friend 
^^John  Stewart  were  well."  Mr.  Bartram  said  he  saw  him  lately,  and  that 
he  was  welh  This  was,  probably,  the  same  person  whom  Attc^idlakvlla 
had  assisted  to  make  an  escape,  as  we  have  just  related. 

In  carrying  out  the  history  of  the  two  chiefs,  JltlakullakuUa  and  Ocko- 
nostota,  we  nave  omitted  to  notice  Chlucco,  better  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Long-warrior,k'mg  or  mico  of  the  gemuioles.    He  went  out  with  Col. 


Montgomery,  and  rendered  him  essential  service  in  hisunsuccessfid  expe- 
dition, of  which  we  have  spoken.  A  large  band  of  Creeks  accompanied 
him,  and  there  is  but  little  doubt,  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  and  his  war- 
riors, few  of  the  English  would  have  returned  to  their  friends.  Hut,  as 
usual,  the  English  leader,  in  his  time,  had  all  the  honftr  of  successfully 
encountering  many  difficulties,  and  returning  with  his  own  life  and  many 
of  his  men's.  It  was  by  the  aid  of  Chlucco,  that  the  army  escaped  ambush 
after  ambush,  destroyed  many  of  the  Cherokee  villages,  and  finally  his 
warriors  covered  its  retreat  out  of  one  of  the  most  dangerous  countries 
throuj^h  which  an  army  could  pass.  Long-toarrior  was  what  the  New  Eng- 
land In.lians  termed  a  great  powwow.  That  he  was  a  man  possessing  a 
good  mind,  may  fairly  be  inferred  from  his  ah'lity  to  withstand  the  tempta- 
tion of  intoxicating  liquors.     He  had  been  known  to  remain  sober,  when 


Chap.  IV.] 


MOiVCACHTAPE. 


33 


all  his  tribe,  and  many  whites  among  them,  had  all  been  wallowing  in 
the  mire  of  drunkenness  togctlier.  In  the  year  1773,  at  the  head  of  about 
40  warriore,  hi  i.-arched  against  the  Cliocktaws  of  West  Florida.  What 
was  the  issue  of  this  expedition  wo  have  not  learned.  We  may  have 
again  occasion  to  notice  Vhlucco. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MoNCACHTAPE,  the  Yazoo — JVarrative  of  his  adventures  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean — Grand-sun,  chief  of"  the  JVatchez — Receives  great  injustice  from 
the  French — Concerts  their  destruction — 700  French  are  cut  off—Wartoiih 
them — The  JVatchez  destroyed  \  tkei'  turn — Great-mortar — M'Gilli- 
VRAT — His  birth  and  education — Visits  JS/eto  York — Trovblts  of  his  na- 
tion— His  death — Tame-king — ]VlAi>-Doa. 

Moncachtape  was  a  Yazoo,  whose  name  signified,  in  the  language  of  that 
nation,  killer  of  pain  and  fatigue.  How  well  he  deserved  this  name  the 
sequel  will  unfold.  He  was  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Pratz,  about 
1760,  and  iv,  was  owing  to  his  singul  ir  good  intelligence,  that  that  traveller 
was  able  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  "  This  man 
(says  Du  Pratz*)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  understanding  and  eleva- 
tion of  sentiment ;  and  I  may  justly  compare  him  to  those  first  Greeks, 
who  travelled  chiefly  into  the  east,  to  examine  the  manners  and  customs 
of  different  nations,  and  to  communicate  to  their  fellow  citizens,  upon 
their  return,  the  knowledge  which  they  had  acquired."  He  was  known 
to  the  French  by  the  name  of  the  Interpreter,  as  he  could  communicate 
with  several  other  nations,  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  their  languages. 
Mons.  Du  PrcUz  used  great  endeavors  among  the  nations  upon  the  Mis- 
sissijjpi,  to  learn  their  origin,  or  irom  whence  they  came  ;  and  observes 
concerning  it,  "  All  that  I  could  learn  from  them  was,  that  they  came 
from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ;  and  this  account  they  uni- 
formly adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their  origin."  This 
was  unsatisfactory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  one  that  could 
inform  him  better,  he  met  with  Monccuhtape.  The  following  is  the  result 
of  hip  communications,  in  his  own  words : — 

"  I  had  lost  my  wife,  and  all  the  children  whom  I  had  by  her,  when  I 
undertook  my  journey  towords  the  sun-rising.  I  set  out  from  my  village 
contrary  to  the  inclination  of  all  my  relations,  and  went  'first  to  the  Chic- 
asaws,  our  friends  and  neighbors.  I  continued  among  them  several 
days,  to  inform  myself  whether  they  knew  whence  we  all  came,  or,  at 
least,  whence  they  themselves  came ;  they,  who  were  our  elders ;  since 
from  theui  came  the  language  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform 
me,  I  proceeded  on  my  journey.  I  reached  the  Wabash,  or  Ohio,  near 
to  its  source,  which  is  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations.  I 
left  them,  however,  towards  the  north ;  and,  during  the  winter,  which,  in 
that  country,  is  very  severe  and  very  Ion-,  I  lived  in  a  village  of  the  Abe- 
naquis,  where  I  contracted  an  acquaintance  with  a  man  somewhat  older 
than  myself,  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  the 
great  water.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the 
weather  was  settled,  we  proceeded  eastward,  and,  after  several  days' jour- 
ney, I  at  length  saw  the  great  water,  which  filled  me  with  such  joy  and 
admiration,  that  I  could  not  speak.    Night  drawing  on,  we  took  up  our 

"  Hist.  Louisiana;  ii.  121. 


84 


ADVENTURES  OF  MONCACIFTAPE. 


[Hook  IV. 


lodging  on  n  liigh  hank  above  the  t,  wliirli  was  sonrly  voxod  by  the 
wind,  and  rnado  so  great  n  noiwe  th-  could  not  sloep.  Next  day,  tho 
ohl)ing  and  flowing  ol*  the  water  filK  ".  with  great  appreliension  ;  but 
my  companion  ouieted  my  fears,  l)y  assi4.ing  mo  that  the  water  ol  (served 
certain  bounds,  l)otli  in  advancing  .•uid  retiring.  Having  satisfied  oiu*  cu- 
riosity in  viewing  tiie  great  water,  we  returned  to  the  village  of  the  Abe- 
naquis,  where  I  continued  the  following  winter;  and,  alter  the  hiiows 
were  melted,  my  conipanion  and  I  went  and  viewed  ihe  great  fall  of  tho 
River  St.  Lawrence,  at  Niagara,  which  was  distant  from  the  village  seve- 
ral days' journey.  The  view  of  this  great  fall,  at  first,  made  my  hair  stand 
cii  end,  and  my  heart  almost  leap  out  of  its  place;  but  afterwards,  iMjforo 
I  left  it,  I  had  the  courage  to  walk  under  it.  Next  day,  we  took  tin;  short- 
est road  to  the  Ohio,  and  my  comj)anion  and  I  cutting  down  a  tree  on  the 
I)ank8  of  the  river,  we  formed  it  mto  a  pettiaugre,  which  served  to  con- 
duct me  down  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  after  which,  with  much 
difficulty,  I  went  up  our  small  river,  and  at  length  arrived  safe  among  my 
relations,  who  were  rejoiced  to  see  me  in  good  health. — This  journey, 
instead  of  satisfying,  only  served  to  excite  my  curiosity.  Our  old  men, 
for  several  years,  had  told  me  that  the  ancient  speech  informed  them  that 
the  red  men  of  the  north  came  originally  much  higher  and  much  farther 
than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ;  and  as  I  had  longed  to  see,  with 
my  own  eyes,  the  land  from  whence  our  first  fathers  came,  I  took  my  pre- 
cautions for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  provided  a  snmll  quantity 
of  corn,  I  proceeded  up  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  River  Mississippi, 
till  I  came  to  the  Ohio.  I  went  up  along  the  bank  of  this  last  river, 
about  the  fourth  part  of  a  day's  journey,  that  I  might  be  able  to  cross  it 
without  being  carried  into  the  Mississippi.  There  I  formed  a  cajeux,  or 
raft  of  canes,  by  the  ossistance  of  which  I  passed  over  the  river  ;  and  next 
day  meeting  with  a  herd  of  bufiiiloes  in  the  meadows,  I  killed  a  fat  one, 
and  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the  bunch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  after,  I  ar- 
rived among  the  Tamaroas,  a  village  of  the  nation  of  the  Illinois,  where 
I  rested  several  days,  and  then  proceeded  northwards  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Missouri,  which,  after  it  enters  the  great  river,  runs  for  a  considerable 
time  without  intermixing  its  muddy  waters  witli  the  clear  stream  of  the 
other.  Having  crossed  the  Mississippi,  I  went  up  the  Missouri,  along  its 
northern  bank,  and,  after  several  days' journey,  I  arrived  at  the  nation  of 
the  Missouris,  where  I  staid  a  long  time  to  learn  the  language  that  is 
spoken  beyond  them.  In  going  along  the  Missouri,  I  passed  through 
meadows  a  whole  day's  journey  in  length,  which  were  quite  covered  with 
buffaloes. 

"  When  the  cold  was  past,  and  the  snows  were  melted,  I  continued  my 
journey  up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I  came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  on 
the  Canzas.  Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I  pro- 
ceeded in  the  same  course  near  30  days,  and  at  length  I  met  with  some 
of  the  nation  of  the  Otters,  who  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  and 
were  surprised  to  see  me  alone.  I  continued  with  the  hunters  two  or 
three  days,  and  then  accompanied  one  of  thern  and  his  wife,  who  was 
near  he**  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which  lay  far  off  betwixt  the 
north  and  west.  We  continued  our  journey  along  the  Missouri  for  nine 
days,  and  then  we  marched  directly  northwards  for  five  days  more,  when 
we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a  direction  contrary 
to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  proceeded  down  this  river  a  whole  day,  and 
tlien  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as  much 
kindness  as  if  I  had  been  of  their  own  nation.  A  few  days  after,  I  joined 
a  party  of  the  Otters,  who  were  going  to  carry  a  calumet  of  peace  to  a 
nation  beyond  them,  and  we  embarked  in  a  pettiaugre,  and  went  down 
the  river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  supply  ourselves  with  pro- 


ClIAF.  IV.J 


ADVENTURES  OF  MONCACMITAI'E. 


35 


vinions.  When  I  arrived  nt  tlin  nation  wlio  were  at  penro  witli  tlic 
OtterH,  !  Htiiid  with  tliciu  till  th(;  rold  wiih  [uiKscd,  that  I  ini^ht  h-urn 
their  hiiigimge,  vvliicli  watt  cuniinun  to  nioHt  of  the  natiunn  that  hved  be- 
yond tlicin. 

"  Tlie  cold  was  hardly  eonc,  when  I  again  embarked  on  th(^  fine  river, 
and  in  my  cnnrHe  I  met  with  8(!v<!ral  nations,  with  whom  I  generally  staid 
but  one  night,  till  I  arrived  at  the  nation  that  ia  but  one  dayV  jonrney  from 
the  great  water  on  the  west.  This  nation  live  in  the  wooiIh  about  the 
distance  of  a  league  from  the  river,  from  their  apprehension  of  bearded 
men,  who  come  upon  their  coasts  in  Hoating  villages,  and  carry  off  their 
childn^n  to  make  slaves  of  them.  These  men  w«'rc  described  to  be  white, 
with  long  black  beards  that  came  down  to  their  breast ;  they  were  thick 
and  short,  had  large  heads,  which  were  covered  with  cloth ;  they  wero 
always  dressed,  even  in  the  greatest  heats ;  their  clothes  fell  down  to  the 
middle  of  their  legs,  which,  with  their  feet,  were  covered  with  red  or  yel- 
low stuff.  Their  arms  made  a  great  fire  and  a  great  noise ;  and  when 
tliey  saw  themselves  ont-ninnbered  by  red  men,  they  retired  on  board 
their  large  pettiaugre,  their  number  sometimes  amounting  to  thirty,  but 
never  more. 

"  Those  strangers  came  from  the  sun-setting,  in  search  of  a  yellow 
stinking  wood,  which  dyes  a  fine  yellow  color ;  but  the  people  of  this  na- 
tion, that  they  might  not  be  tempted  to  visit  them,  had  destroyed  all  those 
kind  of  trees.  Two  other  nations  in  their  neighborhood,  however,  hav- 
ing no  other  wood,  could  not  d-stroy  the  trees,  oiid  were  still  visiteil  by 
tlie  strangers ;  and  being  greatly  incommoded  by  them,  had  invited  their 
allies  to  assist  them  in  making  an  attack  upon  them,  tlie  next  time  they 
should  return.  The  following  siinnncr  I  accordingly  joined  in  this  expe- 
dition, and,  after  travelling  five  long  days'  jouniey,  we  came  to  the  place 
where  the  bearded  men  usually  landed,  where  we  waited  seventeen  days 
for  their  arrival.  The  red  men,  by  my  advice,  placed  theinselv'^  in  am- 
buscade to  surprise  the  strangers,  and  accordingly,  when  they  aiided  to 
cut  the  wood,  we  wero  so  successful  as  to  kill  eleven  of  thei  i,  the  rest 
immediately  escaping  on  board  two  large  pettiaugTvis,  and  flying  westward 
upon  the  great  water. 

"  Upon  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  wo  found  them  much 
smaller  than  ourselves,  and  very  white ;  they  hud  a  large  head,  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  crown  the  hair  was  very  long ;  their  head  was  wrapt  in  a 
great  many  folds  of  stufT,  and  their  clothes  seemed  to  be  made  neither  of 
wool  nor  silk  ;  they  were  very  soft,  and  of  different  colors.  Two  only,  of 
the  eleven  who  were  slain,  had  fire-arms,  with  powder  and  ball.  I  tried 
their  pieces,  and  found  that  they  wero  much  heavier  than  yours,  and  did 
not  kill  at  so  great  a  distance. 

"After  this  expedition,  I  thought  of  nothing  but  proceeding  on  my  jour- 
ney, and,  with  that  design,  I  let  the  red  ;n<  n  return  home,  and  joined  my- 
self to  those  who  inhabited  more  westwr  rd  on  the  coast,  with  whom  I 
ti'avelled  along  the  shore  of  the  great  water,  which  bends  directly  betwixt 
tho  north  and  the  sun-setting.  When  I  arrived  at  the  villages  of  my  fellow 
travellers,  where  I  found  the  days  very  long,  and  the  nights  very  short,  I 
was  advised  by  the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  continuing  my 
journey.  They  told  me  that  the  land  extended  still  a  long  way  in  a  direc- 
tion between  the  north  anvl  sun-setting,  after  which  it  ran  directly  west, 
and  at  length  was  cut  by  the  great  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of 
them  added,  that,  when  he  was  young,  he  knew  a  very  old  man  who  had 
seen  that  distant  land  before  it  was  eat  away  by  the  gi-eat  water,  and  that 
when  the  great  water  was  low,  many  rocks  still  appeared  in  those  parts. 
Finding  it,  therefore,  impracticable  to  proceed  much  farther,  on  account 
of  tlie  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want  of  game,  I  returned  by  the 


3G 


r.RAND-SUN. 


[Book  IV. 


■ame  route  by  which  I  had  net  cut;  nnd,  nuhirinff  my  whole  travolswcHt- 
wnrd  to  dnyn  journryH,  I  compute  thut  they  wonul  liavo  cmj)loyL'(l  me  30 
mooiifl;  hut,  on  account  of  my  frcqiinnt  delays,  it  was  five  years  before  I 
rctunicd  to  my  relatioiiN  amoiic  the  Ya/oos." 

Thus  ends  the  narrative  of  tlie  thmouH  traveller  Moncachtnpe.  lie  soon 
after  hjft  Mons.  Du  Pralz,  and  returned  to  his  own  country.  It  would 
have  l)cen  gratifyiuf^,  could  we  have  known  more  of  the  history  of  this 
very  intcliiiri^nt  man.  The  Nimie  author  bringR  also  to  our  knowledge  u 
chief  called  Grand-suti,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  Sun  was  a  com- 
mon name  for  all  chiefs  of  that  nation,  this  chief  was  nartieidarly  distin- 
guished in  the  first  war  with  the  French,  which  exhibits  the  com|)aN8  of 
our  information  concerning  him,  and  which  we  purpose  here  to  sketch. 

lie  was  brother  to  the  great  warrior,  known  to  the  F'rcnch  by  the  name 
of  Stvnfr-aerpent,  and  like  him  was  u  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the 
haughty,  overl)earing  di8i)osition  of  one  man  brought  destruction  and  ruin 
on  uieir  whole  colony.  This  affair  took  place  in  the  year  1729.  The 
residence  of  the  Grand-sun  was  near  the  French  post  of  Natchez,  where 
he  had  a  l)eautiful  village  called  the  White  JipvU.  M.  dt  Chopart  had 
been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  post,  whence  he  was  for  a  time 
removed  by  reason  of  misconduct,  and  his  abominable  injustice  to  the 
Indians  became  more  conspicuous  afterwards  than  before.  To  gratify 
his  pride  and  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an  elegant  village, 
and  none  appeared  to  suit  ids  purjmso  so  well  as  the  White  Apple  of  the 
Grand-aun.  He  sent  fbr  tlie  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatingly  told  him 
that  his  village  must  be  immediately  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolved 
to  erect  one  a  league  square  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  must 
remove  elsewhere.  The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  and  modestly 
replied,  "that  his  ancestors  had  lived  in  that  village  tor  as  many  years  as 
there  wero  hairs  in  his  double  cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they 
should  continue  there  still."  When  this  was  interpreted  to  the  command- 
ant, he  showed  himself  in  a  rage,  and  threatened  the  chief,  that,  unless 
he  moved  from  his  village  speedily,  he  would  have  cause  of  repentance. 
Grand-3un  left  the  fort,  and  said  he  would  dissemble  his  counsellors,  and 
hold  a  talk  upon  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  before 
the  commandant  their  hard  situation,  if  they  should  be  obliged  to  abandon 
their  com,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  shoot  from  the  ground,  and 
many  other  articles  on  which  they  were  to  depend  for  subsistence.  But, 
on  urging  these  strong  reasons,  they  rnet  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more 
peremptory  order  to  remove  immediately.  This  the  Grand-s^tn  reported 
to  the  council,  and  they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they 
should  rid  themselves  of  the  tyrant  Cfiopart,  which  was  their  final  decis- 
ion. The  secret  was  confided  to  none  nut  the  old  men.  To  gain  time, 
an  offer  was  to  be  made  to  the  avaricious  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  case 
he  would  pennit  them  to  remain  on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The 
oflTer  was  accepted,  and  the  Indians  set  about  maturing  their  plan  with  the 
p*eatest  avidity.  Bundles  of  sticks  were  sent  to  the  suns  of  the  neighbor- 
mg  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to  them  by  the  iiiithful  messengers. 
Each  bundle  contained  as  many  sticks  as  days  which  were  to  pass  before 
the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez.  And  that  no  mistake 
should  aiise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day,  every  morning  a  stick  was  drawn 
from  the  bundle  and  broken  in  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last  stick  was 
that  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  their  wickedness,  and  their 
deafness  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a  standing  example  before  them 
upon  the  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  instances  where 


Chap.  IV] 


GRANIX-8UN. 


they  liavo  profited  by  it.     I  need  cite  no  cxampica ;  our  pages  are  full  of 
them.     . 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  nncivili/ed,  rannot  lieorthe 
thoughts  of  revenge  and  death  to  prey  upon  them  for  mo  great  a  length 
of  time  aa  men.  And,  as  in  the  last  case,  1  need  not  produce  examples ; 
on  our  pages  will  bo  found  many. 

A  feinafo  tiun  having,  by  accident,  understood  the  secret  design  of  her 
people,  partly  out  of  resentment  fur  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partly 
from  her  attachment  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them. 
But  so  fatally  secure  was  the  commandant,  that  he  would  not  hearken  to 
her  messengers,  and  threatened  others  of  jiis  own  people  with  chastise- 
ment, if  they  continued  such  intimations.  But  the  great  council  of  so 
many  suns,  and  other  motions  of  their  wise  men,  justly  alarmed  many, 
and  their  complaints  to  the  commandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his 
own  people  were  put  in  irons,  to  dispel  their  fears.  And  that  he  might 
the  more  viumt  himself  upon  their  fears,  he  sent  his  inter{)reter  to  demand 
of  the  Grand-sun,  whether  he  was  alraut  to  full  u|>on  the  French  with  his 
warriors.  To  dissemble,  in  such  a  cose,  was  only  to  be  expected  from  the 
chief,  and  the  interi)reter  reported  to  the  commandant  as  ho  desired, 
which  caused  him  to  value  himself  upon  his  former  contempt  of  his  peo- 
ple's fears. 

The  30th  of  Novenil)er,  1729,  ot  length  came,  and  with  it  the  massacre 
of  near  700  |)eoi)le,  being  all  the  French  of  Natchez.  Not  a  man  escarcd. 
It  being  upon  the  eve  of  St.  Andreio'a  day,  facilitated  the  execution  of  the 
horrid  design.  In  such  contempt  was  M.  Chopart  held,  that  the  suns 
would  allow  no  warrior  to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  considered  a 
mean  person.  He  was  armed  only  with  a  wooden  tomahawk,  and  with 
such  a  contemptible  weapon,  wielded  by  as  contemptible  a  person,  was 
M.  Chopart  pursued'frotn  his  house  into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his 
death. 

The  design  of  the  Grand-sun  and  his  allies  was,  to  have  followed  up 
their  success  until  all  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Louisiana.  But 
some  tribes  would  not  aid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  promptly 
seconded  by  the  people  of  New  Orleans,  shortly  nfter  nearly  annihilated 
the  whole  tribe  of  the  Natchez.  The  Choctnws  offered  themselves,  to 
the  number  of  15  or  1600  men,  and,  in  the  following  February,  advanced 
into  the  coimtry  of  the  Natchez,  and  were  shortly  afler  joined  by  the 
French,  and  encamped  near  the  old  fort,  then  in  po88et;dion  of  the  Grand- 
aun.  Here  flags  passed  between  them,  and  terms  of  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  which  were  very  honorable  to  the  Indians ;  but,  in  the  following 
night,  they  decamped,  taking  all  their  prisoners  and  baggage,  leaving 
nothing  but  the  cannons  of  the  fort  and  balls  behind  them.  Some  timo 
now  passed  before  the  French  could  ascertain  the  retreat  of  the  Natche/» 
At  length,  they  learned  that  they  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and  settled 
upon  the  west  side,  near  180  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Red  River.  Here 
they  built  a  fort,  ai^id  remained  quietly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants  to  resign  themselves 
into  the  hands  of  the  king,  who  soon  sent  over  a  sufficient  force,  added  to 
those  still  in  the  country,  to  humble  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly 
invested  in  their  fort,  and,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  sudden  ap- 
proach of  the  French,  seem  to  have  lost  their  former  prudence.  They 
made  a  desperate  sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  but  were  repulsed 
with  great  loss.  They  then  attempted  to  gain  time  by  negotiation,  as 
they  had  the  year  before,  but  could  not  escape  from  the  vigilance  of  the 
French  officer ;  yet  the  attempt  was  made,  and  many  were  killed,  very 
few  escaped,  and  the  greater  number  driven  within  their  fort.  Mortars 
were  used  by  their  enemies  in  this  siege,  and  the  third  bomb,  fulling  in 


,18 


GREAT-MORTAR. 


[Book  IV. 


the  centre  of  the  fort,  mode  great  hnvoc,  hut  still  prenter  consternation. 
Drowned  by  the  cries  of  tho  women  and  cliildren,  Grand-sun  caused  the 
sign  of  capitulation  to  be  given.  Iliniself,  with  the  rest  of  his  company, 
were  carried  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and  tlirown  into  prison.  An  in. 
creasing  infection  caused  the  women  and  children  to  he  taken  out  and 
employed  as  slaves  on  the  king's  ])lantations;  among  whom  was  the  wo- 
man who  had  used  every  endravorto  notify  the  commandant,  Chopart,of 
the  intended  massacre,  and  from  whom  the  i)articulars  of  the  affair  were 
learned.  Her  name  was  Stuvf^-arm.  These  slaves  were  shortly  after 
embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  coimtry  of  the  Natchez.* 
The  men,  it  is  probable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

(ireat-mortar,  or  Yah-yah-tmtanage,  was  a  very  celebrated  Muskogee 
chieJ^  who,  before  the  revolutionary  war,  was  in  the  French  interest,  and 
received  his  supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was  not  far 
distant  from  his  place  of  abode,  called  Okchai.  There  was  a  time  when 
he  inclined  to  the  English,  and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent 
conduct  of  the  superintendent  of  Indian  affiiirs,  among  them,  might  have 
been  reclaimed,  and  the  dismal  period  of  massacres  which  ensued  avert- 
ed. At  a  great  council,  appointed  by  the  superintendent,  for  the  object 
of  regaining  t.'ieir  favor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  ])assing  around,  was  re- 
fused to  Great-mortar,  because  he  had  favored  the  French.  This,  with 
much  other  ungenerous  treatment,  caused  him  ever  after  to  hate  the  Eng- 
lish name.  As  the  superintendent  was  making  a  s|)eech,  which  doubtless 
contained  severe  and  hard  sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief, 
called  the  Tobacco-eater,  sprimg  upon  his  feet,  and  darting  his  tomahawk 
at  bin),  it  fortunately  missed  him,  but  stuck  in  a  plank  just  above  his  head. 
Yet  he  would  have  been  immediaiely  killed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a 
friemlly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been  effectual,  every  Englishman 
present  would  have  been  immediately  put  to  death.  Soon  after,  Greai- 
mortar  caused  his  people  to  fall  upon  the  English  traders,  and  they  mur- 
dered ten.  Fourteen  of  tlie  inhabitants  of  Longcane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-six,t  next  were  his  victims.  He  now  received  a  commission  from 
the  French,  and  the  better  to  enlist  the  Cherokees  and  others  in  his  cause, 
removed  with  his  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  upon  a  river, 
by  which  lie  could  receive  supplies  from  the  fort  at  Alabama.  Neither 
the  French  nor  Great-mortar  were  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their 
newly-chosen  position ;  for  young  warriors  joined  him  there  in  great 
numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming  a  general  rendezvous  for  all  the  Mis- 
8issi[)pi  Indians.  Fortunately,  however,  for  the  English,  the  Chickasaws 
in  their  interest  plucked  up  this  Bohon  upas  before  its  branches  were  yet 
extended.  They  fell  upon  them  by  sui^jrise,  killed  the  brother  of  Great- 
fiwrtar,  and  completely  destroyed  the  design.  He  fled,  not  to  his  native 
place,  but  to  one  from  whence  he  could  best  annoy  the  English  settle- 
ments, and  cominenced  anew  the  work  of  death.  Atigusta,  in  Georgia, 
and  many  scattering  settlements  were  destroyed.t  Those  ravages  were 
contiinied  until  their  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the  Americans  under 
Gen.  Grant,  in  17G1,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  in  our  progress.^ 
The  fate  of  Great-mortar,  like  many  others,  is  hidden  from  us. 

Wo  hav^.  next  to  notice  a  chief,  king,  or  emperor,  as  he  was  at  different 
times  entitled,  whose  omission,  in  a  biograj)hical  work  upon  the  Indians, 
would  incur  as  much  criminality,  on  the  part  of  the  biographer,  as  an 
omission  of  Buckougehelas,  fVhite-eyes,  Pipe,  or  Ockonostota ;  yea,  even 
more.     We  mean 

*  Mons.  Dii  Pratz,  Hist,  de  Louisiana,  tome  i.  chap.  xii. 

t  So  called  because  it  was  %  miles  from  tlic  Cherokee.    Adair. 

t  Adair's  Hist.  N.  American  Indians,  254,  &c. 

$  Wynne's  Brit.  Empire,  ii.  283. 


[Book  IV. 

)nsternation. 
I  caused  the 
is  company, 
on.  An  in> 
kcii  out  and 
ivns  the  wo- 
,  Chopartf  of 
!  nfliiir  were 
ihortly  after 
le  Natchez.* 

\  Muskogee 
interest,  and 
was  not  far 
I  tijne  when 
1  imprudent 
,  might  have 
isucd  avert- 
ir  tlie  ohject 
ind,  was  re- 
This,  with 
ite  tlie  Eng- 
ch  douhtlees 
notiitr  chief, 
s  tomahawk 
>ve  his  head, 
position  of  a 
Englishman 
after,  Great- 
\  they  niur- 
lement  near 
riission  from 
in  his  cause, 
pon  a  river, 
la.  Neither 
jge  of  their 
sre  in  great 
ill  the  Mia- 
Chickasaws 
les  were  yet 
ler  of  Great- 
:o  his  native 
glish  settle- 
in  Georgia, 
ivagps  were 
icans  under 
r  progress.^ 

f  at  difTorent 

lie  Indians, 

iphcr,  as  an 

;  yea,  even 


Chap.  IV.] 


M'GILLIVRAY. 


39 


.Alexander  M'Gillivray,  who  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  con- 
epicuous,  if  not  one  of  the  greatest,  chiefs  that  has  ever  borne  that  title 
among  the  Creeks ;  at  least,  since  they  have  been  known  to  the  Eu- 
ropeans. He  flourished  during  iialf  of  the  last  century,  and  such  was 
the  exalted  opinion  entertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  they  styled 
him  "  king  of  kings."  His  mother  was  his  predecessor,  and  the  govern- 
ess of  the  nation,  and  he  had  several  sistere,  who  married  leading  men. 
On  the  death  of  his  mother,  he  came  in  chief  sachem  by  the  usages  of 
his  ancestors,  but  such  was  his  disinterested  patriotism,  that  he  left  it  to 
the  nation  to  say  whether  he  should  succeed  to  the  sachemslin.  The 
|)eople  elected  him  "emperor."  He  was  at  the  head  of  the  Crocks  dur- 
ing the  revolutionary  war,  and  was  in  the  British  interest.  Aler  the 
peace,  he  became  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  expres.sed  a  desire  to 
renounce  his  public  life,  and  reside  in  the  U.  States,  but  was  hindered  by 
the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  reniain  among  them,  and 
direct  their  affairs. 

M'Gillivray  was  a  son  of  an  Englishman  of  that  name  who  married  a 
Creek  woman,  and  hence  was  a  half  Indian.  He  was  born  about  1739, 
and,  at  the  age  of  ten,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston, 
where  he  was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Farquhnr  M'Gillivray,  who  was  a  rela- 
tion of  his  father.  His  tutor  was  a  Mr.  Sheed.  He  learned  the  Latin  lan- 
guage under  the  tuition  of  Mr.  William  Henderson,  afterwards  somewhat 
eminent  among  the  critics  in  London.  When  young  J\TGillivray  was  17, 
he  was  put  into  a  counting-house  in  Savamiah,  but  mercantile  affairs  had 
not  so  many  charms  as  books,  and  he  s|)ent  all  the  time  he  could  get,  in 
reading  histories  and  other  works  of  usefulness.  After  a  short  time,  his 
father  took  him  home,  where  bis  superior  talents  soon  began  to  develop 
themselves,  and  his  promotion  followed,  as  we  have  shown.  He  was 
often  styled  general,  which  commission,  it  is  said,  he  actually  held  under 
Charles  III.,  king  of  Spain.  This  was,  probably,  before  he  was  elected 
emperor. 

"  The  times  that  tried  men's  souls"  were  his  times,  and  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Spanish,  French  and  English  gave  him  and  his  people 
troubles  which  ended  only  with  tlieir  lives. 

On  the  23  July,  1790,  Col.  M^Gillivray,  and  29  of  his  chiefb  and  warriors, 
visited  New  York,  accompanied  by  Co).  Marinus  JVillet.  They  were  con- 
ducted to  the  residence  of  the  secretary  of  war,  Gen.  Knox,  who  con- 
ducted them  to  the  house  of  the  jjresident  of  the  U.  States,  and  introduced 
them  to  him.  President  Washington  received  them  "  in  a  very  handsome 
manner,  congratulated  them  on  their  safe  arrival,  and  expressed  a  hope 
that  the  interview  would  prove  beneficial  both  to  the  U.  States  and  to  the 
Creek  nation."  They  next  visited  the  governor  of  the  state,  from  whom 
they  received  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  then  proceeded  to  the  City 
Tavern,  where  they  dined  in  company  with  Gen.  Knox,,  and  other  officers 
of  government.  A  correspondence  between  Gov.  Tel/air,  of  Georgia, 
and  ^^ Alexander  M'Gilvary,  Esq."  |)robably  opened  the  way  for  a  negotia- 
tion, which  terminated  in  a  settlement  of  (lifficulties.  From  the  following 
extract  from  M'Gillivray's  letter,  a  very  just  idea  may  be  formed  of  the 
state  of  the  affairs  of  his  nation  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  "In 
answer  to  yours,  I  have  to  observe,  that,  as  a  peace  was  not  concluded  on 
between  us  at  the  Rock-landing  meeting,  your  demand  for  (iroperty  taken 
by  our  warriors  from  off  the  disputed  lands  cannot  be  admitted.  We, 
also,  have  had  our  losses,  by  captures  trjade  by  your  people.  We  are 
willing  to  conclude  a  peace  with  you,  but  you  must  not  expect  extraordi- 
nary concessions  from  us.  In  order  to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  hu- 
man blood,  and  to  finally  determitie  the  war,  I  am  willing  to  concede,  in 
«ume  measure,  if  you  are  disposed  to  treat  on  the  ground  of  mutual  con- 


w 


40 


TAME-KING. 


[Book  IV. 


cession.  It  will  save  trouble  aiid  expense,  if  the  negotiations  are  managed 
in  the  nation.  Any  person  from  you  can  be  assured  of  personal  safety 
and  friendly  treatment  in  this  country."  It  was  dated  at  Little  Tellassee, 
30  March,  1790,  and  directed  to  "  His  Excellency  Edtoard  Telfair,  Esq." 
and  signed  ^^Akx.  M^GUlivray.^^ 

This  chie^'  seems  pflerwards  to  have  met  with  the  censure  of  his  peo- 
ple, at  least  some  of  them,  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  ofAPIntosk  recent- 
ly ;  and  was  doubtless  overcome  by  the  insinuations  of  designing  whites, 
to  treat  for  the  disposal  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  voice  of  his  na- 
tion. One  Bowles,  a  white  man,  led  the  councils  in  opposition  to  his 
proceedings,  and,  for  a  time,  jyVGHlivray  absented  himself  from  his  own 
tribe.  In  1792,  M'GUlivray's  party  took  Bowles  prisoner,  and  sent  him 
out  of  the  country,  and  solicited  the  general  to  return  to  his  own  nation.* 
To  this  he  consented,  and  they  became  more  attached  to  him  than  ever. 
He  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introduction  of 
teachers  among  them.  In  an  advertisement  for  a  teacher,  in  the  summer 
of  1792,  he  styles  himself  emperor  of  the  Creek  nation.  His  quiet  was 
soon  disturbed,  and  the  famous  John  Walts,  the  same  summer,  with  500 
warriors,  Creeks,  and  five  towns  of  the  Chickamawagas,  committed  many 
depredations.  The  Spaniards  were  supposed  to  be  the  movers  of  the 
hostile  part3^  MGillivray  died  in  April,  1793,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  : — "This  idolized  chief  of  the  Creeks  styled  himself 
king  of  kings.  But,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  fellow  of 
his  nation  from  the  commission  of  a  crime,  nor  punish  him  after  he  had 
committed  it !  He  might  persuade  or  advise,  all  the  good  an  Indian  king 
or  chief  can  do."  This  is,  generally  speaking,  a  tolerably  correct  estimate 
of  the  extent  of  the  power  of  chiefs  ;  but  it  should  be  remembered  that 
the  chiefe  of  different  tribes  exercise  very  different  sway  over  their  peo- 
ple, according  as  such  chief  is  endowed  with  the  spirit  of  government, 
by  nature  or  circumstance.  There  is  great  absurdity  in  applying  the 
name  or  title  of  king  to  Indian  chiefs,  as  that  title  is  commonly  under- 
stood. The  first  Europeans  conferred  the  title  upon  those  who  appeared 
most  prominent,  in  their  first  discoveries,  for  want  of  another  more  ap- 
propriate ;  or,  perhaps,  they  had  another  reason,  namely,  that  of  magnify- 
ing their  own  exploits  on  their  return  to  their  own  countries,  by  reporting 
their  interviews  with,  or  conquests  over,  "  many  kings  of  an  unknown 
country." 

Contemporary  with  Gen.  JVF  Oillivray  was  a  chief  called  the  Tame-king, 
whose  residence  was  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  1791 ;  and  he  is  noticed 
in  our  public  documents  of  that  year,  as  a  coii3j)icuou8  chief  in  matters 
connected  wiih  establishing  the  southern  boundary.  At  this  time,  one 
Bowies,  an  English  trader,  had  great  influence  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
and  used  great  endeavors,  by  putting  himself  forward  as  their  chief,  to 
enlist  all  the  nations  in  opposition  to  the  Americans.  He  had  made  largo 
promises  to  the  Upper  Creeks,  to  induce  them  not  to  hear  to  the  Ameri- 
can commissioners.  They  so  far  listened  to  him,  as  to  consent  to  receive 
his  talk,  and  accordingly  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  and  lower  towns  met  at 
a  place  called  the  Half-ivay-house,  where  they  expected  Bowles  in  person, 
or  some  letters  containing  definite  statements.  When  the  chiefs  had  as- 
sembled. Tame-king  and  Mad-dog,  of  the  upper  towns,  asked  the  chiefs 
of  the  lower,  "whether  th^y  had  taken  Boivles^s  talks,  and  where  the  let- 
ters were  which  this  great  man  had  sent  them,  and  where  the  white  man 


*  In  1791,  this  J3m»/M,  with  five  chiefs,  was  in  England,  and  we  find  this  notice  of 
him  in  the  European  Magazine  of  that  year,  vol.  19,  p.  268  :  "  The  ambassadors  con- 
sisted of  two  Creeks,  and  of  Mr.  Bougies,  (a  native  of  Maryland,  who  is  a  Creek  by 
adoption,  and  the  present  general  of  that  nation.)  and  tiirce  Cherokees. 


Book  IV. 

nanaeed 
al  safety 
["ellassee, 
ir,  Esq." 

his  peo- 
h  recent- 
g  whites, 
if  his  na- 
DU  to  his 

his  own 
sent  him 
n  nation.* 
han  ever. 
Liction  of 
3  summer 
quiet  was 

with  500 
tted  many 
its  of  the 
ced  in  the    . 
;d  himself 

fellow  of 
ter  he  had 
idian  king 
ct  estimate 
bered  that 

their  peo- 
pvernment, 
plying  the 
y  under- 
appeared 
more  ap- 
magnify- 
reporting 
unknown 

Tame-king, 
is  noticed 
matters 
time,  one 

rer  Creeks, 

ir  chief,  to 
lade  large 
le  Ameri- 
to  receive 

irns  met  at 
in  person, 
'a  had  as- 
the  chiefs 

ere  the  let- 
white  man 


his  notice  of 

issadors  con- 

a  Creek  by 


Chap.  IV.] 


MAD-DOG. 


41 


m 


was  to  rend  them."  An  Indian  in  Bowles's  employ  said,  "he  was  to 
give  them  the  talk."  They  laughed  at  tins,  and  said,  "  tliev  could  hear  his 
mouth  every  day ;  that  they  had  come  there  lo  see  those  fetters  and  hear 
them  read."  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  towns  now  left  the  council, 
which  was  about  the  termination  of  Bowles's  successes.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  obli;i[ed  to  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  declared  in  the  life  of 
JW  Gillivray.  lie  returned  agaui,  however,  after  visiting  Spain  and  Eng- 
land, and  spending  some  time  in  prison. 

Mr.  Ellicott  observes,*  that,  at  the  close  of  a  conference  with  sundry 
tribes,  held  15  August,  1799,  in  which  objects  were  discussed  concerning 
his  passage  through  their  country,  that  "  the  business  appeared  to  termi- 
nate as  favomi)iy  as  could  be  expected,  and  the  Indians  declared  them- 
selves perfectly  satisfied  ;  but  I  nevertheless  had  my  doid)ts  of  their 
sincerity,  from  the  depredations  they  were  constantly  making  upon  our 
horses,  which  began  upon  the  Coeneuck,  and  had  continued  ever  since  ; 
and  added  to  their  insolence,  from  their  stealing  every  article  in  our  camp 
they  could  lay  their  hands  on."  Mr.  Ellicott  excej)ts  tlie  Upper  Creeks, 
generally,  from  participating  in  these  robberies,  all  but  Tame-king  andhin 
people. 

Though  we  have  named  Tame-king  first,  yet  Mad-dog  was  quite  as 
conspicuous  at  this  time.  His  son  fought  for  the  Americans  in  the  last 
war,  and  was  mentioned  by  Gen.  Jackson  as  an  active  and  valuable  chief 
in  his  expeditions.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  general 
mentions  him  only  as  Mad-dog's  son. 

In  the  case  of  the  boundary  already  mentioned,  the  surveyors  met  with 
frequent  difficulties  from  the  various  tribes  of  Indians,  some  of  whom 
were  influenced  by  the  Spanish  governor,  Folch,  of  Louisiana.  Mad-dog 
appeared  their  friend,  and  undeceived  them  respecting  the  governor'!* 
pretensions.  A  conference  was  to  be  held  about  the  4  May,  between  tha 
Indians,  Governor  Folch  and  the  American  commissioners.  The  i)lace  of 
meeting  was  to  be  upon  Coenecuh  River,  near  the  southern  estuaiy  of  tha 
bay  of  Pensacola.  When  the  Americans  arrived  there.  Mad-dog  met' 
them,  and  informed  Col.  Haivkins,ihe  Indian  agent,  that  two  Indians  had 
just  gone  to  the  Tallessees  with  bad  talks  from  the  governor.  The  colonel 
told  him  it  could  not  be  possible.  Shortly  afler.  Mad-dog  asked  Colonel 
Hawkins  and  Mr.  Ellicott,  the  commissioner,  if  they  supposed  that  Gov. 
Folch  wou]d  attend  at  the  treaty;  they  said,  "Most  assuredly."  *^JVo,^* 
returned  Mad-dog,  "  he  will  not  attend,  he  knoivs  what  I  shall  say  to  him 
about  his  crooked  talks.  His  tongue  is  forked,  and,  as  you  are  here,  he  wiU 
be  ashained  to  show  it.  If  he  stands  to  what  he  has  told  us,  you  will  be  of- 
fended, and  if  he  tells  us  that  the  line  ought  to  be  marked,  he  will  contradict 
himself:  but  he  will  do  neither ;  he  will  not  come."  It  turned  out  as  Mad- 
dog  declared.  When  it  was  found  that  the  governor  would  not  attend, 
tlie  chief  went  to  C.  1.  Haiokins  and  Mr.  Ellicott,  and,  by  way  of  pleas- 
antry, said,  "  fVell,  the  governor  has  not  come.  I  told  you  so.  A  man  with 
two  tongues  can  only  speak  to  one  at  a  time."  This  observation  has  refer- 
ence to  the  governor's  duplicity,  in  holding  out  to  the  Indians  his  deter- 
mination not  to  suffer  a  surA'ey  of  the  boundary,  while,  at  the  earn* 
time,  he  pretended  to  the  Americans  that  he  would  facilitate  it.f 

Mad-dog  was  an  upper-town  Creek,  of  the  Tuckaabatchees  trite. 


lu  Us  Journal,  214. 


t  Ibid.  203,  &e. 


43 


WEATIIERFORD. 


[Book  IV 


CHAPTER  V. 


Weatherkord — His  character  and  countri/ — The  comer-stone  of  the  Creek 
confederacy — Favors  the  designs  of  7\cumseh — Captures  Fori  Mimms — 
Dreadful  massacre — Subjection  of  the  Creeks — Wentherford  surrenders 
himself— His  speeches — ]\I'Intosh — Jlids  the  Americans — Battle  of  Jlu- 
tossee — Great  slaughter  of  the  Indians — Battle  of  the  Horse-shoe-ocnd — 
Late  trouh'es  in  the  Creek  nation — J\fIntosh  makes  illegal  sale  of  lands — 
Executed  for  breaking  the  laws  of  his  country — Menawway — Tuste- 
NUGGE — Hawkins — Chilly  M'Intosh,  S07i  of  William — Marriage  of 
his  sister — Lovett. 


JVeatherford,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  war  chiefs  of  the  Creek 
nation,  demands  an  early  attention,  in  the  biographical  history  of  the  late 
war.  Mr.  Claiborne,  in  his  Notes  on  the  War  in  the  South,  informs 
us  that,  "among  die  firet  who  entered  into  the  views  of  the  British  com- 
missioners was  the  since  celebrated  H'eatherford ;"  that  he  was  born  in 
the  Creek  nation,  and  whose  "  father  was  an  itinerant  pedler,  sordid, 
treacherous  and  revengeful ;  his  mother  a  full-blooded  savage,  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Seminoles.  He  partook  (says  the  same  author)  of  all  the  bad 
qualities  of  both  his  parents,*  and  engrafted,  on  the  stock  he  inherited 
from  others,  many  that  were  peculiarly  his  own.  With  avarice,  treach- 
ery, and  a  thirst  for  blood,  he  combines  lust,  gluttony,  and  a  devotion  to 
every  species  of  criminal  carousal.  Fortune,  in  her  freaks,  sometimes 
gives  to  the  most  profligate  an  elevation  of  mind,  which  she  deniec;  to  men 
whose  propensities  are  the  most  vicious.  On  Weatherford  she  bestowed 
genius,  eloquence  and  courage.  The  first  of  these  qualities  enabled  him 
to  conceive  great  designs,  the  last  to  execute  them  ;  while  eloquence,  bold, 
impressive  and  figurative,  furnished  him  with  a  passport  to  the  favor  of 
his  countrymen  and  followers.  Silent  and  reserved,  unless  when  excited 
by  some  great  occasion,  and  superior  to  the  weakness  of  rendering  him- 
self cheap  by  the  frequency  of  his  addresses,  he  delivered  his  opinions 
but  seldom  in  council ;  but  when  he  did  so,  he  was  listened  to  with  de- 
light and  approbation.  His  judgment  and  eloquence  had  secured  the 
respect  of  the  old  ;  his  vices  made  him  the  idol  of  the  young  and  the  un- 

fH'incipled."  "  In  liis  person,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportioned ;  his  eye 
)lack,  lively  and  penetrating,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enterprise ; 
his  nose  m-ominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formation  ;  while  all  the  fea- 
tures of  his  face,  harmoniously  arranged,  speak  an  active  and  discii)lined 
mind.  Passionately  devoted  to  wealth,  he  liad  appropriated  to  himself  u 
fine  tract  of  land,  improved  and  settled  it;  and  from  the  profits  of  his  fa- 
ther's pack,  had  decorated  and  embellished  it.  To  it  he  retired  occasion- 
ally, and,  relaxing  from  the  cares  of  state,  he  indulged  in  pleasures  which 
are  but  rarely  found  to  afford  satisfaction  to  the  devotees  of  ambition  and 
fame.  Such  were  the  opposite  and  sometimes  disgusting  traits  of  char- 
acter in  the  celebrated  Weatherford,  the  key  and  corner-stone  of  the  Creek 
confi'deracy  !" 

It  is  said  that  this  chief  had  entered  fully  into  the  views  of  Tecumseh, 
and  that,  if  he  had  entered  upon  his  designs  without  delay,  he  would  have 
been  amply  able  to  have  oveiTun  the  whole  Mississippi  territory.  Hut 
this  fortunate  moment  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  his  plans  came  to  ruin. 
Not  long  before  the  wretched  butcliery  at  Fort  Mimms,  Gen.  Claiborne 


*  The  reader  sliould  be  early  apprized  thai  this  was  writtou  at  a  time  when  some  preju- 
dice might  have  infected  the  niinJ  of  (he  writer. 


Chap.  V.] 


WEATHERFORD. 


4;* 


en  some  preju- 


visited  that  post,  and  very  particularly  warned  its  possessors  against  « 
surprise.  After  giving  orders  for  the  construction  of  two  additional  block- 
houses, he  concluded  the  order  with  these  words: — "To  respect  an  ene- 
my, and  prepare  in  the  best  possible  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  uk^uus 
to  ensure  success."  It  was  expected  that  fVeatlierford  would  soon  atturk 
Bome  of  the  forts,  and  Gen.  Claiborne  marched  to  Fort  Early,  as  that  was 
the  farthest  advanced  into  the  enemy's  country.  On  his  way,  he  wrote  to 
Maj.  Beasley,  the  commander  of  Minuns,  informing  him  of  the  danger  of 
an  attack,  and,  strange  as  it  may  a|)i)ear,  the  next  day  after  the  letter  was 
received,  (30  Aug.  1813,)  Wealherford,  at  the  head  of  about  1500  warriors, 
entered  the  fort  at  noon-day,  when  a  shocking  carnage  ensued.  The  gate 
had  been  left  open  and  unguarded  ;  but  before  many  of  the  warriors  had 
entered,  they  were  met  by  Maj.  Beadey,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  and  for 
some  time  the  contest  was  bloody  and  doubtful ;  each  striving  for  the 
niastery  of  the  entrance.  Here,  man  to  inan,  the  fight  continued  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  with  tomahawks,  knives,  swords  and  bayonets :  ,i 
scene  there  presented  itself  almost  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  In- 
dian warf  ire !  The  garrison  consisted  of  275 :  of  these  only  IGO  were  sol- 
diers ;  the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and  children,  who  had  here  taken 
refuge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  emphatical  remai-k,  that  every  officer  expired 
fighting  at  the  gate.  A  lieutenant,  having  been  badly  wounded,  was  car- 
ried by  two  women  to  a  block-house,  but  when  he  was  a  little  recovered, 
he  insisted  on  being  carried  back  to  the  fatal  scene,  which  was  done  by 
the  same  heroines,  who  placed  him  by  the  side  of  a  dead  companion, 
where  he  was  soon  despatched. 

The  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women 
and  children  shut  themselves  up  in  the  block-houses,  and  seizing  upon 
what  weapons  they  could  find,  began,  in  that  perilous  and  hopeless  situa- 
tion, to  defend  themselves.  But  the  Indians  soon  succeeded  in  setting 
these  houses  on  fire,  and  all  such  as  refused  to  meet  death  without,  per- 
ished in  the  flames  within  ! !  Seventeen  only  escaped  of  all  the  garrison,  and 
many  of  those  were  desperately  wounded.  It  was  judged  that,  during  the 
contest  at  the  gate,  near  400  of  Wcalherford's  warriors  were  wounded  and 
slain. 

When  the  news  of  this  affair  was  circulc  ed  through  the  country,  many 
cried  aloud  for  vengeance,  and  two  powerful  armies  were  soon  upon  their 
march  into  the  Indian  country,  ancl  the  complete  destruction  of  the  In- 
dian power  soon  followod.  The  Indians  seeing  all  resistance  was  at  an 
end,  great  numbers  of  them  came  forward  and  made  their  submission. 
Wealherford,  however,  and  many  who  were  known  to  be  desperate,  still 
stood  out ;  perhaps  from  fear.  Gen.  Jackson  determined  to  test  the  fidel- 
ity of  those  chiefs  who  had  suLinitted,  and,  therefore,  ordered  lliem  to 
diilivcr,  without  delay,  JVeatherford,  bound,  into  his  haiuls,  that  he  might 
be  dealt  with  as  he  d(!scrved.  When  they  had  made  known  to  the  sachem 
what  was  required  of  them,  his  nol)le  spirit  would  not  submit  to  su<',h  dog- 
r.idation ;  and  to  hold  them  harmless,  he  resolved  to  give  himself  up 
without  compulsion.  Accordingly,  he  proceeded  to  the  American  camp, 
unknown,  until  ho  ap|)eared  before  the  commanding  general,  to  whoso 
prose-nce,  under  some  pretence,  he  gained  admission.  Geu.  Jackson  was 
greatly  surprised,  when  the  chief  said,  "/  am  fVeatherford,  the  chief  who 
commanded  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Minims.  I  desire  peace  for  my  people,  and 
have  come  to  ask  it."  Jackson  had,  doubtless,  determined  upon  his  execu- 
tion when  he  should  bo  brought  bound,  as  he  had  directed,  but  his  sudden 
and  unexpected  apj.oarance,  in  this  manner,  saved  him.  The  general  said 
he  was  astonished  that  he  should  venture  to  ajjpear  in  his  ])resence,  as  he 
was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort  Mimms,  nor  of  his  inhuman 
conduct  there,  for  which  he  so  well  deserved  to  die.    "  I  ordered,"  con- 


w 


44 


M'lXTOSH. 


[DooK  IV. 


tinned  tliR  pnncral,  "  tliat  yon  should  bo  brought  to  me  bound  ;  nnd,  had  you 
breii  brought  in  that  uiann*  r,  1  slinuld  have  known  liow  to  have  treat- 
ed you."  In  unavver  to  tliis,  Wealhtrford  made  the  followhig  iiitnous 
8|>(;ech : — 

"  /  am  in  ifour  power — do  with  me  as  you  please — /  am  a  soldier,  I  have 
done  the  whites  all  the  harm  1  coiUd.  I  have  fought  them,  and  fought  them 
bravclu.  If  I  had  an  army,  I  would  yet  fighl — /  loould  contend  to  the  last : 
hut  I  have  7wne,  My  people  are  all  gone.  I  can  only  weep  over  the  misfor- 
tunes of  my  nation." 

Gen.  Jackson  was  pleased  with  his  boldness,  and  told  him  that,  though 
he  wa3  in  his  power,  yet  he  would  take  no  advantage  ;  that  he  might  yet 
join  the  war  party,  and  contend  against  the  Americans,  if  he  chose,  but 
to  depend  upon  no  quarter  if  taken  afterward ;  and  that  unconditional 
submission  was  his  and  his  people's  only  safety.  Weatherford  rejoined,  in 
a  tone  as  dignified  as  it  was  indignant, — "  You  can  safely  address  me  in 
such  terms  now.  There  was  a  time  when  I  could  have  answered  you — there 
was  a  time  when  J  had  a  choice — /  have  none  now.  I  have  not  even  a  hope. 
I  could  07ice  animate  my  ivarriors  to  battle — but  I  cannot  animate  the  dead. 
My  ivarriors  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Talladega, 
Tallushatches,  Emurkfaw  and  Tohopeka.  I  have  not  surrendered  myself 
toithout  thought.  While  there  loas  a  single  chance  of  success,  I  never  left  my 
post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  But  my  people  art  gone,  and  I  now  ask  it  for 
my  nation,  not  for  myself  I  look  back  toilh  deep  sorrow,  and  msh  to  avert 
still  greater  calamities.  Jf  Ihad  been  left  to  contend  with  the  Georgia  army, 
I  would  have  raised  my  com  on  one  bank  of  the  river,  and  fought  them  on  the 
other.  But  your  people  have  destroyed  my  nation.  You  are  a  brave  man.  I 
rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will  exact  no  terms  of  a  conquered  people, 
but  such  as  they  should  accede  to.  Whatever  they  may  be,  it  tooidd  now  he 
madness  and  folly  to  oppose  them.  If  they  arc  opposed,  you  shcdl  find  me 
amongst  the  sternest  enforcers  of  obedience.  Those  who  would  still  hold  out, 
can  he  influenced  only  by  a  mean  spirit  of  revenge.  To  this  they  must  not, 
and  shall  not  sacrifice  the  last  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  told  our 
nation  lohere  we  might  go  and  be  safe.  This  is  good  talk,  and  they  ought  to 
listen  to  it.  They  shall  listen  to  it.  And  here  we  must  close  our  present 
account  of  fVeatheiford,  and  enter  ujion  that  of  a  character  opposed  to 
him  in  the  field,  and,  if  we  can  believe  the  writers  of  their  times,  opposite 
in  almost  all  the  affairs  of  life.  This  was  the  celebrated  and  truly  unfor- 
tunate 

GiMi.  William  MIrdosh,  a  Creek  chief,  of  the  tribe  of  Cowetaw.  He 
was,  iike  M^Gillivray,  a  half-breed,  whom  he  considerably  resembled  in 
several  parti(!ulars,  as  by  his  history  will  appear.  He  was  a  prominent 
leader  of  such  of  his  countrymen  as  joined  the  Americans  in  the  war  of 
1812,  i:^  and  14,  and  is  first  mentioned  by  General  Jacltson,*  in  bis  ac- 
count of  the  battle,  as  he  called  it,  of  Autossee,  where  he  assisted  in  the 
brutui  destruction  of  2C0  of  his  nation.  There  was  nothing  like  figiitin:: 
on  the  |)art  of  the  people  of  the  place,  as  we  can  learn,  being  surjjrised  in 
tli(!ir  wigwatns,  and  hewn  to  [)ieces.  "  The  Cowelaws,"  says  the  general, 
"luuler  MIntosh,  and  Zookaubatchians,f  uiuler  Mad-dog^s-son,  fell  in  on 
our  flanks,  and  fought  with  an  intrepidity  worthy  of  any  trooj)s."  And 
after  relating  the  burning  of  the  place,  he  thus  proceeds: — "  It  is  diflicult 
to  determine  the  strengtii  of  the  enemy,  but  from  the  information  of  some 
of  the  chiefs,  which  it  is  said  can  be  relied  on,  there  were  assembled  at 
Autossee,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  its  defence ;  it  being  their  be- 
loved ground,  on  which  they  proclaimed  no  white  man  could  approach 
without  inevitable  destruction.    It  is  diflicult  to  give  a  precise  account  of 


•  Brannuns  ofHcial  letterii. 


t  Tuckabalche.    Bartram,  417. 


Chap.  V.] 


M'INTOSH. 


45 


the  loss  of  the  enemy ;  but  from  the  number  which  were  lying  scattered 
over  the  field,  together  with  those  destroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the  many 
slain  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  respectable  officers  affirm  that  they 
saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  waters'  edge,  where  they  had  been  precipitated 
by  their  surviving  friends,[! !]  their  loss  in  killed,  uidependent  of  theu* 
wounded,  must  have  been  at  least  200,  (among  whom  were  the  Autossee 
and  Tallasaee  kings,)  and  from  the  circumstance  of  their  making  no  etibrts 
to  molest  our  return,  probably  greater.  The  number  of  builduigs  burnt, 
eome  of  a  superior  order  for  the  dwellings  of  savages,  and  filled  with 
valuable  articles,  is  supposed  to  be  400."  This  was  on  the  29  November, 
1813. 

M'Intosh  was  also  very  conspicuous  in  the  memorable  battle  of  the 
Horse-shoe-bend,  in  the  Tallapoosie  River.  At  this  place  the  disconsolate 
tribes  of  the  south  had  made  a  last  great  stand,  and  had  a  tolerably  regu- 
lar fortified  camp.  It  was  said  that  they  were  1000  strong.  They  had 
constructed  their  works  with  such  ingenuity,  that  httle  could  be  effected 
against  them  but  by  storm.  "  Determined  to  exterminate  them,"  says  Gen. 
Jackson,  "  I  detached  General  Coffee  with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  the.  Indian  force,  early  on  the  morning  of  yepterday,  [March 
27,  1814,]  to  cross  the  river  about  two  miles  below  their  encampment, 
and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a  manner,  as  that  none  of  them  should 
escape  by  attempting  to  cross  the  river."  "  Beari'a  company  of  spies,  who 
had  accompanied  Gen.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoes  to  the  extremity  of 
the  bend,  and  set  fire  to  a  few  of  the  buildings  which  were  there  situated ; 
they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  the  breast-work,  and 
commenced  a  spirited  fire  upon  the  enemy  behind  it."  Tliis  force  not  be- 
ing able  to  effect  their  object,  many  others  of  the  army  showed  great 
ardor  to  participate  in  the  assault.  "  The  spirit  which  animated  them  waa 
a  sure  augury  of  the  success  which  was  to  follow."  "  The  regulars,  led 
on  by  their  intrepid  and  skilful  commander.  Col.  Williama,  and  by  the 
gallant  Maj.  Montgomery,  soon  gained  possession  of  the  works  in  the  midst 
of  a  most  tremendous  fiie  from  behind  them,  and  the  militia  of  the  vene- 
rable Gen.  Dokerty's  brigade  accompanied  them  in  the  charge  with  a  vi- 
vacity and  firmness  which  would  have  done  honor  to  regulars.  The 
enemy  was  completely  routed.  Five  hundred  and  fjly-seven*  were  lefl; 
dead  on  the  peninsula,  and  a  great  number  were  killed  by  the  horsemen 
in  atterfipting  to  cross  the  river.  It  is  believed  that  not  more  than  twenty 
have  escaped. 

"  The  fighting  continued  with  some  severity  about  five  hours ;  but  we 
continued  to  destroy  many  of  them,  who  had  concealed  themselves  un- 
der the  banks  of  the  river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  the  night.  This 
morning  we  killed  16  who  had  been  concealed.  We  took  about  250  pris- 
oners, all  women  and  children,  except  two  or  three.  Our  loss  is  106 
wounded,  and  25  killed.  Major  Mcintosh,  the  Cowetau,  who  joined  my 
army  with  a  part  of  his  tribe,  greatly  distinguished  himself."!  Truly,  this 
was  a  war  of  extermination ! !  The  friend  of  humanity  may  inquire 
whether  all  those  poor  wretches  who  had  secreted  themselves  here  and 
there  in  the  "  caves  and  reeds,"  had  deserved  death.  They  were  first 
taken  prisoners,  then  murdered ! 

The  most  melancholy  part  of  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  M'Intosh  re- 
mains to  be  recorded.  The  late  troubles  of  the  Creek  nation  have  drawn 
forth  many  a  sympathetic  tear  from  the  eye  of  the  philanthropist.  These 
troubles  were  only  tlie  consequences  of  those  of  a  higher  date.  Those 
of  1825,  we  thought,  completed  the  climax  of  their  affliction,  but  1833 


*  Those  are  the  ^cnerars  italics ;  at  least,  Braiman  so  prints  his  official  letter. 
I  Uraiiiian,  xU  supra. 


46 


M'liVTOSlI. 


(Book  IV. 


mnrt  Hiilly  her  annals  with  records  of  their  oppression  also.  It  is  the  for- 
mer period  with  wliieh  our  orticio  iiriiig?.  «i8  in  rollision,  in  closing  this 
account.  In  that  year,  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  hy  its  agents, 
Becnicd  determined  on  possessitig  a  Uu-gc  tmct  of  tlieir  country,  to  satisfy 
the  state  of  Georgia.  SPIniosh,  and  a  small  part  of  the  nation,  were  tor 
conceding  to  their  wishes,  hut  a  large  majority  of  his  countr}'n»en  would 
not  hear  to  the  [)roposal.  The  commissioners  employed  were  satisfied  of 
the  fact,  and  comumnicated  to  the  presi<lent  the  result  of  a  meeting  they 
hud  had  for  the  purpose.  lie  was  well  satisfied,  also,  that  M'Intosh  .'ould 
not  convey  the  lands,  as  he  represented  hut  a  small  part  of  his  nation,  hut 
still  the  negotiation  was  ordered  to  he  renewed.  A  council  was  called  hy 
the  commissioners,  (who  were  Georgians,)  which  assemhled  at  a  |)laco 
called  Indian-springs.  Here  the  chief  of  the  Tuckauhatcheese  spoke  to 
them  as  follows :  "  We  met  you  at  Broken  Arrow,  and  then  told  you  we 
had  no  land  to  sell.  I  then  heard  of  no  claims  against  the  nation,  nor 
have  I  since.  We  have  met  you  here  at  a  very  short  notice,  and  do  not 
think  that  the  chiefs  who  are  here  have  any  authority  to  treat.  Gen- 
eral jyVIntosh  knows  that  we  are  hound  hy  our  laws,  and  that  wliat  is 
not  done  in  the  public  square,  in  the  general  council,  is  not  binding  on 
the  nation.  I  am,  therefore,  under  the  necessity  of  repealing  the  same 
answer  as  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we  have  no  land  to  sell.  I  know 
that  there  are  but  few  here  from  the  upper  towns,  and  many  are  absent 
from  the  lower  towns.  Gen.  JWIntosh  knows  that  no  part  of  the  land  can 
be  sold  without  a  full  council,  and  with  the  consent  of  all  the  nation,  atid 
if  a  part  of  the  nation  choose  to  leave  the  country,  they  cannot  sell  the 
land  they  have,  but  it  belongs  to  the  nation."  "This  is  the  only  talk  I 
have  for  you,  and  I  shall  return  home  immediately."  He  did  so.  The 
ill-advised  commissioners  informed  Jiflntosh  and  his  party,  that  the  Creek 
nation  was  sufficiently  represented  by  them,  and  that  the  United  States 
would  bear  them  out  in  a  treaty  of  sale.  The  idea  of  receiving  the  whole 
of  the  pay  for  the  lands  among  themselves,  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  the 
concession  of  JWIntosh  and  his  party.  "Thirteen  only  of  the  signers 
of  the  treaty  were  chiefs.  The  rest  were  such  as  had  been  degraded  from 
that  rank,  and  unknown  persons;  36  chiefs  present  refused  to  sign.  The 
whole  party  of  AVIniosh  amounted  to  about  300,  not  the  tenth  part  of  the 
nation."  Still  they  executed  the  articles,  in  direct  violation  to  the  laws  of 
their  nation,  which  themselves  had  helped  to  form.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Creeks  had  made  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  what  is 
termed  civilization.  They  had  towns,  and  even  printed  laws  by  which 
they  were  to  be  governed,  similar  to  those  of  the  United  States. 

^^  M'Intosh  was  aware,  that,  after  signing  the  treaty,  his  life  was  forfeit- 
ed. He,  and  others  of  his  coadjutors,  repaired  to  Milledgeville,  stated 
their  feai-s,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  Georgia,  which  wos  promised 
by  Gov.  Troup."*  It  tnust  be  observed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  pur- 
chased territory  was  within  the  claimed  limits  of  Georgia  ;t  and  that  the 
Georgians  had  no  small  share  in  the  whole  transaction.  It  is  not  stranger 
that  the  people  of  Georgia  should  conduct  as  they  have,  than  that  the 
United  States'  government  should  place  it  in  her  power  so  to  act.  To  take, 
therefore,  into  account  the  whole  merits  of  the  case,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, that,  by  a  compact  between  the  two  parties  in  1802,  the  former,  in 
consideration  of  the  latter's  relinquishing  her  claim  to  the  Mississippi  ter- 
ritory, agreed  to  extinguish,  at  the  national  expense,  the  Indian  title  to  the 
lands  occupied  hy  thetn,  in  Georgia,  whenever  it  covld  be  done,  vpon  rea- 


•  Thus  far  selected  from  facts  published  by  Mr.  W.  J.  Snelling. 
t  Ferkitis,  Hist.  U.  Slates,  a  work,  by  the  way,  of  great  value,  and  which  we  are  sur- 
prised should  have  issued  from  the  press  with  little  ur  uo  notice. 


[Book  IV. 

IS  the  for- 
osiiif;  tills 
Its  ajTcnts, 
,  to  satisfy 
,  were  l"or 
icn  would 
iitlsfied  of 
etiiig  they 
tosh  jotild 
nation,  hut 
s  cnllcd  hy 
at  a  place 
e  spoko  to 
lid  you  we 
lation,  nor 
ind  do  not 
!at.     Gen- 
ial what  is 
hinding  on 
;  the  same 
I.     I  know 

are  abs<'nt 
lie  land  can 
nation,  and 
lOt  sell  the 
only  talk  I 
dso.  The 
t  the  Creek 
lited  States 
r  the  whole 
ause  of  the 
he  signers 
raded  from 
sign.  The 
part  of  the 

he  laws  of 

[)o  remcm- 

|in  Avhat  is 

by  which 

fas  forfeit- 
|ille,  stated 

promised 
)f  the  pur- 
iid  that  the 
lot  stranger 
In  that  the 
It.  To  take, 
l»e  remem- 

fortner,  in 
lissippi  ter- 
1  title  to  the 
{■upon  rea- 


Chah.  v.] 


M'INTOSII. 


47 


aonable  lertna.*  Who  was  to  decide  when  the  practicable  time  had  arrived, 
we  belii've  was  not  mentioned.  However,  previous  to  ISy.*!,  the  United 
Stales  had  succeeded  in  cxtinguinliing  the  aboriginal  title  of  15,000,000 
acres,  am*  there  were  yet  about  10,000,000  to  be  bought  oft't  The  change 
of  life  from  wandering  to  stationary,  which  the  arts  of  civilization  had 
effected  among  the  Indiann,  made  them  prize  their  possessions  far  more 
highly  than  heretofore,  and  hence  their  reluctance  and  opposition  to  relin- 
quish them. 

Thus  much  it  seemed  necessary  to  premise,  that  the  true  cause  of  the 
fate  of  jWInlosh  should  be  understood.  It  appears  that  when  the  whole 
of  the  nation  saw  that  the  treaty  MIntosh  and  his  party  had  made  could 
not  be  abrogated,  forty-nine  fiilicths  of  them  were  violent  against  them; 
and  therefore  resolved  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  should  be  executed 
upon  him.  The  execution,  anti  circumstances  attending  it,  are  thus  re- 
lated :\.  "  About  two  hours  before  day,  on  Sunday  morning,  1  May,§  the 
house  of  Gen.  jWIntoah  was  surrounded  by  Menaw-tvay,  and  about  100 
Oakfuskee  warriors.  Mcintosh  was  within,  us  likewise  were  his  women 
and  children,  and  sojne  white  men.  Menaw-wny  directed  an  interpreter 
to  request  the  whites,  and  the  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  as  the 
warriors  did  not  wish  to  burm  them ;  that  Gen.  .Wlntosh  had  broken  the 
law  that  he  himself  had  iong  since  made,  and  tiiey  had  come  to  execute 
him  accordingly.  They  came  out  of  the  house,  leaving  JWInlosh  and 
Etomi-tusieniiffge,  one  of  his  adherents,  therein.  The  warriors  then  set 
fire  to  the  house  ;  and  as  JW/ji<o*/i  and  bis  comrade  [Tustemtfcge]  attempt- 
ed to  CO  nc  out  at  the  door,  they  shot  them  both  down.  The  same  day, 
about  12  -''"lock,  they  hung  Sam  Hawkins,  a  half  breed,  in  the  Huckhos- 
seliga  Square.  On  Monday,  the  2  May,  a  party  of  Halibee  Indians  fired 
on  and  wounded  Ben  Hawkins,  another  half  breed,  verv  badly.  The  chiefs 
stated,  at  the  time,  that  no  danger  whatever  was  to  fie  apprehended  by 
persons  travel  ling  through  the  nation  ;  that  they  were  friends  to  the  whites, 
and  wished  them  not  to  be  alarmed  by  this  execution,  which  was  only  a 
compliance  with  the  laws  that  the  great  chiefs  of  the  nation  made  at  Pole- 
cat Spring.  Chilly  MMosh  escaped  froin  the  house  with  the  whites,  and 
was  not  fired  at  or  wounded."  He  is  now  chief  among  the  western  Creeks, 
and  some  time  since  increased  his  notoriety  by  beating  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, in  Washington. 

The  great  agitation  which  the  execution  of  the  head  chiefs  of  the 
J\fIntosh  party  caused  was  allayed  only  by  the  interference  of  the  United 
States'  government.  Gov.  Troup  of  Georgia  declared  vengeance  against 
the  Creek  nation,  denouncing  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  an  act  of 
murder;  however,  he,  by  some  means,  learned  that  his  judgment  was 
gratuitous,  and,  by  advice  of  President  Adams,  desisted  from  acts  of  hos- 
tility, the  survey  of  the  disputed  lands,  &c. 

We  have  not  learned  much  of  the  family  ofMTntosh.  On  14  August, 
1818,  Jenny,  his  eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  fVilliam  S.  Mitchel,  Esq., 
assistant  Indian  agent  of  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  married  at  a  place 
called  Thearakkkah  near  Fort  Mitchel,  in  tliat  nation. || 

Gen.  Mcintosh  participated  in  the  Seminole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  Lovelt,  with  about  2000  of  their  warriors.  They 
joined  the  American  army  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1818.11 

*  Amor.  An.  Ropr.  i.  t  Ibid 

t  111  the  Annual  Register,  tit  supra. 

^30  April  Is  mentioned,  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  as  the  date  of  the  execu- 
tion, and  so  it  is  set  down   >y  Mr.  Perkins,  in  his  Hist.  U.  S. 
11  Niles's  Register,  14,  U)?.  V  N.  Y.  Monthly  Mag.  iii.  74. 


,  we  are  sux- 


BOOK    V. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AND  OTHER  NEIGHBOR- 
ING NATIONS  OF  THE  WEST. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Particulars  respecting  the  Irogiiois — Grangula — His  famous  speech  to  a 
French  general — Adario — His  successful  wars  against  the  French — De- 
stroys a  thousand  inhabitants  in  one  expedition — His  real  name — Black- 
KKTTLE — His  wars  against  the  French — Te-yee-neen-ho-ga-prow — 
Sa-ga-ye-an-qua-prah-ton—E-low-oh-ka-om— Oh-nee-ye-ath-ton- 
NO-PROW — Ga.n-a-joh-mo-re — l^hcir  visit  to  England — Particulars  of 
their  residence  there — Treated  with  great  attention  hy  the  nobility — Their 
interview  with  the  queen — Speech  to  her — Their  return  to  America^ 

The  great  western  confederacy  of  Indian  nations  has  generally  been 
Btyled  by  the  French,  Iroquois,*  but  generally  by  the  English,  tlie  Five 
J^ations,  and  sometimes  the  Six  JVations ;  but  either  of  the  two  latter  ap- 
pellations must  be  considered  only  as  such,  because  we  shall  show,  as 
we  proceed,  that  they  are  not  numerically  true  now,  if  they  ever  were. 

*  "  Ces  barbares  ne  sont  qu'nne  scute  nation,  et  qu'un  seul  iiUerit  public.  On  pour- 
roit  les  nommer  pour  la  distribution  du  terrain,  les  Suisses  de  ce  continent.  Les  Iroquois 
»ont  partager  en  cinq  cantons,  sqavoir  les  Tsonontotlans,  les  Goyogoans,  les  Onnotagues, 
Us  Oiioyouts,  et  les  Agni^s."  (Lahontan,  i.  35.)  Thus  comprehending  in  his  five  na- 
tions some  nations  which  the  English  never  have,  and  vice  versa.  By  the  Agniis  we 
are  to  understand  Mohawks, 

1 


It ' 


ORANGULA. 


[Book  V. 


Fivo  may  have  boon  tlio  niiinlirr  wliicli  originally  Icafi^ind  toprtluT,  but 
when  that  happptiod,  if  intlcttd  it  ever  did,  ran  ni'vcr  tx)  known.  It  in  a 
tradition  that  titns*)  pooplu  caino  from  beyond  the  lakcH,  a  groat  whih;  ngo, 
and  HidMhied  or  extertnmated  the  inhiiltitantH  of  the  country  on  thin  side. 
Even  if  thin  were  the  cum),  it  proves  nothing  of  their  origin  ;  for  there  may 
Imve  been  a  time  when  tlieir  ancoHtorH  went  from  thiu  wide  to  the  country 
beyond,  and  no  on.  'V\u\  IMohawkH  are  said  to  have  been  the  ohIeHt  of 
the  confederacy,  and  tliat  the  "Onayaut-s"  (Oneidaw)  were  the  first  that 
joined  them  by  putting  tliemselves  un(U'r  their  protection.  The  Onon- 
dagoB  were  the  next,  tlien  tlie  "  TeuontowanoH,  or  Sinikers,"  (Seneca8,J 
then  the  "  Cuiukguos,"  (Cayugos.)  The  Tuscaroras,  from  Carohna,  joined 
them  about  1712,  but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confederacy 
until  about  10  years  afler  that.  The  addition  of  tliis  new  tribe  gained 
them  fhe  nome  of  the  Six  Nationw,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will 
appear  that  they  were  called  the  Six  Nations  long  before  the  last-named 

f)eriod.  The  Shawanese  were  not  of  the  conleJeracy,  but  were  called 
)rothei'8  by  them.  This  nation  came  from  the  south,  at  no  very  remote 
Scriod,  and  the  Iroauois  assigned  them  lands  on  the  west  branch  of  the 
usquehaimah,  but  looked  upon  them  as  inferiore.  They  occupied,  before 
the  French  wars,  a  great  extent  of  country,  some  of  their  towns  behig  80 
tniles  asunder. 

The  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  .he 
English  apply  to  them,  but  the  name  A(|uanuschioni,*  which  signified 
tmi/erf  ;?eop/e,  was  used  by  them. f  This  term,  as  is  the  case  with  most 
Indian  words,  is  defined  by  a  knowledge  of  its  etymology.  A  knowledge 
of  the  Indian  languages  would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every 
place  in  the  country  has  been  noted  for  ;  whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook 
or  river.  It  is  said  by  Coldtn,\  that  New  England  was  called  Kinshon., 
by  the  Indians,  which,  he  says,  means  a  fish  ;§  and  that  the  New  England 
Indians  sent  to  the  Iroquois  a  "  model  of  a  fish,  as  a  token  of  their  adhering 
to  the  general  covenant."  The  waters  of  New  England  are  certainly 
abundantly  stored  with  fish.  From  these  cursory  observations  we  must 
proceed  to  details  in  the  lives  of  the  most  noted  men. 

Perhaps  we  cannot  present  the  reader  with  a  greater  orator  than  Ga- 
rangula,  or  Grangvla,  as  Lalwntan  writes  his  name,  and  that  writer 
knew  him.  He  was  by  nation  an  Onondaga,  and  is  brought  to  our  notice 
by  the  manly  and  magnanimous  speech  which  he  made  to  a  French 
general,  who  marched  into  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  to  subdue  them. 

In  the  year  1684,  Mr.  de  la  Barre,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Senecas  were  infringing  upon 
their  rights  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations.  Gov- 
ernor Dongan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the  charge  made  by  the 
French  governor.  They  admitted  the  fact,  but  justified  their  course, 
alleging  that  the  French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, with  whom  they  were  then  at  war.  About  the  same  time,  the 
French  governor  raised  an  army  of  1700  men,  and  made  other 
"mighty  preparations"  for  the  final  destruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But 
before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his  grecit  undertaking,  a  mortal  sickness 
broke  out  in  his  army,  which  finally  cau6.jd  him  to  give  over  the  expedi- 
tion. In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of  New  Yoni  was  ordered  to  lay 
no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedition.     Instead  of  regarding 

•  Loskiel,  Hist.  Mis.  i.  2. 

t  At  a  i^reat  assemblage  of  chiefs  and  warriors  at  Albany,  in  Aug.  1746,  the  chief 
speaker  ot  the  Six  Nations  informed  the  English  commissioners  that  they  had  taken  in 
the  Mcssesagnes  as  a  seventh  nation.     Colden,  Hist.  F.  Nations,  ii.  176. 

t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

^  Kickons,  in  Algonkin ;  Kegonce,  in  Chippeway.     Long^s  Voyages,  &c.  202,  4to. 


[Book  V. 

toRotlicr,  l)iit 
lowii.  It  JH  a 
cat  while  n^o, 
r  on  tliiH  8i(ie. 
for  there  may 
:o  the  country 
the  oldfHt  ot' 
the  first  that 

Tho  Onon- 
•8,"  (Scnecas,! 
irohna,  joined 
I  confederary 

trihc  gained 
'rs,  hut  it  will 
10  hiHt-nanied 
t  were  culled 
I  very  remote 
ranch  of  the 
;upie<l,  hefore 
•wns  being  80 

ames  as  .he 
lich  signified 
86  with  most 
A  knowledge 
almost  every 
untain,  brook 
lied  Kinshoiu, 
'few  England 
heir  adhering 
are  certainly 
)n8  we  must 

or  than  Ga- 
that  writer 
to  our  notice 
to  a  French 
)due  them, 
'aiiada,  com- 
■inging  upon 
tions.  Gov- 
nade  by  the 
heir  course, 
id  ammuni- 
ne  time,  the 
made  other 
ntions.  But 
tal  sickness 
the  expedi- 
dered  to  lay 
)f  regarding 


^46,  the  chirf 
Y  had  taken  in 


&c.  SOS.  4to. 


Chap.  I.J 


ORANCJULA. 


8 


thin  order,  which  wan  from  hi«  manter,  the  duke  of  York,  he  B«>nt  iuter- 
protnrs  to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  thetn,  with  ort'ers  to  mtflist  them. 

De  la  linrre,  in  hope«  to  eflTect  nomething  l»y  this  ex|M'nHive  undertak- 
ing, crossed  lake  Ontario,  and  held  a  talk  with  hiicIi  of  the  Five  Nations 
«n  would  meet  him.*  To  k»ei>  up  the  appearance  of  power,  he  made  a 
high-toned  sneech  to  Grandma,  in  which  Ik;  ohscrved,  that  the  nations 
had  oflen  inlringed  upon  the  peace  ;  that  he  wished  now  for  peace  ;  hut 
on  the  condition  that  they  should  make  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  injuri(!B 
they  had  done  the  French,  and  for  the  future  never  to  disturb  them. 
That  they,  the  Senecas,  ('ayugas,  Onundagos,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks, 
liad  abused  and  robbed  all  their  traders,  and  unless  they  gave  satisfaction, 
he  should  declare  war.  That  they  had  conductiul  the  Knglish  into  their 
country  to  get  away  their  trade  heretofore,  but  the  past  he  would  over- 
look, ii*  they  would  ott'end  no  more ;  yet,  if  ever  the  like  shotdd  liap|)eu 
again,  he  had  express  orders  from  the  king,  his  master,  to  declare  war. 

Gran^uia  listened  to  these  words,  and  many  more  in  the  like  strain, 
with  that  contem|)t  which  a  real  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French 
army,  and  the  rectitude  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  inspire  ; 
and  after  walking  several  tinies  round  the  circle,  tbrmed  by  his  j)eo|)le 
and  the  French,  addressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  in  liis  elbow 
chair,  he  began  as  follows: — \ 

"  Yonnondio  i\  I  honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that  are  with  mo  likewise! 
honor  you.  Your  interpreter  has  finisiKul  your  speech.  1  now  begin 
mine.     My  words  make  haste  to  reach  your  «.'ars.    Harken  to  them. 

"  Yminondio ;  You  must  have  believed,  when  you  left  Quebeck,  that 
the  Sim  had  burnt  up  all  the  forests,  which  render  our  country  inaccessi- 
ble to  the  French,  or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that 
they  had  surrounded  our  castles,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  get 
out  of  them.  Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of 
seeing  so  great  a  wonder  has  brought  you  so  far.  Now  you  are  unde- 
ceived, since  that  I,  and  the  warriors  h(!re  present,  are  come  to  assure 
you,  that  the  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  are 
yet  alive.  I  thank  you,  in  their  name,  for  bringing  Imck  into  their  country 
the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor  received  from  their  hands.  It  was 
ha{>py  for  you,  that  you  left  under  ground  that  murdering  hatchet  that 
has  been  so  often  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the  French. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  I  do  not  sleep ;  I  have  my  eyes  open ;  and  the 
sun,  which  enlightenj  me,  discovers  to  me  a  great  captain  at  the  head  of 
a  company  of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming.  He  says, 
that  ho  only  came  to  the  loke  to  smoke  on  the  great  calumet  with  the 
Onondagas.    But  Grangula  says,  that  he  sees  the  contrary  ;  that  it  was 

*  As  it  will  gratify  most  of  our  readers,  we  believe,  to  hear  the  general  in  his  own 
words,  we  will  pre:ient  them  with  a  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  Grangvla  in  his  owi: 
language : — 

"  Le  roi  mon  maltre  inform^  que  les  cinq  Nations,  Iroquoises  contrcvenoient  depuis 
long-lems  k  la  paix,  m'aordonn^  de  me  transporter  ici  avec  une  escorte,  ct  d'envoier 
Akouessan  au  village  des  Onnatagues,  pour  inviter  les  principaux  chefs  a  me  venir  voir. 
L'intention  de  ce  grand  monarque  est  que  nous  fmnions  toi  et  moi  ensemble  dans  le 
grand  calumet  de  paix  ;  pourvik  que  tu  me  promettes  au  nom  des  TsonontoOans,  Goyo- 
goans,  Onnotagucs,  Onoyouts  el  Agnies,  de  donner  une  entiere  satisfaction  et  dedom- 
tnagement  k  ses  sujets,  et  de  ne  rien  faire  ^  I'avenir,  qui  puisse  causer  une  fachcusc 
rupture,"  &c.    Lahontan,  i.  58,  59. 

t  "  Gran^/a,  qui  pendant  tout  le  descoursavoiteu  les  yeux  fixament  attachcz  sur 
le  bout  de  sa  pipe,  se  leve,  et  soil  par  une  civilite  bisarre,  ou  pour  se  donner  sans  fa9on 
le  tems  de  mMiter  sa  reponse  il  fait  cinq  ou  six  tours  dans  n6tre  cercle  compose  de 
sauvages  et  de  Fran9ois.  Revenu  en  sa  place  il  resta  debout  devant  le  general  assis 
dans  un  bon  fauteOil,  et  le  regarant  il  lui  dit."  Lahontan,  (i.  61,  62.)  who  was  one  of 
those  present. 

X  Tne  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  Canada.    Spelt  in  Lahontan,  Onnontio. 


:  f 


GRANGULA. 


[Boor  V. 


to  knock  them  on  the  head,  if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms  of  the 
French.  I  see  Yonnondio  raving  in  a  camp  of  sick  men,  v/hose  Hves  the 
Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by  inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  our  women  had  taken  their  clubs,  our  children 
and  old  men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your 
camp,  if  our  warriors  had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when 
your  messenger  Mouessan*  came  to  our  castles.  It  is  done,  and  I  have 
said  it. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  we  plundered  none  of  the  French,  but  those  that 
carried  guns,  powder  and  balls  to  the  Twightwiesf  and  Chictaghicks, 
because  those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the 
example  of  the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of  rum  brought  to  our 
castles,  lest  the  drunken  Indians  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our 
warriore  have  not  beaver  enough  to  pay  for  all  those  arms  that  they  have 
taken,  and  our  old  men  are  not  afraid  of  the  war.  This  belt  preserves 
my  words. 

"  We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  trade  there  with  the  Utawa- 
was  and  Quatoghies,}:  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our 
castles,  to  carry  on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are  born 
free.  We  neither  dc|)end  on  Yonnondio  nor  Corlear.^  Wo  may  go 
where  we  please,  and  carry  with  us  whom  we  please,  and  buy  and  sell 
what  we  please.  If  your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as  such,  com- 
mand them  to  receive  no  other  but  your  people.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words. 

"  We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chictaghicks  on  the  head,  because 
they  had  cut  down  the  trees  of  peace,  which  were  the  limits  of  our  coun- 
try. They  have  hunted  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted  contrary 
to  the  customs  of  all  Indians,  for  they  left  none  of  the  beavers  r.'ive,  they 
killed  both  male  and  female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  tlx'ir  country, 
to  take  part  with  them,  aft;or  they  had  concerted  ill  designs  i  gainst  us. 
We  have  done  less  than  either  t.'ie  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped 
the  lands  of  so  many  Indian  nations,  and  chased  them  from  their  own 
country.     This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  what  I  say  is  the  voice  of  all  the  Five  Nations. 
Hear  what  they  answer.  Open  your  ears  to  what  they  speak.  The 
Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  say,  that  when  they 
buried  the  hatchet  at  Cadarackui,  in  the  presence  of  your  predecessor,  in 
the  middle  of  the  fort,  they  planted  the  tree  of  peace  in  the  same  place; 
to  be  there  carefully  preserved:  that,  in  the  place  of  a  retreat  for  soldiers, 
that  fort  might  be  a  rendezvous  for  merchants :  that,  in  place  of  arms  and 
ammunition  of  war,  beavere  and  merchandise  should  only  enter  there. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  take  care  for  the  future,  that  so  great  a  number  of 
soldiers  as  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so 
small  a  fort.  It  will  be  a  great  loss,  if,  after  it  had  so  easily  taken  root, 
you  should  stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering  your  country  and 
oure  with  its  branches.  I  assure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Five  Nations, 
that  our  warrioi-s  shall  dance  to  the  calumet  of  peace  under  its  leaves; 
and  shall  remain  quiet  on  their  .'iiats,  and  shall  never  dig  up  the  hatchet, 
till  their  brother  Yonnondio  or  Corlear  shall,  either  jointly  or  separately, 
endeavor  to  attack  the  country  which  the  Great  Spirit  has  given  to  our 
ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my  words,  and  this  other,  the  authority 
which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me." 

Then,  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  he  said,  "  Take  courage,  you 


*  Tlic  name  they  gave  Mr.  Le  Maine,  which  signified  a  partridge. 

t  Iwikiies,  Colden.  %  Chictaghicks,  Colden. 

§  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  New  York. 


Chap.  1.] 


BLACK-KETTLE. 


courage,  >  ou 


have  spirit,  speak,  explain  rry  words,  forget  nothing,  tell  all  that  your 
brethren  and  friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  mouth  of 
Grangiday  who  loves  you,  and  desires  you  to  accept  of  this  present  of 
beaver,  and  take  part  with  me  in  my  feast,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This 
present  of  beaver  is  sent  to  Yonnondioy  on  the  part  of  the  Five  Nations." 

De  la  Barre  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and 
equal  chagrin  at  the  plain  refutation  of  his  own.  He  immediately  re- 
turned to  Montreal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the 
French  against  the  Five  Nations. 

Grangula  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man,  and  from  this  valuable 
speech  we  became  acquainted  with  him ;  a  very  J^estor  of  his  nation, 
whode  powers  of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a 
Roman,  or  a  more  modem  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great 
civility,  and  feasted  them  with  the  best  his  country  would  afford,  on  their 
departure.    We  next  proceed  to  notice 

Mario,  chief  of  the  Dinondadies,  a  tribe  of  the  Hurons.*  About  1687, 
the  Iroquois,  from  some  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  governor  of  New 
York,  owing,  says  Smith^f  to  the  orders  of  his  master,  "  King  James,  a 
poor  bigoted,  popish,  priest-ridden  prince,"  were  drawn  into  the  French 
interest,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded.  The  Dinondadies  were 
considered  as  belonging  to  the  confederate  Indians,  but  from  some  cause 
they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  league  with  the  French,  and  wished  by 
some  exploit  to  strengthen  themselves  in  the  interest  of  the  English. 
For  this  purpose,  Adario  put  himself  at  the  head  of  100  warriors,  and  in- 
tercepted the  ambassadors  of  the  Five  Nations  at  one  of  the  falls  in  Kada- 
rakkui  River,  killing  some  and  taking  others  prisoners.  These  he  in- 
formed that  the  French  governor  had  told  him  that  50  warriors  of  th& 
Five  Nations  were  coming  that  way  to  attack  him.  They  were  astonished 
at  t!ie  governor's  apparent  perfidiousness,  and  so  completely  did  the  plot 
o{  Adario  succeed,  that  these  ambassadors  were  deceived  into  his  interest. 
In  his  parting  speech  to  them,  he  said, "  Go,  my  brethren,  I  untie  your  bonds, 
and  send  you  home  again,  thonsh  our  nations  be  at  war.  The  trench  gov- 
ernor has  made  me  commit  so  black  an  action,  that  I  shall  never  be  easy  after 
it,  till  the  Five  J^ations  shall  have  taken  full  revenged  This  outrage  upon 
their  ambassadors,  the  Five  Nations  doubted  not  in  the  least  to  be  owing 
to  the  French  governor's  perfidy,  from  the  representations  of  those  that 
returned.  They  now  sought  immediate  revenge ;  and  assembling  1200 
of  their  chief  warriors,  landed  nr»on  the  island  of  Montreal,  26  July,  1688, 
while  the  French  were  in  perfect  security,  burnt  their  houses,  sacked 
their  plantations,  and  slew  all  the  men,  women  and  children  without  the 
city.  A  thou3and|:  persons  were  killed  in  this  expedition.  In  October 
following,  they  attacked  the  island  again  with  success.  These  horrid 
disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  the  utmost  consternation.  The 
fort  at  Lake  Ontario  was  abandoned,  and  28  barrels  of  powder  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  confederate  Indians.  Nothing  now  saved  the  French  from 
an  entire  extermination  from  Canada,  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies 
in  the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

The  real  name  of  Adario  was  Sccstaretsi.  He  man'ied  a  woman  of  his 
own  nation,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.  The  French  nicknamed 
him  the  Rat,  by  which  he  is  oflen  mentioned  by  Lahontan  and  others. 
Another  warrior,  though  an  Iroquois,  of  nearly  equal  fame,  was 

Black-kettle.  A  war  with  France,  in  1690,  brought  this  chief  upon  the 
records  of  history.    In  the  summer  of  that  year.  Major  Schuyler,  of  Albany, 


**  Dionondadies,  Colden;  Tionnontat6s,  Charlevoix.  t  Hist.  N.  Y.  Sfi.  (4to  ed.) 

t  So  says  Colden.  but  Charlevoix  says  400,  and  that  200  of  tliese  were  burnt  after- 
wards.   There  can  be  uo  doubt  but  that  the  truth  is  between  them,  as  there  is  ample  room. 


ii 


«♦ 


6 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND.        [Book  V. 


with  a  company  of  Mohawks,  fell  upon  the  French  settlements  at  the 
north  end  of  Lake  Champlain.    De  Callieres,  governor  of  Montreal,  hastily- 
collected  about  800  men,  and  opposed  them,  but,  notwithstanding  his 
force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.    About 
300  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this  expedition.    The  French  now  took 
every  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliate.    They  sent  presents  to  many 
tribes  of  Indians,  to  engage  them  in  their  cause,  and  in  the  following 
winter  a  party  of  about  300  men,  under  an  accomplished  youn^  gentle- 
man, marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  nations  at  Niagara.    Theii 
march  was  long,  and  rendered  almost  insupportable ;  being  obliged  to 
carry  their  provisions  on  their  backs  through  deep  snow.    Black-kettle 
met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  until  his 
men  were  nearly  all  cut  off;  but  it  was  more  fatal  to  the  French,  who, 
far  from  home,  had  no  means  of  recruiting.    Black-ketUe,  in  his  turn, 
carried  the  war  into  Canada  during  the  whole  summer  following,  with 
i.'^imense  loss  and  damage  to  the  French  inhabitants.    The  governor  was 
so  enraged  at  his  successes,  that  he  caused  a  prisoner,  which  had  been 
taken  from  the  Five  Nations,  to  be  burnt  alive.    This  captive  withstood 
the  tortures  with  as  much  firmness  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.    He 
sung  his  achievements  while  they  broiled  his  feet,  burnt  his  hands  with 
red  hot  irons,  cut  and  wrung  off  his  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews. 
To  close  the  horrid  scene,  his  scalp  was  torn  off,  and  red  hot  sand  poured 
upon  his  head. 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  account  of  the  visit  of  five  Iroquois 
chiefs  to  England.  The  English  in  America  had  supposed  that  if  they 
could  convince  the  Indian  nations  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  their 
mother  country,  they  should  be  able  to  detach  them  forever  from  the 
uifiuence  of  the  French.  To  accomplish  tliis  object,  these  chiefs  were 
prevailed  upon  to  make  the  voyage.  They  visited  the  court  of  Quuen 
Anne  in  the  year  1710.  None  of  the  American  historians  seem  to  have 
known  the  names  of  these  chiefs,  or,  if  they  did,  have  not  tlioiight  it  proper 
to  transmit  them.  Smithy  in  his  history  of  New  York,  mentions  the  fact 
of  their  having  visited  England,  and  gives  the  speech  which  they  made  to 
the  queen,  and  says  it  is  preserved  "  in  Oldmixon,''^  perhaps  in  his  Brit- 
ish Empire  in  America,*  as  nothing  of  the  kind  is  found  in  his  history 
of  England,  although  he  records  the  circumstance,  and  ill-naturedly 
enough  too.  We  think  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  this  but  for  tiie 
purpose  of  ridiculing  the  friends  of  the  queen.  The  following  is  all  that 
he  says  of  them  if  "Three  weeks  after  the  battle  of  Sarragossa  wiis 
fought  by  Gen.  Stanlwpe,  whose  victory  made  way  for  the  march  to  Ma- 
drid, the  news  of  the  victory  was  brought  to  the  queen  by  Col.  Harrison, 
the  15  Sept.  O.  S.,  at  which  time  the  High-church  rabble  wrre  pelting 
Gen.  Stanhope\'i  proxy,  and  knocking  down  his  friends  at  the  Westminster 
election.  However,  for  the  successes  in  Spain,  and  for  the  taking  of  Do- 
way,  Bethune  and  Aire,  by  the  duke  of  Marlboroiigh  in  Flanders,  there 
was  a  thanksgiving-day  appointed,  which  the  queen  soleitmized  in  St. 
James's  chapel.  To  have  gone  as  usual  to  St.  Paul's,  and  there  to  have 
had  Te  Deum  sung  on  tliat  occasion,  would  have  shown  too  much  cotm- 
t(  ance  to  those  brave  and  victorious  English  generals,  who  were  fight- 
ing her  battles  abroad,  while  High-church  was  plotting,  and  railing,  and 
addressing  against  them  at  home.  The  carrying  of  four  Indian  Casaques 
about  in  the  queen's  coaches,  was  all  the  triumph  of  the  Harleian  admin- 
istration ;  they  were  called  kings,  and  clothed,  by  the  play-house  tailor, 
like  other  kings  of  the  theatre  ;  they  were  conducted  to  audience  by  Sir 

*  Tlie  edition  I  use  (1708)  does  not  contain  it. 
t  Hist.  England,  a.  452.    (Fol.  London,  1736.) 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


Charles  Cotterel ;  there  was  a  speech  made  for  ttiem,  and  nothing  omitted 
to  do  honor  to  tliese  five  nionarchs,  whose  presence  did  so  much  honor  to 
the  new  ministry ;  which  the  latter  seemed  to  be  extremely  fond  of,  and 
defrayed  all  their  expenses  during  their  stay  here.  They  were  the  cap- 
tains of  the  four  nations,  [Five  Nations,]  in  league  with  the  English  at 
New  York  and  New  England,  and  came  in  person  to  treat  of  matters  con- 
cerning trade  with  the  lords  commissioners  of  plantations ;  as  also  of  an 
enterprise  against  the  French,  and  their  confederate  Indians  in  those 
parts." 

Sir  Richard  Steele  mentions  these  chiefs  in  his  Tatler  of  May  13, 1710, 
and  Addison  makes  them  the  subject  of  a  number  of  the  Spectator  the 
next  year,  at  a  suggestion  of  Dean  Simfl.*  Neither  of  these  papers, 
however,  contain  many  facts  respecting  them.  In  the  former  it  is  men- 
tioned that  one  of  them  was  taken  sick  at  the  house  where  they  were  ac- 
commodated during  their  stay  in  London,  and  they  all  received  great 
kindness  and  attention  from  their  host,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  the 
cause  of  their  honoring  him  with  a  name  of  distinction ;  which  was 
Cadaroque,  and  signified  "  the  strongestfort  in  their  country.^^  In  speaking 
of  their  residence,  Mr.  Steele  says,  "They  were  placed  in  a  handsome 
apartment  at  an  upholster's  in  King-street,  Covent-garden."  There  were 
fine  portraits  of  each  of  them  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  be  seea 
in  the  British  Museum.f 

The  best  and  most  methodical  account  of  these  chiefs  was  published 
in  the  great  annual  history  by  Mr.  Boyer,\  and  from  which  we  extract  as 
follows :  "  On  the  19  April  Te  Yee  JS/een  Ho  Ga  Prow,  and  Sa  Ga  Yean 
Qiia  Prah  Ton,  of  the  Maquas  ;  Eloiv  Oh  Kaotn,  and  Oh  JVee  Yeath  Ton 
Jyo  Prow,^  of  the  river  sachem,  and  the  Ganajoh-hore  sachem,  four 
kings,  or  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations||  in  the  West  Indies,1I  which  lie  between 
New  England,  and  New  France,  or  Canada :  who  lately  came  over  with 
the  West  India  fleet,  and  were  cloathed  and  entertained  at  the  queea'a 
expense,  had  a  public  audience  of  her  majesty  at  the  palace  of  St.  Jamesy 
being  conducted  thither  in  two  of  her  majesty's  coaches,  by  Sir  Charles 
Cotterel,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  and  introduced  by  the  duke  of  Shrews- 
bury, lord  chamberlain.  They  made  a  speech  by  their  interpreter,  which 
Major  Pidgeon,  who  was  one  of  the  oflicers  that  came  with  them,  read  ia 
English  to  her  majesty,  being  as  follows : — 

"Great  Queen — We  have  undertaken  a  long  and  tedious  voyage, 
which  none  of  our  predecessors**  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  undertake. 
The  motive  that  induced  us  was,  that  we  might  see  our  great  queen,  and 
relate  to  her  those  things  we  thouf,ht  absolutely  necessary,  for  the  good 
of  her,  and  us,  her  allies,  on  the  other  side  the  great  water.  We  doubt 
not  but  our  great  queen  has  been  acquainted  with  our  long  and  tedious 


*  "  I  intended  to  have  written  a  book  on  that  subject.  I  believe  he  [Addison]  has 
spent  it  all  in  one  paper,  and  all  the  under  hints  there  are  mine  too."  Suii/t's  Letter  to 
Mrs.  Johnson,  dated  London,  28  April, 1711. 

t  Notes  to  the  Spectator,  ed.  in  8  vols.  8vo.  London,  1789. 

I  "  The  Annals  of  Queen  Anne's  Reign,  Year  the  IX.  for  1710."  189—191.  This  is 
a  v/ork  containing'  a  most  valuable  fund  of  information,  and  is,  with  its  continuation,  a 
lasting  monument  to  its  learned  publisher.  His  being  dragged  into  the  Dunciad  in  one 
of  Pope's  freaks  notwithstanding. 

^  We  have  these  names  in  the  Tatler  spelt  Tee  Yee  Neen  Ilo  Ga  Row,  Sa  Ga  Yeatk 
Rua  Geth  Ton,  E  Tow  Oh  Koam,  and  Ho  Nee  Yeth  Taw  No  Row. 

II  Quere.  If,  according  to  Colden  and  others,  the  Tuscaroras  did  not  join  tne  Iro- 
cjuois  until  1712,  and  until  that  time  these  were  called  the  Five  Nations,  how  comes  it  thai 
tliev  wore  known  in  England  by  the  name  of  Six  Nations  in  1710  ? 

it  No  one  can  be  misled  by  this  error,  any  more  than  an  Englishman  would  be  by 
being  told  that  London  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
**  None  of  tlie  Six  Nations,  must  be  understood. 


]} 


\t 


0* 


8 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


LBooK  V. 


war,  in  conjunction  with  her  children,  against  her  enemies  tht  French : 
and  that  we  have  been  as  a  strong  wall  for  their  security,  even  to  the  loss 
of  our  best  men.  The  truth  of  which  our  brother  Qttcrfer,  Col.  [Pe<erl 
Schuyler,  and  Anadagatjaux,  Col.  Nicholson,  can  testify  ;  they  having  all 
our  proposals  in  writing.  We  were  mightily  rejoiced  when  we  heard  by 
Anadagarjaitx,  that  our  great  queen  had  resolved  to  send  an  army  to  re- 
duce Canada ;  from  whose  mouth  we  readily  embraced  our  great  queen's 
instructions :  and  in  token  of  our  friendship,  we  hung  up  the  kettle,  and 
took  up  the  hatchet ;  and  with  one  consent  joined  our  brother  QuedeTf 
and  Anadagarjatix,  in  making  preparations  on  this  side  the  lake,  by  build- 
ing forts,  store-houses,  canoes  and  batteaux ;  whilst  Aundiasia,  Col.  Vttch, 
at  the  same  time,  raised  an  army  at  Boston,  of  which  we  were  informed 
by  our  ambassadors,  whom  we  sent  thither  for  that  purpose.  We  waited 
lon^f  in  expectation  of  the  fleet  from  England,  to  join  Anadiaaia,  to  go 
agamst  Quebec  by  sea,  whilst  Anadagarjaux,  Queder,  and  we,  went  to 
Port  Royal  by  land ;  but  at  last  we  were  told,  that  our  great  queen,  by 
some  important  affair,  was  prevented  in  her  design  for  that  season.  This 
made  us  extreme  sorrowful,  lest  the  French,  who  hitherto  had  dreaded 
us,  should  now  think  us  unable  to  make  war  against  them.  The  reduc- 
tion of  Canada  is  of  such  weight,  that  after  the  effecting  thereof,  we 
should  have  free  hunting,  and  a  great  trade  with  our  great  queen's  chil- 
dren ;  and  as  a  token  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  do  here,  in 
the  name  of  all,  present  our  gi-eat  queen  with  the  belts  of  wampum. 
We  need  not  urge  to  our  great  queen,  more  than  the  necessity  we  really 
labor  under  obliges  us,  that  in  case  our  great  queen  should  not  be  mind- 
ful of  us,  we  must,  with  our  families,  forsake  our  country,  and  seek  other 
habitations,  or  stand  neuter ;  either  of  which  will  be  much  against  our 
inclinations.  Since  we  have  been  in  alliance  with  our  great  queen's 
children,  we  have  had  some  knowledge  of  the  Savior  of  the  world  ;  and 
have  oflen  been  importuned  by  the  French,  both  by  the  insinuations  of 
their  priests,  and  by  presents,  to  come  over  to  their  interest,  but  have 
always  esteemed  them  men  of  falsehood :  but  if  our  great  queen  will  be 
pleased  to  send  over  some  persons  to  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a  most 
hearty  welcome.  We  now  close,  with  hopes  of  our  great  queen's  favor, 
and  leave  it  to  her  most  gracious  consideration." 

We  cannot  but  respond  amen  to  Mr.  Oldmixon^s  opinion  of  this  speech, 
namely,  that  it  was  made  for  instead  of  by  the  chiefs ;  still  we  thought  it 
proper  to  print  it,  and  that  by  so  doing  we  should  give  satisfaction  to 
more  than  by  withholding  it.  Our  account  next  proceeds :  "  On  Friday, 
the  21  April,  the  four  Indian  princes  went  to  see  Dr.  Flamstead's  house, 
and  p^athematical  instriunents,  in  Greenwich  Park ;  after  ivhicb  they  were 
nobly  treated  by  some  of  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty,  in 
one  of  her  majesty's  yachts.  They  staid  about  a  fortnight  longer  in  Lon- 
don, where  they  were  entertained  by  several  persons  of  distinction,  par- 
ticularly by  the  duke  of  Ormond,  who  regaled  them  hkewise  with  a  re- 
view* of  the  four  troops  of  life-guards ;  and  having  seen  all  thr  curiosities 
in  and  about  this  metropolis,  they  went  down  to  Portsmo  Jth,  through 
Hampton  Court  and  Windsor,  and  embarked  on  board  the  Dragon,  one 
of  her  majesty's  ships,  Capt.  Martin,  commodore,  together  with  Col. 
Francis  Nicholson,  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  desif^ned  for  an  ex- 
pedition in  America.  On  the  8  May,  the  Dragon  and  Falmouth  sailed 
from  Spithead,  having  under  convoy  about  18  sail,  consisting  of  mer- 
chantmen, a  bomb-ship  and  tender,  and  several  transports,  with  British 


*  And  the  chiefs  maiio  a  speech  in  return,  but  our  author  makes  this  note  upon  it : 
"  N.  B.  The  speech  whicii  was  said  to  have  been  made  by  them,  on  that  occasion,  to  tiw 
duke  of  Ormond,  is  spurious." 


LBooK  V. 

hfc  French : 
n  to  the  loss 
Col.  [Peter] 
/  having  all 
ive  heard  by 
army  to  re- 
reat  queen's 
!  kettle,  and 
her  Queder^ 
ie,  by  build- 
!,  Col.  Vetch, 
re  informed 
We  waited 
diasia,  to  go 
ve,  went  to 
t  queen,  by 
ason.  This 
lad  dreaded 
The  reduc- 
thereof,  we 
ueen's  chil- 
do  here,  in 
f  wampum. 
:y  we  really 
ot  be  mind- 
1  seek  other 
against  our 
eat  queen's 
world  ;  and 
nuations  of 
;t,  but  have 
leen  will  be 
ind  a  most 
een's  favor, 

this  speech, 
thought  it 
isfaction  to 
On  Friday, 
ad's  house, 
they  were 
miralty,  in 
ter  in  Lon- 
iction,  par- 
with  a  re- 
curiosities 
th,  through 
ragon,  one 
with  Col. 
for  an  ex- 
)Uth  sailed 
g  of  mer- 
ith  British 


lote  upon  it : 
:asion,  to  th« 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY. 


9 


officers,  a  regiment  of  marines,  provisions  and  stores  of  war ;  and  on  the 
15  July  arrived  at  Boston  in  N.  England." 

Little  is  to  be  gathered  from  Smith's  History  of  New  York  relative  to 
those  sachems.  He  gives  a  speech  which  ihey  made  to  the  queen,  but 
it  is  a  meagre  abridgment  of  less  than  half  of  the  one  above,  and  the 
rest  is  omitted  entirely.  "  The  arrival  of  the  five  sachems  in  England 
made  a  great  bruit  throughout  the  whole  kingdom.  The  mob  followed 
wherever  they  went,  and  small  cuts  of  them  were  sold  among  the 
people."* 

-^^##&- 

CHAPTER  II. 

Tamany,  a  famous  ancient  Delaware — His  history — Shikellimus — Favors 
the  Moravian  Brethren — His  reception  of  Count  Zlnzendorf — His  death — 
Canassatego — Visits  Philadelphia — His  speech  to  the  Delawares — An- 
ecdotes of  him — Glikhikak — His  speech  to  Half-king — His  attachmerU 
to  Vie  Christian  Indians — Meets  with  vnch  trciiblefrom  Capt.  Pipe — Con- 
duct of  Half-king — Of  Pipe — Glikhikm  perishes  in  the  massacre  at 
4jnadenhuetten — Pakanke — His  history — ^Netawatwees — Becomes  a 
Christian — His  speech  to  Pakanke — His  death — Paxnoos— Tadeuskund 
— His  history  and  death — White-eves — His  transactions  with  the  mis- 
sionaries— Skenando — His  celebrated  speech — Curious  anecdote  of  him 
— His  death. 

Tamany  was  a  name  much  in  print  a  fifty  years  since,  but  of  what 
nation  or  country,  or  whether  applied  to  an  imaginary  or  real  personage, 
by  any  account  accompanying  it,  no  one  could  determiuo.  The  truth 
respecting  this  has  at  length  come  to  light. 

He  was  a  Delaware  chief,  of  similar  renown  to  the  Basheba  of  Kenne- 
beck,  and  JVunepashem^t  of  Massachusetts ;  and  we  infer  from  Gabriel 
71iomas,\  that  possibly  he  might  have  been  alive  as  late  as  1680  or  1690. 
He  wrote  the  name  'Temeny. 

Mr.  Heckewelder,  in  his  Historical  Account  of  the  Indian  Nations, 
devotes  a  chapter  to  this  chief  and  Tadeuskund.  He  spells  the  name 
Tamaned.  The  difficulty  of  gaining  information  of  deceased  individuals 
among  the  Indians  is  well  known  to  those  conversant  with  their  history. 
Mr.  Heckewelder  says,  "  No  white  man  who  regards  their  feelings,  will  in- 
troduce such  subjects  in  conversation  with  them."  This  reluctance  to 
speak  of  the  departed  he  attributes  to  "  the  misfortunes  which  have  be- 
fallen some  of  the  mo.st  beloved  and  esteemed  personages  among  them, 
since  the  Europeans  came  among  them."  It  is  believed,  however,  that 
it  had  a  more  remote  origin.  The  same  author  continues,  '•  All  we  know 
of  Tamened  is,  that  he  was  an  ancient  Delaware  chief,  who  never  had  his 
equal."t 

It  is  said  that  when,  about  1776,  Col.  George  Morgan,  of  Princeton,  N.  J. 
visited  the  western  Indians  by  direction  of  congress,  the  Delawares  con- 
ferred on  him  the  name  of  Tanurn?/, "  in  honor  and  remembrance  of  their 
ancient  chief,  and  as  the  greatest  mark  of  respect  which  they  could  show 
to  that  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  the  same  address,  affability  and 
meekness  as  their  honored  chief  "§ 


*  Hist.  New  York,  122.  ed.  4to.  London,  1757. 

t  "  Who  resided  there  [in  Pennsylvania]  about  15  years,"  and  who  published  '• 
Historical  and  Geographical  Account  of  Pa.  and  W.  Jersey"  12nio.  London,  1698 
X  Some  will  doulTtless  imagine  that  this  was  knowing  a  good  deal. 
$  Heckewelder,  ut  supra. 


An 


•     k< 


10 


TAMANY.— SIIIKELLIMUS. 


[Book  V. 


"  Tlie  fame  of  this  great  man  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who 
fabricated  numerous  legends  respecting  him,  which  I  never  lieard,  how- 
ever, from  the  moutli  of  an  Indian,  and  tlierefore  believe  to  be  fabulous. 
In  the  revolutionary  war,  his  enthusiastic  admirers  dubbed  him  a  saint, 
and  he  was  established  under  the  name  of  St.  Tammany,  the  patron  saint 
of  America.  His  name  was  inserted  in  some  calendars,  and  his  festival 
celebrated  on  the  first  day  of  May  in  every  year.  On  that  day  a  numer- 
ous society  of  his  votaries  walked  together  in  procession  through  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia,  their  hats  decorated  with  bucks'  tails,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  a  handsome  rural  place  out  of  town,  which  they  called  the  toig' 
warn ;  where,  after  a  long  talk  or  Indian  speech  had  been  delivered,  and 
the  calumet  of  peace  and  friendship  had  been  duly  smoked,  they  spent  the 
day  in  festivity  and  mirth.  After  dinner,  Indian  dances  were  performed 
on  the  green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  the  calumet  was  again  smoked,  and 
the  company  separated." 

It  was  not  till  some  years  after  the  peace  that  these  yearly  doings  were 
broken  up,  which  would  doubtless  have  lasted  longer  but  for  the  misfor- 
tune of  the  owner  of  the  ground  where  they  were  held.  Since  that  time 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  perhaps  other  places,  have  had  their  TamU' 
ny  societies,  Tamany  ha.ls,  &c.  &c.  In  their  meetings  these  societies 
make  but  an  odd  figure  in  imitating  the  Indian  manner  of  doing  business, 
as  well  as  in  appropriating  their  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  the  multitude  of  poems  and  odes  to  Taviany,  the  following  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  on  idea  of  the  acts  said  to  have  been  achieved 
by  him : — 

"  Immortal  Tamany,  of  Indian  race, 
Great  in  the  field  and  foremost  in  the  chase ! 
No  puny  saint  was  he,  with  fasting  pale ; 
He  climbed  the  mountain,  and  he  swept  the  vale, 
Rushed  through  the  torrent  with  unequalled  might ; 
Your  ancient  saints  would  tremble  at  the  sight ; 
Caught  the  swift  boar  and  swifter  deer  with  ease, 
And  worked  a  thousand  miracles  like  these. 
To  public  views  he  added  private  ends,  ^ 

Ana  loved  his  country  most,  and  next  his  friends ; 
With  courage  long  he  strove  to  ward  the  blow ; 
(Courage  we  all  respect  ev'n  in  a  foe  ;| 
And  when  each  effort  he  in  vain  had  tried, 
Kindled  the  flame  in  which  he  bravely  died ! 
To  Tamany  let  the  full  horn  go  round  ; 
His  fame  let  every  honest  tongue  resound ; 
With  him  let  every  gen'rous  patriot  vie,  / 

To  live  in  freedom  or  with  honor  die."* 


We  are  next  to  speak  of  a  chief,  concerning  whom  much  inquiry  i.as 
been  made  from  several  considerations.    We  mean 

ShikeUimus,  the  father  of  the  celebrated  Logan.  He  was  a  Cayuga 
sachem,  and  styled  by  Mr.  Loskiel,]  "first  magistrate  and  head  chief  of  all 
the  Iroquois  Indians  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehannah,  as  far  as 
Onondago. 

He  is  the  same  often  mentioned  by  Colde.n,\  under  the  names  Shickcal- 
amy,  Shicalamy,  and  Shick  Calamy,  and  occupies  a  place  next  the  famous 
Canaasaiego.  His  residence  was' at  Conestoga  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was 
present  at  a  great  council  held  in  Philadeh)hia  in  1749,  with  91  other 
chiefs,  counsellors  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  consult  about  the 
encroachments  of  some  of  the  Delawares  upon  the  people  of  Jennsylva- 
nia,  as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  history  of  Canassatego.    That  lie 


*  Carey's  Museum,  v.  104. 

t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  57,  G9,  75,  77,  85. 


+  Hist.  Mifsiotis,  ii.  119. 


[Book  V. 

I  whites,  who 
heard,  how- 
)  be  I'abulous. 
him  a  saint, 
i  patron  saint 
id  his  festival 
Jay  a  numer- 
through  the 
ails,  and  pro- 
filed the  ung- 
lelivered,  and 
hey  spent  the 
re  performed 
I  smoked,  and 

'  doings  were 
T  the  misfor- 
ince  that  time 
a  their  Tama- 
hese  societies 
oing  business, 

e  following  is 
jeen  achieved 


Chap.  II.] 


CANA8SATEGO. 


11 


inquiry  has 

as  a  Cayuga 
ad  chief  of  all 
nah,  as  far  as 

mes  ShickaU- 
the  famous 
ma.  He  was 
ith  91  other 
lilt  about  tho 
)f  lennsylva- 
0.    That  he 

'jiotts,  ii.  119. 


was  a  man  of  much  consequence  among  the  Five  Nations  will  appear 
from  the  fact,  that  Canassatego  re|)eated  a  speech  of  his  to  Gov.  Thomas, 
when  the  assault  upon  fVilTiam  fVebb  was  inquired  into,  "  whereby  his 

tthe  said  fVebVs]  jaw-bone  was  broke,  and  his  life  greatly  endangered, 
y  an  unknown  Indian."  This  took  place  upon  the  disputed  lands  m  the 
forks  of  the  Delaware.  "  Canassatego  repeating  the  message  delivered 
to  the  Six  Nations  by  Shickcaiamy,  in  the  year  1740,  with  a  siring  of  wam- 
pum, said  in  answer :  '  The  Six  Nations  had  made  diligent  inquiry  into 
the  affair,  and  had  found  out  the  Indian  who  had  committed  the  fact ;  he 
lived  near  Asopus,  [iEsopus,]  and  had  been  examined  and  severely  re- 
proved ;  and  they  hoped,  as  fViUiam  Webb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
would  not  expect  any  further  punishment,  and  therefore  they  returned 
the  string  of  wampum  received  from  their  brethren,  by  the  hand  of  Shick- 
caiamy, in  token  that  thoy  had  fully  complied  with  their  request.' " 

When  Count  Zinzendorf  visited  this  country,  in  1742,  he  had  an  inter- 
view with  this  chief  at  Shamokin.  Conrad  Wsiser  was  present,  and 
Shikellimus  inquired  with  great  anxiety  the  cause  of  the  count's  visit. 
fVeiser  told  him  "  that  he  was  a  messenger  of  the  living  God,  sent  to 
preach  grace  and  mercy ;"  to  which  he  answered, "  he  was  glad  that  such 
a  messenger  came  to  instruct  his  nation." 

Shikellimus  was  a  great  friend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  was  a 
severe  loss  to  them.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  1749. 
We  have  already  named  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  finish- 
ing our  account  of  Shikellimu.9. 

Cana.isatego,  a  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Onondago. 
In  1742,  there  arose  a  dispute  between  the  Delawares  and  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania,  relative  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware. 
The  English  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase,  and  the  Delawares 
persisted  in  their  claim,  and  threatened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be 
given  up  by  the  whites.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to  the 
Six  Nations,  and  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  deputies  to  them  to 
notify  them  of  the  trouble,  that  they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Canassatego  appeared  in  Philadelphia  with 
230  warriors.  He  observed  to  the  governor,  "  that  they  saw  the  Dela- 
wares had  been  an  unruly  people,  and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong ; 
that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  them,  and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the 
river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any  lands  on  this  side  for  the  future, 
since  they  had  received  pay  for  them,  and  it  is  gone  through  their  guts 
long  ago.  They  deserved,  he  said,  to  be  taken  by  the  hair  of  the  head, 
and  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  senses,  and  became  sober ; 
that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  their  ances- 
tors, above  fifty  years  ago,  for  this  very  land,  and  a  release  signed  not 
many  years  since,  by  some  of  themselves,  and  chiefs  yet  living,  (and  then 
present,)  to  the  number  of  15  and  upwards;  but  how  came  you  (address- 
ing himself  to  the  Delawares  present)  to  take  upon  you  to  sell  land  at 
all  ?  We  conquered  you  ;  we  made  women  of  you ;  you  know  you  are 
women  ;  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women  ;  nor  is  it  fit  you  should 
have  the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse  it.  This  land 
/ou  claim  is  gone  through  your  guts ;  you  have  been  furnished  with 
clothes,  meat  and  drink,  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want 
it  again,  like  children  as  you  are.  But  what  makes  you  sell  lands  in  tlie 
dark  ?  Did  you  ever  tell  us  that  you  had  sold  this  lanf*  ?  Did  we  ever 
receive  any  part,  even  the  value  of  a  pipe  shank,  frorr  you  for  it  ?  You 
have  told  us  a  blind  story,  that  you  sent  a  messenger  to  us,  to  inform  us 
of  the  sale  ;  but  he  never  came  amongst  us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  any 
thing  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and  very  different  from  the 
conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land.    On  such  occasions 


w  • 


12 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Book  V. 


they  cive  public  notice,  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  their  united  nations, 
and  give  them  all  a  share  of  tiie  presents  they  receive  for  their  lands. 

"This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  united  nations.  But  we  find  you  are 
none  of  our  blood  ;  you  act  a  dishonest  i)art,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other 
matters;  your  ears  are  ever  oi)en  to  slanderous  reports  about  your 
brethren.  For  all  these  reasons,  we  charee  you  to  remove  instantly ;  we 
donH  give  you  liberty  to  think  about  it.  You  are  women."  They  dared 
not  disobey  this  command,  and  soon  after  removed,  some  to  Wyoming 
and  Shamokin,  and  some  to  the  Ohio.* 

This  is  but  a  part  of  one  of  Canassatego's  numerous  speeches.  In  a 
future  chapter  we  intend  to  lay  before  the  reader  several  others. 

When  Canasaatego  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  holding 
a  talk  about  their  aiTairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  tlie 
English  liad  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  batde.  "  Well,"  said 
he,  "  if  that  be  the  case,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  from 
them,  and  can  afford  to  give  us  some,  that  we  may  rejoice  with  you.'* 
Accordingly,  a  glass  was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a  French 
glass.^ 

Dr.  Franklin  tells  us  a  veiy  interesting  story  of  Canassatego,  and  at  the 
same  time  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  In  speaking  of  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Indians,  the  doctor  says,  "  The  same  hospitality,  es- 
teemed among  them  as  a  principal  virtue,  is  practised  by  private  persons ; 
of  which  Conrad  Weiaer,  our  interpreter,  gave  me  the  following  instances: 
He  had  been  naturalized  among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spoke  well  the 
Mohawk  language.  In  going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  a 
message  from  our  governor  to  the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the 
iiabitation  of  Canassatego,  an  old  acquaintance,  who  embraced  hirn, 
spread  furs  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  before  him  some  boiled  beans,  and 
venison,  and  mixed  some  rum  and  water  for  his  drink.  When  he  was 
well  refreshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canassatego  began  to  converse  with 
him  ;  asked  how  he  had  fared  the  many  years  since  they  had  seen  each 
other ;  whence  he  then  came ;  what  occasioned  the  journey,  &c.  Conrad 
answered  all  his  questions ;  and  when  the  discourse  began  to  flag,  the 
Indian,  to  continue  it,  said,  '  Conrad,  you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs:  I  have  been  some- 
times at  Albany,  and  have  observed,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  up 
their  shops,  and  asseml)le  in  the  great  house;  tell  me  what  that  is  for; 
what  do  they  do  there  ?'  '  They  meet  there,'  says  Conrad, '  to  hear  and  learn 
good  things.'  '  I  do  not  doubt,'  siiys  the  Indian, '  that  they  tell  you  so ; 
they  have  told  me  the  same;  but  1  doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  and 
I  will  tell  you  my  reasons.  I  went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and 
buy  blankets,  knives,  powder,  rum,  &c.  You  know  1  used  generally  to 
deal  with  Hans  Hanson ;  but  I  was  a  little  inclined  this  time  to  try  some 
other  merchants.  ll«)wcvnr,  I  called  first  upon  Hans,  and  asked  him 
what  he  would  give  for  beaver.  lie  said  he  could  not  give  more  than 
four  shillings  a  pound  ;  but,  says  he,  I  cannot  talk  on  business  now;  this 
is  the  day  when  we  meet  together  to  learn  good  things,  and  I  am  going  to 
the  meeting.  So  I  thought  to  myself,  since  I  cannot  do  any  business  to 
day,  I  may  as  well  go  to  the  meeting  too,  and  I  went  with  him.  There 
stood  up  a  man  in  black,  and  began  to  tiUk  to  the  people  very  angrily ;  I 
did  not  underdtaud  what  he  said,  but  perceiving  that  he  looked  much  at 
me,  and  at  Hanson,  I  imagined  that  he  was  angry  at  seeing  me  there ;  so 
I  went  out,  sat  down  near  the  house,  struck  fire,  and  lit  my  pipe,  waiting 
till  the  meeting  should  break  up.  I  thought  too  that  the  man  had  men- 
tioned sometliing  of  beaver,  and  suspected  it  might  be  the  subject  of  their 


Colden  and  Gordon's  Histories. 


t  Colden's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  142. 


[UOOK   V. 

ed  nntioiis, 
heir  lands, 
ind  you  are 
)ut  in  other 
ahont  your 
atantly;  we 
rhey  dared 
Wyoming   ^ 

ches.    In  a 
rs. 

rU,  holding 
ed  that  the 
'  Well,"  said 
,f  rum  from 
with  you-'* 
lied  a  French 

0,  and  at  the 
the  manners 
)8pitality,  es- 
tate persons ; 
ig  instances: 
(ke  well  the 
',  to  carry  a 
called  at  the 
[braced  him, 
d  beans,  and 
fhen  he  was 
onverae  with 
id  seen  each 
&c.     Conrad 
1  to  flag,  the 
among  the 
jeen  some- 
ley  shut  up 
that  is  for; 
icar  and  learn 
tell  you  so; 
they  say,  and 
ny  skins,  and 
generally  to 
to  try  some 
asked  him 
more  than 
ss  now;  this 
am  going  to 
y  business  to 
lim.    There 
ry  angrily ;  I 
?ed  much  at 
Tie  there;  so 
pipe,  waiting 
an  had  men- 
ibject  of  their 

itions,  ii.  142. 


Chap.  II.] 


GLIKHIKAN. 


13 


meeting.  So  when  they  came  out,  I  accosted  my  merchant.  "  Well, 
Hans"  says  I,  "  I  hope  you  have  agreed  to  give  more  than  4*.  a  poimd." 
"No,"  8ays  he,  "I  cannot  give  so  much,  I  cannot  give  more  than  three 
shillings  and  sixpence."  1  then  spoke  to  several  other  dealers,  but  they 
all  sung  the  same  song, — three  and  sixpence,  three  and  sixpence.  This  made 
it  clcoi*  to  me  that  my  suspicion  was  right ;  and  that  whatever  they  pre- 
tended of  meeting  to  learn  good  things,  the  puipose  was  to  consult  how 
to  cheat  Indians  in  the  price  of  beaver.  Consider  but  a  little,  Conrad,  and 
you  must  be  of  my  opinion.  If  they  met  so  often  to  learn  good  things, 
they  would  certainly  have  learned  some  before  this  time.  But  they  are 
still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice.  If  a  white  man,  in  travelling 
through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins,  we  all  treat  him  as  I  do 
you;  we  dry  him  if  he  is  wet;  we  warm  him  if  be  is  cold,  and  give  him 
meat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  his  thirst  and  hunger;  and  we  spread 
soft  furs  for  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on :  we  demand  nothing  in  return 
But  if  I  go  into  a  white  man's  house  at  Albany,  and  ask  for  victuals  and 
drink,  they  say.  Get  out,  you  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  .lOt  yet 
learned  those  little  good  things  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  be  instructed 
in,  because  our  mothers  taught  them  to  us  when  we  were  children  ;  and 
therefore  it  is  impossible  their  meetings  should  be,  as  they  say,  for  any 
such  purpose,  or  have  any  such  effect:  they  uie  only  to  contrive  the 
cheating  of  Indians  in  the  price  of  beaver.'"* 

The  missionary  Frederic  Post,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the 
Indians  on  the  Ohio,  in  1758,  mentions  a  son  of  Canassaiego,  whom  he 
calls  Hans  Jacob. 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a  succession  of 
Indian  wars,  although  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormi- 
ties committed  among  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years,  their 
historic  page  is  very  clear  of  such  records,  namely,  from  1682,  the  arrival 
of  William  Penn,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  Moravian  Brethren.   Among  the  most  noted  was 

Glikhikan,\  or  Glikh;ickan,l  "an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lor, and  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [Pakankel^  in  Kaskaskunk."  It  is 
said  that  he  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  Canada,  and 
confounded  them,  and  now  (1769)  made  his  appearance  among  the 
United  Brethren  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  a  like  victory ;  but  as  the 
Brethren's  account  has  it,  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  became  a  convict 
to  their  doctrines.  In  1770,  he  quitted  Kaskaskunk,  to  live  with  the 
Brethren,  greatly  against  the  minds  of  his  friends  and  his  chief.  This 
occasioned  great  trouble,  and  some  endeavored  to  take  his  life.  Pakanke's 
speech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will  be  seen  when  we  come  to  the  ac- 
count of  that  chief.  At  the  time  of  his  baptism,  Glikhikan  received  tlie 
name  of  Isaac. 

The  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a  distressing  time  for  the 
Brethren  and  those  Indian:  who  had  adhered  to  their  cause.  War  par- 
ties from  the  hostile  tribes  were  continually  passing  and  repassing  their 
settlements,  and  often  in  the  most  suspicious  manner.  It  was  to  the 
famous  chief  Glikhikan  that  they  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than 
one  occasion.  The  Indians  nbciU  the  lakes  sent  deputies  to  draw  the 
Delawares  into  the  war  against  the  Americans,  but  they  were  not  receiv- 
ed by  them.  Siiortly  after,  in  the  year  1777,  200  Huron  warriors,  with 
Half-king  at  their  head,  approached  the  Moravian  settlement  of  Lichte- 
nau,  in  their  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon  the  frontiei*s,  and  caused 

*  The  editors  of  the  valuable  Encyclopedia  Fertheusis  have  thought  this  anecdote 
worlliy  a  place  in  that  work,  (i.  652.) 
t  Loskiel.  t  Heckewelder. 


14 


OLIKIIIKAN. 


[Rook  V, 


grent  consternation  among  the  Brothnin  ;  but  resolving  to  sliow  no  signs 
of  f(!ur,  victuals  were  prepnretl  for  them,  and  sent  out  by  some  of  the 
(Jhristian  Indians  to  meet  them.    The  reception  of  those  sent  out  was  fiir 
more  promiHing  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  after  was  "sent  a  soleiim 
embassy  to  the  Half-king  and  other  cliicfs  of  the  Hurons."     Glikhikiin 
was  at  the  head  of  this  einbassy,  and  the  following  is  his  speech  to  Half- 
king: — "  Uncle  !  We,  your  cousins,  the  congregation  of  believing  Indians 
at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten,  rejoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see  and 
speak  with  you.     We  cleanse  your  eyes  from  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
the  wind  may  have  carried  into  them,  that  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  and  a  serene  countenance.    We  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts 
from  all  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  ycjur 
ears  and  even  into  your  liearts  on  the  journey,  that  our  words  may  find 
entrance  into  your  ears  and  a  place  in  your  hearts.     [Here  a  string  of 
wampum  was  presented  by  Glikhikan.]     Uncle !   hear  the  words  of  the 
believing  Indians,  your  cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten.     We 
would  have  you  know,  that  we  have  received  and  believed  in  tlie  word 
of  God  for  30  years  and  ujjwards,  and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and 
evening.     You  must  also  know,  that  we  have  our  teachers  dwelling 
amongst  us,  who  instruct  us  and  our  children.    By  this  word  of  Cod, 
}>reached  to  us  by  our  teachers,  we  are  taught  to  keep  peace  with  all  men, 
and  to  consider  them  as  friends ;  for  thus  God  has  commanded  ns,  and 
therefore  we  are  lovers  of  peace.    These  our  teachei*s  are  not  only  our 
friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  them  as  our  own  flesh  and  blood. 
Now  as  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  earnestly  beg  of  you,  uncle,  that 
you  also  would  consider  them  as  your  own  body,  and  as  your  cousin. 
We  and  they  make  but  one  body,  and  therefore  cannot  be  separated,  and 
whatever  you  do  unto  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil." 
Tlien  several  fathoms  of  wampum  were  delivered.     Half-king  received 
this  speech  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  penetrated  his  heart,  and  after 
he  had  consulted  with  his  captains,  he  spoke  as  follows  in  answer : — 
"Cousins!    I  am  very  glad  and  feel  great  satisfaction  that  you  have 
cleansed  my  eyes,  ears  and  heart  from  all  evil,  conveyed  into  me  by  the 
wind  on  this  journey.    I  am  upon  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind;  for 
I  am  a  warrior  and  am  going  to  war,  and  therefore  many  evil  things  and 
evil  thoughts  enter  into  my  head,  and  even  into  my  heart.    But  thanks 
to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear,  so  that  I  can  behold  my  cousin 
with  a  serene  countenance.    I  rejoice,  that  I  can  hear  my  cousins  with 
open  ears,  and  take  their  words  to  heart."    He  then  delivered  a  string  of 
wampum,  and  after  repeating  the  part  of  Gltkhikan's  speech  relating  to 
the  missionaries,  proceeded :  "  Go  on  as  hitherto,  end  suffer  no  one  to 
molest  you.    Obey  your  teachers,  who  speak  nothing  but  good  unto  you, 
and  instruct  you  in  the  ways  of  God,  and  l)e  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
shall  be  done  unto  them.    No  creature  shall  hurt  them.    Attend  to  your 
worship,  and  never  mind  other  aflfairs.    Indeed,  you  see  us  going  to  Avar ; 
but  you  may  remain  easy  and  quiet,  and  need  not  think  much  about  it, 
&c."    This  was  rather  odd  talk  for  a  savage  warrior,  and  verily  it  seems 
more  like  that  of  one  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  ofLos- 
kiel  will  not  be  questioned. 

Some  time  after  this,  a  circumstance  occurred  which  threw  Glikhikan 
into  nmch  trouble  and  danger.  A  band  of  Huron  warrioi-s  seized  upon 
the  missionaries  at  Salem  and  Gnadenhuetten,  and  confined  them,  and  did 
much  mischief.  Michael  Jung,  David  Zeisberger  and  John  Heckewelder 
were  the  Brethren  confined  at  this  time.  The  savages  next  pillaged 
Schoenbrunn,  from  whence  they  led  captive  the  missionary  Jungman  and 
wife,  and  the  sisters  Zewicrg-er  and  Senseman;  and,  singing  the  death- 
Bong,  arrived  with  them  at  Gnadenhuetten,  where  were  the  rest  of  tho 


[I'.U0K   V. 

)W  no  signs 
3()Mie  of  the 
;  out  wns  fur 
!nt  a  Rolt-inn 
'     (Jlikhiknn 
ech  to  Half- 
ving  Iiuliaiis 
f  to  see  and 
lid  whutcvtr 
•  coiiBin  with 
s  and  hearts 
L'd  into  your 
•ds  may  find 
a  slrins;  uf 
vords  of  tiie 
luettcn.     We 
in  the  word 
niorinng  and 
lera  dwelling 
ford  of  God, 
with  all  men, 
nded  us,  and 
not  only  our 
ih  and  blood, 
u,  uncle,  that 
your  cousin. 
ie[)arated,  and 
irood  or  evil." 
iing  received 
jart,  and  after 
in  answer: — 
lat  you  have 
to  me  by  the 
lual  kind ;  for 
r\\  things  and 
But  thanks 
d  my  cousin 
cousins  with 
d  a  string  of 
relating  to 
er  no  one  to 
)od  unto  you, 
lat  any  harm 
ttend  to  your 
going  to  war ; 
uch  about  it, 
erily  it  seems 
racity  of  Los- 

ew  GliWkan 
s  seized  upon 
them,  and  did 
Heckewelder 
next  pillaged 
Jungman  and 
g  the  death- 
Be  rest  of  the 


Ciup.  II.] 


I'AKANKn. 


15 


prisoners.  This  wns  Sept.  4>  1781.  It  appears  that  the  famous  Cnpt. 
Pipf.  was  among  these  warriors,  from  what  follows.  A  young  Indian 
woman,  who  accoiiiimnied  the  warriors,  was  much  nifived  by  the  hard 
treatment  of  the  IJrethren,  and  in  the  night  "  found  mt-ans  to  get  Ca|)t. 
Pi/)e\s  iu'st  horse,  and  rode  off  full  speed  to  Pittsburgh,  wlie.e  she  gavn 
au  account  of  the  situation  of  the  missionaries  and  their  congregations." 
This  woman  was  related  to  (jlikhiknn ;  on  him,  therefore,  they  determined 
to  vent  their  wrath.  A  jmrty  of  warriors  seized  him  at  Salem,  and 
brought  him  bound  to  (inadeidiiKtttcn,  singing  the  death-song.  VVlieii 
lie  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  warriors,  great  commotion  fol- 
lowed, and  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to  pieces; 
esp(!cially  the  Delawares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renounced  his 
nation  and  tnanncr  of  living;  here,  however, //a//'-A:i'rt^  interfered,  and 
prevented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  an  intpiisitorial  examination 
tipon  hitn,  which  terminated  in  a  proof  of  his  innocence,  and,  after 
giving  vent  to  their  spleen  in  loading  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and 
much  o])|)robrious  language,  set  him  at  liberty. 

The  missionari(!S  and  their  congregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but 
were  obliged  to  emigrate,  as  they  coidd  have  no  rest  upon  the  Muskingum 
any  longer;  war  ])arties  contimuilly  hovering  about  them,  robbing  and 
troubling  them  in  various  ways.  They  wont  chiough  the  wilderness  125 
miles,  luid  settled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  ready 
to  harvest.  Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Above  200 
cattle  and  400  hogs,  much  corn  in  storC;  beside  300  acres  just  ripening, 
were  among  the  spoils.  "  A  troop  of  savages  commanded  by  English 
officers  escorted  them,  enclosing  them  at  the  distance  of  some  miles  on 
all  sides."  They  arrived  at  their  place  of  destination  Oct.  11,  and  here 
%vere  left  by  Ilalf-kbig  and  his  warriors  without  any  instructions  cr 
orders. 

Many  believing  Indians  had  returned  to  Gnadenhuetten  and  the  ad- 
jacent places  in  1782.  Here,  on  8th  March  of  this  year,  happened  the 
most  dreadful  massacre,  and  Glikhikan  was  among  the  victims.  Ninety- 
six  persons  were  scalped  and  then  cut  to  pieces.  Besides  wojnen,  there 
were  34  children  murdered  in  cold  blood.*    This  was  done  by  white 


men 


Pakanke  was  a  powerftil  Delaware  chief,  whose  residence,  in  1770,  was 
at  a  place  called  Kaskaskunk,  about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh,  lie  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  agency  of  the  missionary  Loskiel,  from  whom 
it  appears  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Breiiren  at  first,  and  invited 
them  into  his  country,  but  when  Glikhikan,  his  chief  captain  and  speaker, 
forsook  him,  and  went  to  live  with  them,  he  was  so  disconcerted,  that  he 
turned  against  them,  and  for  a  time  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Meet- 
ing with  Glikhikan  afterward  in  public,  he  spoke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone 
as  follows:  "And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  this  council  to  them.  I 
suppose  you  mean  to  get  a  white  skin!  L  Jt  I  tell  you,  not  even  one  of 
your  feet  will  turn  white,  much  less  your  body.  Was  you  not  a  brave 
and  honored  man,  sitting  next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the 
blanket  and  considered  the  belts  of  wampiun  lying  before  us?  Now  you 
pretend  to  desj)ise  all  this,  and  think  to  have  found  something  better. 
Some  time  or  other  you  will  find  yourself  deceived."  To  which  Glikhikan 
made  but  a  short  and  meek  reply.  Soine  epidemic  disease  can'ied  oflT 
many  of  the  Indians  about  this  time,  and  they  attributed  its  cause  to  their 
obstinacy  in  not  receiving  the  gosjjel.  Pakanke  was  among  the  number 
at  last  who  accepted  it  as  a  remedy.     He  appears  not  to  have  been  so 

*  T  liave  bpon  particular  in  noticing  this  affair,  as  it  is  not  found  in  such  extensively 
circulated  works  as  the  American  Annals 


16 


NETAWATWEES.— PAX  NOUS. 


[Book  V. 


orcduloiifl  as  iimiiy  of  his  neiglil)ors;  for  wlion  tlio  ncknowlodffnicnt  of 
ChriHtiaiiitv  wns  coiirludcd  upon  by  iniiny,  ho  r<!irianu;(l  inrnHlulouN;  and 
when  a  hrlt  of  wuiiipuiii  wan  Hoiit  him,  ncroinpunicd  witli  a  lufWHage, 
(loclaritit^  that  "  wlioHocver  refused  to  a('c<'pt  it  would  be  considorud  u 
munhu'er  of  \m  countrymen,"  ho  nflcctod  not  to  unch'rHtand  its 
import,  and  (h)ubth!HH  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the 
impending  danger  which  he  saw  threatening  him.  When  he  went  to 
hoar  the  Brethren  preach,  he  declared  his  conviction,  and  recommended 
his  children  to  receive  the  gospel.    A  son  of  his  waH  baptized  in  1775. 

jYetawatwees  was  h<!ttd  chief  of  the  Delawares,  and  if  we  are  to  judge 
of  him  from  our  scanty  records,  he  will  appear  to  the  best  advanuige. 
"He  uwhI  to  lay  all  affiiirs  of  state  before  iiis  counsellors  for  their  con- 
Hideration,  without  telling  them  his  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave 
him  their  opinion,  he  either  approved  of  it,  or  stated  his  objections  and 
amendments,  always  alleging  the  reasons  of  his  disapprobation."  Jieiure 
the  revolution,  it  was  said  that  ho  had  amazingly  increased  the  reputation 
of  the  Delawares;  and  he  8|>ared  no  pains  to  conciliate  all  his  neighbors, 
and  reconcile  them  one  to  another.  His  residence,  in  1773,  was  at  Gekel- 
emukpechuenk.  Tlie  Moravian  missionaries  sent  messengers  to  him, 
with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  missionary,  in  July  of  this  year, 
requesting  a  renewal  of  friendship  and  a  confirmation  of  his  former 
promise  of  protection.  When  this  was  laid  before  him  and  his  council, 
they  were  not  much  pleased  with  the  information,  and  the  old  chief  JVe- 
iawatwees  said,  "  T^ey  have  teachers  enough  already,  for  a  new  one  can  teach 
nothing  but  the  same  doctrine.''^  He  was,  however,  prevailed  upon  to  give 
his  consent  to  their  request,  and  afterwards  liecame  a  convert  to  their 
religion.  After  he  had  set  out  in  this  course,  he  sent  the  following  speech 
to  his  old  friend  Pakanke :  "  You  and  I  are  both  old.  and  kv.O'.v  not  hci  lev." 
we  shim  uve.  ThZrefore  lei  us  do  a  good  work,  before  we  depart,  and  leave  a 
testimony  to  our  children  and  posterity,  that  we  have  received  the  word  of 
God.  Let  this  be  our  last  totll  and  testament."  Pakanke  consented,  and 
was  at  great  pains  to  send  solemn  embassies  to  all  such  tribes  as  he 
thought  proper,  to  communicate  his  determination.  JS/etatvatwees  died  at 
Pittsburgh  near  the  close  of  1776.  The  missionaries  felt  the  great  sever- 
ity of  his  loss,  for  his  counsel,  as  they  acknowledge,  was  of  great  beneftt 
to  them  upon  all  trying  occasions. 

Paxnous  was  head  chief  of  the  Shawanese  in  1754.  At  this  time,  the 
Christian  Indians  of  the  Moravian  settlement,  Gnadenhuetten,  were  op- 
pressed by  a  tribute  to  the  Hurons.  This  year,  Paxnous  and  Gideon 
Tadeu^kund,  who  had  become  dissenters,  came  to  them,  and  delivered  the 
following  message :  "  The  great  head,  that  is,  the  council  of  the  Iroquois 
in  Onondago,  speak  the  truth  and  lie  not :  they  rejoice  that  some  of  the 
believing  Indians  have  moved  to  Wajomick,  [near  Wilksburg  and  the 
Susquehannah,]  but  now  they  lift  up  the  remaining  Mahikans  and  Dela- 
wares, and  set  them  also  down  in  Wajomick ;  for  there  a  fire  is  kindled 
for  them,  and  there  they  may  plant  and  think  of  God.  But  if  they  will 
not  hear  of  the  great  head,  or  council,  will  come  and  clean  their  ears  with 
a  red-hot  iron  ;"  that  is,  set  their  houses  on  fire,  and  send  bullets  through 
tlieir  heads.  The  next  year,  Paxnous  and  13  others  came  again,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  Hurons  demanded  an  answer  to  the  summons  he  had 
delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  him,  and  for  whom  he  had  great 
affection,  having  then  lived  with  her  38  years.  She,  being  touched  by 
the  preaching  of  the  Brethren,  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of  softening  the 
heart  of  Paxnous,  and  causing  him  thenceforth  to  do  much  for  them. 
This  answer  was  returned  to  him  to  bear  to  the  Hurons:  "The  Brethren 
will  confer  with  the  Iroquois  themselves,  concerning  the  intended  re- 
moval of  the  Indians  from  Gnadenhuetten  to  Wajomick."  Paxnous,  "being 


Chap.  II] 


TADEUSKUND. 


ir 


only  an  ninhnssador  in  this  buHincss,  wns  sntisfypcl,  nnd  cvon  fonnod  n 
cloMer  iu*(|iiaintancc  with  the  Brt'thn-ii."  TiiLs  Ih  siithcit'nt  to  explain 
Pamotis^  partiality  for  the  Hrethrcn.  Bofon;  th«7  (JRparH'il,  his  wife  waH 
bapti/.t;(i,  and  all  prcHcnt,  anionic  whom  was  her  hiiHband,  wrro  nnich  af- 
fected. She  declared  "s  she  naurned  home,  "that  whe  fcilt  as  happy  as  u 
child  now  horn."  I'amoua  also  had  two  sonw,  who  did  much  for  tho 
lirothren. 

Tadeuakuiul,  a  noted  chief  among  tho  Delawarca,  may  ho  considered 
next  in  importance  to  thosu  above  named.  He  was  known  amnii^' tho 
Engliwh,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Honest-John.  About  this  time,  ho 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  connnunity,  and  atlcr  some  delay,  "owing 
to  his  wavering  disjwsition,"  was  baptized,  and  received  into  H-llowshij). 
His  baptismal  narno  was  Gideon.  He  adhered  to  the  misHionaricH  just  as 
long  as  his  condition  appeared  to  be  better,  but  when  any  thing  more  fa- 
vorable offered,  lie  stood  r(?ady  to  embark  in  it. 

Tlie  Christian  Indians  at  Unadenhiietten  weni  desirous  of  removing  to 
Wajomick,  which  offered  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was 
a  secret  desire  of  the  wild  Indians  ;  for  they,  intending  to  join  the  I'n'nch 
of  Canada,  wished  to  have  them  out  o/  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that 
they  might  with  more  secrecy  fall  upon  the  English  frontiers.  It  was 
now  1754. 

Meanwhile  Tadeuskund  had  had  the  offer  of  leading  tho  Delawores 
in  the  war,  and  hence  he  had  been  a  chief  promoter  of  a  removal  to  Wa- 
jomick. The  missionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refused  to  move ; 
but  quite  a  comnany  of  theit  Ibllowers,  to  the  number  of  about  70,  went 
thither,  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  Tadeuskund  and  his  party,  and  some 
went  off  to  other  places. 

Tadeuskund  was  now  in  his  element,  marching  to  and  from  the  French 
in  warlike  style.  When  Paxnous,  as  has  been  related,  summoned  the  re- 
maining believers  at  Gnadenhuetten  to  remove  to  Wajomick,  Tadeuskund 
accompanied  him.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  Ta- 
deuskund began  to  think  about  making  a  shift  again.  Having  lived  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  year  1758  not  far  from  Ikthlehem,  with  about  100 
of  his  followers,  he  gave  the  Brethren  there  intimations  that  he  wished 
again  to  join  them ;  and  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on 
his  side  of  the  Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  liis  reclaim  were  soon  after 
dissipated.  And  "  he  now  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  and 
comfort  of  the  Indian  congregation."  From  the  discouraging  nature  of 
the  affairs  of  the  French,  ten  Indian  nations  were  induced  to  send  dep- 
uties to  treat  with  the  English  at  Easton,  which  eventuated  in  a  treaty 
of  peace.  Tadeuskund  pretended  that  this  treaty  had  been  agreed  to  on 
condition  that  government  should  build  a  town  on  the  Susquehannah 
for  the  Indians,  and  cause  those  living  with  the  brethren  to  remove  to  it. 
This  his  enemies  denied.  There  was  some  foundation,  from  their  owTi 
account,  for  Tadeuskuivffs  pretending  to  have  received  full  commission 
to  conduct  all  tho  Indians  within  cenain  limits,  which  included  those  of 
Bethlehem,  to  Wajomick ;  and  therefore  demanded  their  compliance  with 
his  commands.  He  was  liberal  in  his  promises,  provided  they  would 
comply ;  saying,  they  should  have  fields  cleared  and  ploughed,  houses 
built,  and  provisions  provided :  not  only  so,  but  their  teachers  should 
attend  them,  to  live  there  unmolested,  and  the  believers  entirely  by  them- 
selves. But,  through  the  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  com- 
ply, which  occasioned  some  threats  from  Tadeuskund,  and  he  immediately 
set  off  for  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tadeuskund  went  to  Philadelphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  gen- 
eral congress  of  the  Indians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not 
attend  at  Easton.    When  he  returned,  he  demanded  a  positive  answer, 
2* 


18 


WHITE-EYES. 


[Book  V. 


.!    .• 


and  they  replied  that  they  would  not  remove  unless  the  governor  and  all 
the  chiefs  so  determined,  for  that  they  could  not  without  the  greatest 
inconvenience.    This  seemed  to  satisfy  him,  and  he  left  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  of  English  and  Indians  at  Easton  above 
referred  to,  being  of  much  importance  in  Indian  history,  as  also  illustra- 
tive of  other  eminent  characters  as  well  as  that  of  Tadeiiskund,  vfe 'jv'ill 
refer  its  details  to  a  separate  chapter. 

Tadeuskund  was  bui»it  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  Wajomick  in 
April,  17G3. 

A  chief  nearly  as  distinguished  as  Tadeiiskund  we  shall  introduce  in 
this  place  ;  b'lt  will  first  note  that  we  observe  the  same  errors,  if  so  they 
may  be  called,  in  more  modern  writers,  with  regard  to  the  standing  of 
chiefs,  as  in  the  very  earliest.  The  New  England  historians,  it  will  have 
been  noticed,  make  several  chiefs  or  sachems  each  the  next  to  a  still 
greater  one:  thus,  Annawon,  Tyasks,  Woonashum  and  Jlkkompoin  were 
said  to  have  been  severally  next  to  Metacomet.  And  authors  who  have 
written  about  the  wf^stern  Indians,  mention  ^several  who  are  head  chiefs  of 
the  same  tribes.  B-.-,  as  we  have  observed  in  a  former  book,  such  mis- 
nomers were  scarcey  to  be  avoided,  and  we  only  mention  it  here,  that 
we  may  not  be  ihought  remiss  in  perpetuating  them. 

White-eyes  i^j',  as  though  deficient  in  organs  of  vision,  some  write 
White-eye)  was  "the  first  cajitnin  among  the  Delawares."  There  was 
always  great  opposition  among  the  Indians  against  missionaries  settling 
in  their  country ;  who,  in  the  language  of  one  of  the  Moravians,  "were  a 
stone  of  offence  to  many  of  the  chiefs  and  to  a  great  part  of  the  council 
at  Gekelcinukpechuenk,  and  it  was  several  times  proposed  to  expel  them 
by  force."  But  "this  man  [Captain  White-eyes]  kept  the  chiefs  and 
council  in  awe,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to  injure  the  missionaries, 
being  in  his  own  heart  convinced  of  the  truths  of  the  gospel.  This  was 
evident  in  all  his  speech  s,  held  before  the  chiefs  and  council  in  behalf 
of  the  Indian  congregucion  and  their  teachers."* 

The  old  chief  JVetawatwees  used  every  art  to  thwart  the  endeavors  of 
White-eyes,  and,  as  they  »v?rp  rather  w.  a  strain  bordering  upon  persecu- 
tion, were  only  sure  to  kiiake  the  latter  more  strenuous.  He  therefore 
declared  "  that  no  prosperity  would  attend  the  Indian  affairs,  unless  they 
received  and  believed  the  saving  gospel,"  &:c.  White-eyes  was  forced  about 
this  time  to  separate  himself  from  the  other  chiefs.  "  This  occasioned 
great  and  general  surprise,  and  his  presence  being  considered  both  by 
the  chiefs  and  the  people  as  indispensably  necessary,  a  negotiation  com- 
menced, and  some  Indian  brethren  were  appointed  arbitratoi-s.  The 
event  was  beyond  expectation  successful,  for  chief  JVetawatwees  not  only 
acknowledged  the  injustice  done  to  Captain  White-eye,  but  changed  his 
mind  with  respect  to  the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers,  and  re- 
mained their  constant  friend  to  his  death."* 

At  the  breakuig  out  of  tlie  revolutionary  war,  the  American  congress 

endeavored  to  treat  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  accordingly 

invited  the  Delawares  to  send  deputies.     WJiite  eyes  attended  on  the  part 

of  the  Brethren,  and  his  conduct  before  the  commissioners  was  highly 

.  approved  by  the  missionaries. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1676,  the  Hurons  sent  a  message  to  the 
Delawares,  "  that  they  must  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness  to  join  the  war- 
riors." JVettawatwees  being  their  head  chief,  to  him,  consequently,  was  the 
talk  delivered.  lie  would  not  accept  the  message,  but  sent  belts  to  the 
Hurons,  with  an  admonition  for  their  rash  resolution,  and  reminding 
them  of  the  misery  they  had  already  brought  upon  themselves.    Captain 


Loskiel,  iii.  101—2. 


Chap.  II.] 


SKENANDO. 


19 


White-eyes  was  a  bearer  of  tlie  belts,  who  in  his  turn  was  as  unsuccessful 
as  the  Huron  ambassadors:  for  when  they  were  delivered  to  the  chiefs 
in  Fort  Detroit,  in  presence  of  the  English  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pieces, 
and  threw  them  at  the  ^  jet  of  the  bearers,  ordering  them,  at  the  same 
time,  to  depart  in  half  an  hour.  He  accused  White-eyes  of  a  connection 
with  the  Americans,  and  told  him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  White-eyes  was  treated  in  this  manner,  if  he  took 
the  stand  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  which  we  suppose  from  the 
following  circumstance  that  he  did :  The  Iroquois,  being  chiefly  in  the 
English  interest,  and  considering  the  Dela wares  bound  lo  operate  with 
them,  ordered  them  to  be  in  readiness,  as  has  been  just  related.  Upon 
this  occasion,  White-eyes  said  "he  should  do  as  he  pleased ;  thi^t  he  wore 
no  petticoats,  as  they  falsely  pretended  ;  he  was  no  woman,  but  a  man, 
and  they  should  find  him  to  act  as  such."* 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which 
was  the  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  Pittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the 
small-pox.  Many  others  died  about  this  time,  among  whom  was  a  man 
who  must  have  been  very  old,  perhaps  near  120,  as  he  could  well  re- 
member when  the  first  house  was  built  in  Philadelphia,  in  1682,  being 
then  a  boy. 

Although  White-eyes  was  so  friendly  to  the  Brethren,  yet  he  never  fully 
joined  them,  stating  his  political  station  as  a  reason. 

The  Delaware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ;  a  chief  signed  a  treaty  in 
1814,  at  Greenville,  in  Ohio,  bearing  it-f  White-eyes^  town  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  history.  It  was  the  place  of  his  residence,  which  was  near 
the  falls  of  the  Muskingum. 

Skenando,  though  belonging  to  a  later  age,  may  very  properly  be  noticed 
here.  He  was  an  Oneida  chief,  contemporary  with  the  missionaiy  Kirk- 
land,  to  whom  he  became  a  convert,  and  lived  many  years  of  the  latter 
part  of  his  life  a  believer  in  Christianity.  Mr.  Kirkland  died  at  Paris,  N. 
York,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skenando  desired  to  be 
buried  near  him  at  his  death,  which  was  granted.  He  lived  to  be  110 
years  old,  and  was  often  visited  by  strangers  out  of  curiosity.  He  said  to 
one  who  visited  him  but  a  little  time  before  his  death,  "  /  am  an  aged 
hemlock ;  the  tcinds  of  an  hundred  winters  have  whistled  through  my  branch- 
es ;  I  am  dead  at  the  top.  The  generation  to  which  I  belonged  has  run  away 
and  left  me." 

In  early  life,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication. 
In  1775,  he  was  at  Albany  to  settle  some  affairs  of  his  tribe  with  the  gov- 
rrnment  of  New  York.  One  night  he  became  drunk,  and  in  the  mori. 
iiig  found  himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  stripped 
from  him,  even  the  sign  of  his  chieftainship.  This  brought  him  to  a 
sense  of  his  duty,  and  he  was  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  Ho 
was  a  powerful  chief,  and  the  Americans  did  not  fail  to  engage  him  on 
their  side  in  the  revolution.  This  was  congenial  to  his  mind,  for  he  al- 
ways urged  the  rights  of  the  prior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  opposed 
the  Americans  on  th"  same  principle,  for  encroachments  upon  the  red 
men.     He  rendered  Ids  adopted  Anglo  brethren  important  services. 

From  the  "Annals  of  Tryon  County ,"|  we  learn  that  Skenando  died 
on  the  11  March,  1816.  He  left  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  ob- 
serves that  "  his  person  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance 
was  intelligent,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignity  of  an  Indian  chief. 
In  his  youth  he  was  a  brave  and  intrepid  warrior,  and  in  his  rijier  years,  one 
of  the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  Auierican  tribes:"  and  that,  in 


*  Ileckewelder,  Hist.  22. 

tSee  Hist.  Socornl  War,  by  S.  R.  Brown,  Appendix,  105. 


\  By  W.  W.  Campbell. 


20 


SHINGIS. 


[Book  V. 


the  revolutionary  war,  by  his  vigilance  he  preserved  the  settlement  of 
German  Flats  from  being  destroyed. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  several  chiefs  spoken  of  by  Washington,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to 
the  French  of  Ohio — Shingis — Monacatoocha — Half-king — Juska- 
KAKA — White-thunder — Alliqcipa — Captain  Jacobs — Hendrick 
— His  history — Curious  anecdote  of— hoGAN — Cresap's  War — Battle  of 
Point  Pleasant — Logan's  famous  speech — Cornstock — His  history — 
Red-hawk — Ellinipsico — The  barbarous  murder  of  these  three — Mel- 
ancholy death  of  Logan — Pontiac — A  renovmed  ivarrior — Col.  Rogers's 
account  of  him — His  policy — Fall  of  Michilimakinak — Menehwehna — 
Siege  of  Detroit — Pontiac' s  stratagem  to  surprise  it — Is  discovered — Offi- 
cial account  of  the  affair  of  Bloody  Brilge — Pontiac  abandons  the  siege 
— Becomes  the.  friend  of  the  English — Is  assassinated. 

The  expedition  of  Washington  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  in  1753, 
brings  to  our  records  infonnation  of  several  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  of 
tlie  most  interesting  kind.  He  was  commissioned  and  sent  as  an  ambas- 
siulor  to  the  French,  by  Governor  Dintviddie  of  Virginia.  He  kept  an 
accurate  journal  of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Virginia,  was  pub- 
lished, and,  not  long  after,  the  same  was  republished  in  London,  with  a 
map;  the  substance  of  this  journal  was  copied  into  almost  eveiy  periodi- 
cal of  importance  of  that  day. 

Shingis  was  the  first  chief  he  visited,  who  lived  in  the  forks  of  the 
Alleghany  and  Monongahela  rivers,  where  Pittsburgh  now  stands.  Ho 
intended  holding  a  council  with  the  celebrated  Half-king,*  already  men- 
tioned, at  Loggstown,  and  such  others  as  could  be  assembled  at  short 
notice,  to  strengthen  them  in  the  English  interest.  He  therefore  invited 
Shingis  to  attend  the  council,  and  he  accordingly  accompanied  him  to 
Loggstown.     "  As  soon  us  I  cainc  into  town,"  says  Washington,  "  I  went 


*  He  is  called  a  Huron  by  T,oskiel,  Hist.  Missions,  iii.  123.     Ho  was  called  by  tho 
Dclawarcs  Pomoacait,  which  lii  English  means  Siceet-liouse.    Heckeweider,  Nar.  236. 


Chap.  III.] 


HALF-KING. 


21 


Ion.  "  I  went 


to  MonakcUoocha,  (as  the  Half-king  was  out  at  his  hunuug  cahin,  on  Little 
Beaver  Creek,  about  15  miles  off,)  and  inforn.ed  him  hy  John  DavidsoUf 
my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  a  nie.ssenger  to  the  French  general, 
and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  to  acquaint 
them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum  «ind  a  twist  of  tobacco, 
and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  half-king,  which  he  promised  to  do  by  a 
runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachems.  I  invited  him  and  the 
other  great  men  present  to  my  tent,  where  tney  stayed  about  an  iiour,  and 
returned."  This  place  was  about  140  miles,  "  as  we  went,  and  computed 
it,"  says  the  great  writer,  "  from  our  back  settlements,  where  we  arrived 
between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  I  left  Williams- 
burgh. 

Half-king,  it  seems,  had,  not  long  before,  vi.sited  the  same  place  to  which 
Washington  was  now  destined  ;  for  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  town, 
Washington  invited  him  privately  to  his  tent,  "and  desired  him  to  relate 
some  of  the  particulars  of  his,  journey  to  the  French  commandant,"  the 
best  way  for  him  to  go,  and  the  distance  from  thai  place.  "  He  told  me," 
says  Washington,  "  that  the  nearest  and  levelest  way  was  now  impassable, 
by  reason  of  many  large  miry  savannas  ;  that  wc  must  be  obliged  to  go  by 
Venango,  and  should  not  get  to  the  near  foil  in  less  than  five  or  six  nights' 
sleep,  good  travelling."  Half-king  further  informed  him  that  he  met  with 
a  cold  reception ;  that  the  French  officer  sternly  ordered  him  to  declare 
his  business,  which  he  did,  he  said,  in  the  following  speech  : — 

"  Fathers,  I  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  speeches ;  what  your  own 
mouths  have  declared.  You,  in  former  days,  set  a  silver  basin  before  us, 
wherein  there  was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come 
and  eat  of  it ;  to  eat  in  peace  and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one 
another  :  and  that  if  any  such  person  should  be  found  to  be  a  disturber, 
I  here  lay  down  by  the  edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which  you  must  scourge 
them  with  ;  and  if  your  father  should  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I  desire 
you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well  as  others. — Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who 
are  the  disturbers  in  this  land,  by  coming  and  building  your  towns  ;  and 
taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by  force. — We  kindled  a  fire,  a  long 
time  ago,  at  a  place  called  Montreal,  where  we  desired  you  to  stay,  and 
not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now  desire  you  may  despatch 
to  that  place ;  for,  be  it  known  to  you,  fathers,  that  this  is  our  land,  and 
not  yours. — I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness  ;  if  not,  we  must  hin- 
dle  that  rod  which  was  laid  down  for  the  use  of  the  obstreperous.  If  you 
had  come  in  a  peacea!)le  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English,  we  would 
not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us,  as  they  do ;  but  to  come, 
fathers,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is  what 
we  cannot  submit  to." 

Half-king  then  repeated  what  was  said  to  him  in  reply  by  the  French, 
which,  when  he  had  done,  Washington  made  a  speech  to  him  and  his 
council.  He  acquainted  them  with  the  reason  of  his  visit,  and  told  them 
he  was  instructed  to  call  upon  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise 
with  them,  to  assure  them  of  the  love  of  the  English,  and  to  ask  the  assist- 
ance of  some  of  their  young  men,  to  conduct  him  through  the  wilderness, 
to  the  French,  to  whom  he  had  a  letter  from  his  governor.  Half-king 
made  this  reply  : — 

"  In  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me,  I  return 
you  this  answer."  "  I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brother  ought  to  do,  as  you  say 
we  are  brothers,  and  one  people."  "  Brotheh,  as  you  have  asked  my 
advice,  I  hope  you  will  be  ruled  hy  it, and  stay  until  I  can  provide  a  com- 
pany to  go  with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here ;  I  have  it  to 
go  for,  to  iny  hunting  cabin.    Likewise  the  people,  whom  I  liave  ordered 


>»       i  . 


32 


HALF-KING. 


night 


[Book  V. 
from  this;  until 


in,  are  not  yet  come,  and  cannot  until  the  third 
which  time,  brother,  I  must  beg  you  to  stay." 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  business  would  not  admit  of  so 
much  delay,  the  chief  seemed  displeased,  and  said  it  was  "a  matter  of  no 
small  moment,  and  must  not  be  entered  without  due  consideration.^'  Perhaj)s 
it  will  not  be  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian,  chief  credit  for  some  of  that 
character  which  was  so  well  exemplified  by  JVashingtoii  in  all  his  after 
life,  i*-  1  "as  I  found  it  impossible,"  says  the  narrator,  "  to  get  off,  with- 
out aftronting  them  in  the  most  egregious  manner,  I  consented  to  stay." 
Accordingly,  Half-king  gave  orders  to  Kmg  Shingis,  who  was  present,  to 
attend  on  Wednesday  night  with  the  wampum,  and  two  men  of  their 
nation,  to  be  in  readiness  to  set  out  with  us  next  morninp  There  wiis 
still  a  delay  of  another  day,  as  the  chiefs  could  not  get  in  their  wampum 
and  young  men  which  were  to  be  sent ;  and,  after  all,  but  three  chiefs 
and  one  hunter  accompanied.  "  We  set  out,"  says  Washington,  "  about 
9  o'clock,  with  the  Half-king,  Juskakaka,*  fVliite-thunder,  and  the  hunter; 
and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the  4th  of 
Deceml)er."  This  place  is  situated  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek  with 
the  Ohio.  Here  the  French  had  a  garrison,  and  another  a  short  distance 
above  it,  whicL  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer's  peregrinations  north. 
The  commanders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Half-king  to  desert 
the  English,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Washington  succeeded 
h\  preventing  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  out  the  major,  by 
making  the  chiefs  delaj'  their  departure  from  day  to  dtiy,  by  means  of 
liquor,  so  that  they  should  be  left  behind.  At  length,  having  out-gen- 
eraled  his  complotters,  and  "  got  things  ready  to  set  off,  I  sent  for  the 
Half-king,'"  continues  the  narrator,  "  to  know  whether  he  intended  to  go 
with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that  White-thunder  had  hurt  himself 
much,  and  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk ;  therefore  he  was  obliged  to 
carry  him  down  in  a  canoe ;''  so,  notwithstanding  the  delays,  Washington 
was  obliged  to  go  without  him ;  but  he  cautioned  him  strongly  against 
believing  Monsieur  Joncaire's  pretensions  of  friendship,  and  represen- 
tations against  the  English.  Here  ends  Washington's  account  of  Half- 
king. 

He  now  set  out  for  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  He  had,  he  says, 
the  "  most  fatiguing  journey  possible  to  conceive  of.  From  the  1st  to  the 
15th  December,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow 
incessantly  ;  and  through  the  whole  journey,  we  mec  with  nothing  but  one 
continued  series  of  cold,  wet  weather." 

This  expedition  of  Washington  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially 
from  his  superior  eminence  afterwards.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the 
*'  savior  of  his  country"  in  every  adventure  and  circumstance  of  his  life  ; 
and  even  gratifying  to  view  him  with  a  gun  in  one  hand,  a  staff  in  the 
other,  and  a  pack  upon  his  back ;  wading  through  rivers,  encountering 
storms  of  sleet  and  snow,  and  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  early,  for 
his  country's  good.  He  had  some  very  narrow  escapes,  and,  during  part 
of  the  way  on  his  roturn,  he  had  but  one  attendant.  One  day,  as  they 
were  passing  a  place  called  Murdering  Toum,  they  were  fired  upon  by 
one  of  a  war-party  of  French  Indians,  who  had  waited  in  ambush  for 
tliem ;  and  although  they  were  within  fifteen  paces  of  him,  yet  they 
Ciicaped  unhurt.    They  captured  the  fellow  that  fired  upon  them,  and 


*  We  hear  again  of  this  cliief  in  1794,  wiien,  with  58  others,  he  signed  a  treaty  with 
the  U.  States  at  Fort  Stanwix.  His  name  is  thr-re  written  Jishkaaga,  which  signified  a 
green  grasshopper.    He  was  sometimes  called  Little-Billy. 


[Book  V 

this;  until 

Iniit  of  so 
alter  of  no 
Perhai)s 
me  of  tliat 
ill  his  after 
t  oft",  with- 
d  to  stay." 
present,  to 
in  of  their 
There  was 
•  wanipuin 
iree  chiefa 
m,  "  about 
■he  hunter; 
the  4th  of 
Creek  with 
rt  distance 
ions  north, 
ng"  to  desert 
;  succeeded 
major,  l)y 
y  means  of 
g  out-geu- 
?nt  for  the 
^nded  to  go 
Lirt  himself 

[obliged  to 
Vashington 
gly  against 
represen- 
nt  of  Half- 
id,  he  says, 
1st  to  the 
in  or  snow 
ng  but  one 

especially 
niplate  the 
of  his  life; 
ptafF  in  the 
countering 
s  early,  for 

uring  part 
ly,  as  they 
upon  by 
nbush  for 

,  yet  they 
them,  and 


a  treaty  with 
:h  signified  a 


Chap.  III.] 


HENDRICK. 


23 


kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  dismissed  him,  and  travelled  all  night, 
"without  making  any  stop,"  fearing  they  should  be  pursued  the  next 
morning  by  his  party.  Continuing  their  course  all  the  next  day,  they 
came  to  the  river  where  they  intended  to  cross.  Here  the  firmness  of 
Wushingtoii  and  his  companion  was  thoroughly  tried.  The  river  was 
very  high,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  was  no  way  to  pass  it  but 
by  a  raft.  They  had  "  but  one  poor  hatchet,"  with  the  assistance  of 
which,  after  laboring  from  morning  till  sunset,  they  had  a  raft  ready  to 
launch  ;  on  this  they  set  out,  but  it  was  soon  crushed  between  the  floating 
ice,  and  they  veiy  narrowly  esca|)ed  perishing.  Washington  was  himself 
precipitated  into  the  river,  where  the  water  was  ten  feet  deep.  Fortu- 
nately, however,  he  catched  by  a  fragment  of  the  raft,  and  saved  himsc^lf. 
They  finally  extricated  themselves  from  their  perilous  situation,  by  getting 
upon  the  ice  which  confined  their  frail  bark,  and  from  thence  to  an  island, 
and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore.  The  cold  was  so  intense,  tliat  Mr.  Gist 
froze  his  hands  and  feet.  This  place  was  about  three  miles  below  the 
mouth  of  the  y^hcgany,  where  an  Indian  queen,  as  Washington  calls  her, 
lived.  He  wei;-!.  to  see  her,  he  observes,  she  having  "expressed  great 
concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a  present  of 
a  watch  coat,  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was  thought  much  the  best 
present  of  the  two."  Her  name  was  Alliquippa.  From  this  place,  he 
pureued  his  journey  home  without  further  accident. 

We  have  mentioned  the  friendly  attention  of  Shingis  to  our  adventurer, 
who  had  probably  expected  he  would  have  attended  him  on  his  journey ; 
hut  Shingis  went  to  collet  ?  in  his  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  Indians 
said  it  was  owing  to  the  sickness  of  his  wife,  but  Washington  thought  it 
was  fear  of  the  French  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjecture  does 
not  seem  well  founded,  for  he  ordered  Kustaloga,  who  lived  at  Venango,  • 
to  proceed  to  the  French  and  return  the  wampum,  which  was  as  nmch 
as  to  tell  them  they  wished  no  further  fellowship  with  them. 

The  massacres  which  followed  Braddock's  defeat  were  horrible  beyond 
description.  Shingis  and  Capt.  Jacobs  were  supposed  to  have  been  the 
principal  instigator  of  them,  and  700  dollars  was  oflTered  for  their  heads.* 
It  was  at  this  period,  that  the  dead  bodies  of  some  that  had  been  mur- 
dered and  mangled  were  se  it  from  the  frontiers  to  Philadelphia,  and 
hauled  about  the  streets,  to  inflame  the  people  against  the  Indians,  and 
also  against  the  Quakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attributed  a 
laxity  in  sending  out  troops.  '.?he  mob  surrounded  the  house  of  assem- 
bly, having  j)laced  the  dead  bodies  at  its  entrance,  and  demanded  imme- 
diate succor.     At  this  time  the  above  reward  was  offered. 

Some  of  the  most  noted  chiefs  now  fall  under  our  observation. 

Hendrick  was  a  gallant  Mohawk  chief,  who  took  part,  with  many  of 
his  men,  against  the  Frcr.oh,  in  the  year  1755.  The  French  were  encour- 
aged by  the  defeat  of  Gen.  Braddock,  and  were  in  high  expectation  of  car- 
rying all  before  them.  Ilcndrick  joined  the  English  army  at  the  request 
of  Gen.  Johnson,  and  met  the  French,  consisting  of  200  men,  under  Gen. 
Dieskau,  at  Lake  George.  While  the  English  and  Indians  were  encamped 
in  a  slight  work,  their  scouts  brought  news  of  the  approach  of  the  French, 
with  a  great  body  of  Indians  upon  their  flanks.  Gen.  Johnson  despatched 
Col.  Williams  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and  Hendrick  with  200  of 
his  warriors,  to  give  them  battle ;  but  falling  in  with  them  about  four  miles 
from  camp,  unexpectedly,  Col.  Williams  and  Hendrick  were  killed,  with 
many  other  officers  and  privates  of  the  detachment.  The  rest  fled  to  the 
main  body  with  great  precipitation,  infusing  consternation  into  the  whole 


Watson^ s  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  4oO. 


to 


S4 


HENDRICK. 


[Book  V. 


army.*  The  French  followed  closely,  and  potired  in  a  tremendous  fire, 
which  did  very  little  execution,  from  the  j)recaution  of  the  English  in 
falling  flat  upon  their  faces.  They  soon  recovered  from  their  surprise, 
and  tought  with  bravery,  having  advantage  not  only  in  numbers,  but 
artillery,  of  which  the  French  had  none.f  At  length  the  brave  i)ie«A;au 
was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  and  his  Indians,  being  temfied  at  the  havoc 
made  by  the  cannon  of  the  English,  fled  to  the  woods,  and  the  regulars 
were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  general,  which  they  did  in  great  disorder. 
Gen.  Dieskau  was  found  in  the  pursuit,  supporting  himself  by  the  stump 
of  a  tree.  Supposing  jjlunder  to  be  the  first  object  of  his  captors,  as  he 
was  attempting  to  draw  his  watch  to  present  to  them,  some  one,  supposing 
him  to  be  searching  for  his  pistol,  discharged  his  gun  into  his  hips.  Not- 
withstanding he  was  thus  twice  wounded,  he  lived  to  reach  England,  but 
he  died  soon  after.    The  French  lost  800  men  in  the  attack. 

When  Gen.  Johnson  was  about  to  detacn  Col.  Williavis,  he  asked  Hen- 
drick's  opinion,  whether  the  force  was  suflicient.  To  which  he  replied, 
"  If  they  are  to  Jight,  they  are  too  few.  If  they  are  to  be  killed,  they  are  too 
many."  And  when  it  was  proposed  to  divide  the  detachment  into  three 
parts,  Hendrick  oDJected,  and  forcibly  to  express  the  impracticability  of 
the  plan,  picked  up  three  sticks,  and,  putting  them  together,  said  to  the 
general,  "  You  see  now  that  these  cannot  be  easily  broken  ;  but  take  them  one 
by  one,  and  you  may  break  them  at  once."  But  from  this  valuable  counsel 
very  little  advantage  seems  to  have  been  derived. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  38  of  Hendrick's  men  were  killed,  and 
12  wounded.J  Few  historians  mention  the  loss  of  the  Indians ;  probably 
considering  them  as  unworthy  of  record  !  Such  historians  may  be  forgot- 
ten.    At  least,  they  cannot  expect  to  pass  imder  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  against  the  French,  "by  the 
death  of  the  famous  Hendrick,"  says  the  same  writer,  "a  renowned  Indian 
waiTior  among  the  Mohawks,  and  one  of  their  sachems,  or  kings,  who  was 
slain  in  the  battle,  and  whose  son,  upon  being  told  that  his  father  was 
killed,  giving  the  usual  Indian  groan  upon  such  occasions,  and  suddenly 
putting  his  hand  on  his  left  breast,  swore  his  father  was  still  alive  in  that 
place,  and  stood  there  in  his  son :  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty, 
Gen.  Johnson  prevented  the  fury  of  their  resentment  takuig  place  on  the 
body  of  the  French  general."§ 

As  soon  as  the  battle  was  over,  the  Indians  dispersed  themselves  in 
various  directions,  with  the  troj)hies  of  victory.  Some  to  their  homes,  to 
condole  with  the  friends  of  the  slain,  and  some  to  the  English,  to  carry 
liie  welcome  news  of  victory.  The  different  runners  brouglit  into  Albany 
above  80  scalps,  within  a  very  short  time  after  the  fight.||  And  thus  we 
are  furnished  with  an  early  record  of  the  wretched  custom  which  appears 
to  have  been  fostered,  and  actually  encouraged  by  all  who  have  employed 
the  Indians  as  auxiliaries  in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  them,  was  to  employ 
their  practices — they  were  inseparable.  To  talk,  as  some  have  done,  of 
employing  them,  and  preventing  their  barbarous  customs  with  the  luifor- 
tunate  captives,  all  experience  shows,  is  but  to  talk  one  thing  and  mean 
another. 

Soon  after  Sir  fVilliarn  Johnson  entered  upon  his  duties  as  superintend- 
ent of  Indian  affairs  in  North  America,  he  received  from  England  some 
richly  embroidered  suits  of  clotlies.  Hendrick  was  present  when  they 
were  received,  and  could  not  hel])  expressing  a  great  desire  for  a  share  in 
them.  He  went  away  very  thoufrhtful,  but  returned  not  long  after,  and 
called  upon  Sir  William,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a  dream.    Sir 


*  The  English  lost  about  200  in  this  ambush.     Guthrie's  Universal  History,  y.  94. 
t  Ibid.  I  Gent.  Magazine  for  1756.  §  Ibid.  i|  Ibid. 


[Book  V. 

3ndous  fire, 
English  in 
iir  surprise, 
imbers,  but 
ive  Dieskau 
;  the  havoc 
he  regulars 
eat  disorder, 
y  tlie  stump 
ptors,  as  he 
e,  supposing 
liips.  Not- 
i^ngland,  but 

asked  Hen- 
he  replied, 
',  they  are  too 
It  into  three 
cticability  of 
,  said  to  the 
lake  them  one 
I  able  counsel 

e  killed,  and 
IS ;  probably 
lay  heforgot- 
another  age. 
ch,  "by  the 
kvned  Indian 
igs,  who  was 
father  was 
id  suddenly 
alive  in  that 
difficulty, 
place  on  the 


Chap.  III.] 


I/)f;AN. 


25 


emselves  in 
ir  homes,  to 
ish,  to  carry 

into  Albany 
tid  thus  we 

ich  appears 

e  employed 
IS  to  employ 

ve  done,  of 
the  unfor- 
and  mean 

uperintend- 
^laiid  some 
when  they 
r  a  share  in 
after,  and 
■ream.    Sir 


m-'. 


y.  9i. 
II  Ibid. 


WUliam  very  concernedly  desired  to  know  what  it  was.  Hemlrick  very 
readily  told  liini  he  had  dreatried  that  Sir  ff'illimn  JohTison  had  presented 
him  with  one  of  his  new  suits  of  uniforiM.  Sir  IV'dliam  could  not  refuse  it, 
and  one  of  the  elegant  suits  v/as  forth  with  presented  to  Hendrick,  who 
went  away  to  show  his  present  to  his  countrymen,  and  left  Sir  William  to 
tell  the  joke  to  his  friends.  Some  time  after,  the  general  met  Hendrick, 
and  told  him  he  had  drcuititd  a  dream.  Wlietlicr  the  sachem  mistrusteil 
that  he  was  now  to  be  taken  in  his  own  net,  or  not,  is  not  certain :  hut 
he  seriously  desired  to  know  what  it  was,  iis  Sir  ^Villinm  had  done  before. 
The  general  said  he  dreamed  that  Hendrick  had  i)resente(l  him  witli  a 
certain  tract  of  land,  which  he  described,  (consisting  of  alunit  500  anrs 
of  the  most  valuable  land  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  River.]  H.ndridc 
answered,  "/<  is  yours  f  but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  "Sir  Willir  ,i  John- 
son, I  will  never  dream  with  you  again." 

John  Konkapot,  a  Stockbridge  Indian,  was  gi-andson  to  Hctidn'nk,  and 
he  informs  us  that  his  grandfather  was  son  of  the  Jt^'olf,  a  Moliegnn  chief, 
and  that  his  mother  was  a  Mohawk.*  Rev.  Gideon  Haivley,  in  a  letter  to 
Gov.  Hutchinson  (1770)  about  the  Marshpcc  Indians,  has  this  jwissage: 
"  Among  JoAn^on'*  Mohawks,  ./?6m/ia»i  and  Hendiick  were  the  oldest  of 
their  tribe,  when  they  died,  and  neither  of  them  was  70,  at  their  deaths. 
I  saw  a  sister  of  theirs  in  17G5,  who  appeared  to  be  several  years  above 
70.  At  Stockbridge,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  for  many  years  the  oldest 
man  in  his  tribe."t  We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  noted  chiels 
in  Indian  story. 

Logan  was  called  a  Mingo|  chief,  whose  father,  Shikellimus,  was  chief 
of  the  tribe  of  the  Cayugas,  whom  he  succeeded.  Shikellimus  was 
attached  in  a  remarkable  degree  to  the  benevolent  James  Logan,  from 
which  circumstance,  it  is  probable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  name  is 
still  perpetr;ated  among  the  Indians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and 
greatness  of  soul  in  peace,  few,  if  any,  in  any  nation,  ever  surpassed 
Logan.  He  took  no  part  in  the  French  wars  which  ended  in  17G0, 
except  that  of  a  peacemaker ;  was  always  acknowledged  the  friend  of 
the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  his  brother  and  several  others 
of  his  family  were  murdered,  the  particulars  of  which  follow.  In  the 
spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  people  upon  the  Ohio  River,  who 
were  in  that  country  exploring  the  lands,  and  preparing  for  settlements. 
These  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the  Iiiilians, 
as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  a  place  called  Wheeling 
Creek,  the  site  on  which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that  there 
were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  Captain  Michael  Cresnp, 
belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  proposed  to  fall  upon  and  kill  them. 
His  advice,  although  opposed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a  ])arty  led  by 
Cresap  proceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same  day,  it  being 
reported  that  some  Indians  were  discovered  below  Wheeling  upon  the 
river,  Cresap  and  his  party  immediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first 
appeared  to  show  themselves  friendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  to  pass  by 
them  unmolested,  to  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave 
Creek.  Cresap  soon  followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having 
one  of  his  own  men  wounded  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of 
the  family  of  Logan  were  slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  afl^air  was 
exeeeding  aggravating,  inasmuch  as  the  whites  pretended  no  provocation. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human  shape,  at  whose  head 
were  Daniel  Greathonse  and  one  Tovilinson,  committed  a  horrid  murder 
upon  a  company  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling.     Great- 

*  Col.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.  t  Ibid.  3.  i.  131. 

i  M^ngwe,  Maquas,  Maqua,  or  Iroquos,  all  mean  the  same. 


\'i'- 


26 


LOGAN. 


[Book  V. 


house  resided  at  the  same  place,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from 
the  Indian  encampment.  A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for 
this  object,  who  secreted  themselves,  while  Greatkouse,  under  a  pretence 
of  friendship,  crossed  the  river  and  visited  them,  to  ascertain  their 
strength  ;  Avhich,  on  counting  them,  he  found  too  numerous  for  his  force 
in  an  open  attack.  These  Indians,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of 
their  relations,  had  determined  to  be  avenged  of  the  whites,  and  Great- 
house  did  not  know  the  danger  he  was  in,  until  a  squaw  advised  him  of 
it,  in  a  friendly  caution,  "to  go  home."  The  sad  requital  this  poor 
woman  met  with  will  presently  appear.  This  abominable  fellow  invited 
the  Indians  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him ;  this  being 
a  part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they  might  be  the  easier  destroyed. 
The  opportunity  soon  offered ;  a  number  being  collected  at  a  tavern  in 
the  white  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were  fallen  upon,  and 
all  murdered,  except  a  little  girl.  Among  the  murdered  was  a  brother  of 
Logan,  and  his  sister,  whose  delicate  situation  greatly  aggravated  the 
horrid  crime. 

The  remaining  Indians,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  set  off"  two  canoes  with  armed  wan-iors,  who,  as  they  approached 
tlie  shore,  were  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  lay  concealed,  awaiting 
their  approach.  Nothing  prevented  their  taking  deadly  aim,  and  many 
were  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This 
affair  took  place  May  24th,  1774.*  These  were  the  events  that  led  to  a 
horrid  Indian  war,  in  which  many  innocent  families  were  sacrificed  to 
satisfy  the  vengeance  of  an  incensed  and  injured  people. 

A  calm  followed  these  troubles,  but  it  was  only  such  as  goes  before  the 
storm,  and  lasted  only  while  the  tocsin  of  war  could  be  sounded  among 
the  distant  Indians.  On  the  12  July,  1774,  Logan,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
party  of  only  eight  warriore,  struck  a  blow  on  some  inhabitants  upon  the 
Muskingum,  where  no  one  expected  it.  He  had  left  the  settlements  on 
the  Ohio  undisturbed,  which  eveiy  one  supposed  would  be  the  first 
attacked,  in  case  of  war,  and  hence  the  reason  of  his  great  successes. 
His  first  attack  was  upon  three  men  who  were  pulling  flax  in  a  field. 
One  was  shot  down,  and  the  two  others  taken.  These  were  marched 
into  the  wilderness,  and,  as  they  approached  the  Indian  town,  Logan  gave 
the  scalp  halloo,  and  they  were  met  by  the  inhabitants,  who  conducted 
them  in.  Running  the  gauntlet  was  next  to  be  performed.  Logan  took 
no  delight  in  tortures,  and  he  in  the  most  friendly  manner  instructed  one 
of  the  captives  how  to  proceed  to  escape  the  severities  of  the  gauntlet. 
This  same  captive,  whose  name  was  Robinson,  was  aft^erwards  sentenced 
to  be  burned  ;  but  Logan,  though  not  able  to  rescue  him  by  his  eloquence, 
with  his  own  hand  cut  the  cords  that  bound  him  to  the  stake,  and  caused 
him  to  be  adopted  into  an  Indian  family.  He  became  afterwards  Logan^s 
scribe,  and  wrote  the  letter  that  was  tied  to  a  war  club,  the  particulars  of 
which  we  shall  relate  farther  onward. 

■The  warriors  now  prepared  themselves  for  open  conflict,  and,  with 
Comstock  at  their  head,  were  determined  to  meet  the  Big-knives,  as  the 
Virginians  were  called,  from  their  long  swords,  in  their  own  way. 

It  is  necessary  to  notice  a  chief  rather  suddenly  introduced  here,  as,  in 
fact,  he  was  the  leader,  or  commander-in-chief,  of  the  Indians  in  this  war. 
The  name  of  Comstock  we  have  already  mentioned.  He  was  chief  of 
the  Shawanese,  and  in  the  time  of  the  revolutionary  war,  was  a  great 
friend  of  the  Moravian  missionaries.    We  shall  again  notice  him. 

The  Virginia  legislature  ^vas  in  session  when  the  news  of  Indian  depre- 
dations was  received  at  the  seat  of  government.    Gov.  Dunmore  immedi- 


Facts  published  in  Jefferson's  Noies. 


'       [Book  V. 

10  river  from 
collected  for 
;r  a  pretence 
;ertain  their 
for  his  force 
e  murder  of 
i,  and  Great- 
naed  him  of 
tal  this  poor 
bHow  invited 
i;  this  being 
er  destroyed. 
,  a  tavern  in 
m  upon,  and 
I  a  brother  of 
gravated  the 

1  hearing  the 
f  approached 
Jed,  awaiting 
n,  and  many 
•eturn.  This 
that  led  to  a 
sacrificed  to 

)es  before  the 

inded  among 

^ad  of  a  small 

ants  upon  the 

3ttlement8  on 

be  the  first 

at  successes. 

IX  in  a  field. 

ere  marched 

Logan  gave 

conducted 

Logan  took 

structed  one 

the  gauntlet. 

ds  sentenced 

lis  eloquence, 

,  and  caused 

ards  Logan^s 

larticulars  of 

ct,  and,  with 
nives,  as  the 
way. 

here,  as,  in 
IS  in  this  war. 
was  chief  of 
was  a  great 
him. 

ndian  depre- 
wre  immedi- 


Chap.  Ill] 


LOGAN. 


27 


ately  ordered  out  the  rfiilitia,  to  the  number  of  3000  men,  half  of  whom, 
under  Col.  Andrew  Lewis,  were  ordered  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Kanhawa,  while  the  governor  himself,  with  the  other  half,  marched  to  a 
point  on  the  Ohio,  to  fall  upon  the  Indian  towns  in  the  absence  of  the 
warriors,  drawn  off  by  the  approach  of  the  army  under  Col.  Lewis. 

The  Indians  met  the  division  under  Letvis  at  a  place  called  Point 
Pleasant,  on  the  Great  Kanhawa,  where  a  very  bloody  battle  ensued.  A 
detachment  of  300  men  first  fell  in  with  them,  and  were  defeated,  with 
great  slaughter ;  but  the  other  divisions  coming  up,  the  fight  was  main- 
tained during  the  whole  day.  Never  was  ground  maintained  with  more 
obstinacy.  Every  step  was  disputed,  until  the  darkness  of  the  night 
closed  the  scene.  The  Indians  slowly  retreated,  and  while  the  Ameri- 
cans were  preparing  to  pursue  and  take  revenge  for  their  severe  loss,  an 
express  arrived  from  Gov.  Dunmore,  that  he  had  concluded  a  treaty  with 
the  Indian  chiefs.  In  this  battle,  above  140  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded,  nearly  half  of  which  were  of  the  former,  among  whom  was 
Col.  Charles  Lewis,  brother  o{  Andrew,  and  Col.  I^eld.  These  officers  led 
the  first  division.  Of  the  number  of  the  Indians  destroyed,  we  are  igno- 
rant ;  though  very  probably  they  were  many,  as  their  numbers  engaged 
were  said  to  have  been  about  1500.* 

After  the  Indians  had  been  beaten,  as  we  have  stated,  the  Americans 
encamped  on  a  plain  eight  miles  from  Chillicothe,  a  place  appointed  for 
meeting  the  chiefs  to  treat  of  peace.  Three  days  after,  Comstock\  came 
to  the  encampment  with  eight  other  chiefs,  where  a  short  debate  was 
held  between  him  and  Lord  Dunmore,  in  which  each  charged  the  other 
with  the  breach  of  treaties  and  injuries  committed  by  their  respective 
countrymen  ;  but  finally  a  peace  was  settled.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the 
far-famed  speech  of  Logan  was  delivered  ;  not  in  the  camp  of  Lord  Dun- 
more, for,  although  desiring  peace,  Logan  would  not  meet  the  Americans 
in  council,  but  remaine  [  in  his  cabin  m  suiicn  silence,  until  a  messenger 
was  sent  to  him,  to  know  whether  he  would  accede  to  the  proposals. 
On  which  occasion,  after  shedding  many  tears  for  the  loss  of  his  friends, 
he  said  to  the  messenger,  who  well  understood  his  language,  in  sub- 
stance as  follows : — 

"  /  appeal  to  any  white  to  say,  if  ever  he  entered  Logan's  cabin  himgry, 
and  he  gave  him  not  meat ;  if  ever  he  cam^  cold  and  naked,  and  he  clothed  him 
not. 

"  During  the  course  of  the  last  long  bloody  war,  Logan  remained  idle  in 
his  cabin,  an  advocate  for  peace.  Such  loas  my  love  for  the  lohites,  that  my 
countrymen  pointed  as  they  passed,  and  said, '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  white  9/ien.' 

"  /  had  even  thought  to  have  lived  loith  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man. 
Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  the 
relations  of  Logan ;  not  even  sparing  my  tvomen  and  children. 

"  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature. 
This  called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I 
have  fully  glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of 
peace.  But  do  not  harbor  a  thought  that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan 
never  felt  fear.  He  ufUl  not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is  there 
to  mourn  for  Logan  ? — J\ot  one .'" 

When  Mr.  Jefferson  published  his  "Notes  on  Virginia,"  the  facts 
therein  stated  implicating  Cresap  as  the  murderer  of  Logan's  family,  were 


*  Campbell's  Virginia. 

t  Some  write  Cornstalk,  but  wlien  a  word  is  used  for  a  proper  name,  there  is  no  harm 
in  adopting  a  different  spelling,  and  we  follow  our  oldest  printed  authority. 


o 


98 


CORNSTOCK. 


[Book  V, 


by  Crfsitp^s  fri(>nJH  called  in  (]ue8tioii.  IMr.  Jet;i-  on  at  first  merely  stated 
tiio  fuctd  at)  preliinliiury  to,  uiid  tiic  cuiiso  o(',  '-iSpeecli  of  Lo^aw," 
which  ho  coii8id(;n;d  as  fffiierally  known  in  V'  ■  liu;  but  the  acrimony 
discovered  by  his  enemies  in  their  eiidcjavors  to  gainsay  liia  statement,  led 
to  an  investigation  of  the  whole  transaction,  and  u  publication  of  the 
residt  was  the  immediate  conseciuence,  in  u  new  edition  of  the  "  Notes  ou 
Virginia." 

Among  other  proofs,  that  the  chief  guilt  lay  upon  the  head  of  Cresap 
of  bringin}'  about  a  bloody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name.  Judge 
Jnnes  of  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  wrottf  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  2  March,  I7!t!>, 
that  he  was,  ho  thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particulars  of  that  alfair 
than,  perhaps,  any  other  person  ;  that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house;  of 
Col.  Prciton,  in  Fincastle  county,  Va.,  thtire  arrived  an  express,  calling 
upon  liim  to  order  out  the  militia,  "  for  the  protection  of  the  iidiabilants 
residing  low  down  on  the  north  ihrk  of  Holston  River.  The  express 
brought  with  him  u  war  club,  and  a  note  tied  to  it,  which  was  lell  at  the 
liouse  of  one  Robertson,  whose  family  were  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  and 
gave  rise  for  the  application  to  Col.  PrcslonJ'*  Here  follows  the  letter  or 
note,  of  which  Mr.  Innes  then  made  u  copy,  in  his  memorandum  book  : — 

"  Captain  Cresap,  Jf'hat  did  you  kill  my  people  on  Yellow  Creek  for  ? 
T/ie  white  people  killed  my  kin  at  Concstofia,*  a  f!;rcat  while  a^o ;  and  J 
thoiifrht  nothing  of  that.  But  you  killed  my  kin  again,  on  Yellow  Creek,  and 
took  my  cousin  prisoner.  Then  I  thought  I  must  kill  too  ;  and  I  have  been 
three  times  to  war  since :  but  the  Indians  are  not  angry ;  only  myself," 

It  was  signed,  "  Captain  John  Logan." 

Not  long  after  these  times  of  calamities,  which  we  have  recorded  in 
the  life  o{  Logan,  he  was  cruelly  murdered,  as  he  was  on  his  way  home 
from  Detroit.  For  a  time  previous  to  bis  death,  he  gave  himself  up  to  intox- 
ication, which  inii  short  time  nearly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man ! 

The  fate  of  Cornstock  is  ecpially  deplorable,  although  in  the  contenjjjla- 
tion  of  which,  his  character  does  not  sutler,  as  does  that  of  Z<oi>"an.  Ho 
was  cruelly  murdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  u  hostage  among 
them.  And  there  is  as  much,  nay,  far  more,  to  carry  down  his  nMueni- 
brance  to  posterity,  as  that  of  the  tragical  death  of  Archimedes.  He  was 
not  murdered  while  actually  drawing  geometrical  figures  upon  the 
ground,  but,  while  he  was  ex|)Iaining  the  geography  of  his  country  by 
drawings  upon  the  floor,  an  alarm  was  given,  which,  in  a  few  minutes 
after,  eventuated  in  his  death.  We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of 
the  cause  and  manner  of  the  murder  of  Cornstock.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  war  of  the  revolution  liad  involved  a!',  or  nearly  all,  of  the  Indians  in 
dreadful  calamities.  In  consequence  of  murders  committed  by  the 
Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  several  companies  marched  to  Point 
Pleasant,  where  there  had  been  a  fort  since  the  battle  there  in  1774. 
Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  north-west,  except  the  Shawanese,  were  deter- 
mined to  fight  against  the  Americans.  Cornstock  wished  to  preserve  peace, 
and  therefore,  as  the  only  means  in  his  power,  as  he  had  used  his  powerful 
eloquence  in  vain,  resolved  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs  before  the  Ameri- 
cans, that  they  might  avert  the  threatened  storm,  In  the  spring  of  1777, 
he  came  to  the  fort  at  Point  Pleasant,  upon  this  friendly  mission,  in  com- 
pany with  another  chief,  called  Redhawk.  After  explaining  tlie  situation 
of  things  with  regard  to  the  confederate  tribes,  he  said,  in  regard  to  his 
owa,  the  Shawanese,  "  The  current  sets  [with  the  Indians]  so  strong 
agaiiwt  the  Americans,  in  consequence  of  the  age-  cy  of  the  British,  that  they 


Alluding',  I  suppose,  to  the  massacre  of  the  Conestoga  Indians  in  1763. 


Chap.  III.] 


CORNSTOCK. 


29 


[the  Shnwnneae]  ttnil  float  tvilh  U,  I  fear,  in  spite  of  all  my  txertiona,''^  Upon 
this  ititolli^encc,  the  coiiiiiuinder  of  the;  garrJHon  thought  |)ro|)(!r  to  detuiu 
him  and  Jiedhawk  as  hostagcH  to  prevent  tlie  meditated  calamities. 
When  Captain  Jlrbuckle,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  had  notified  the 
new  government  of  Virginia  of  the  situation  of  afluii-s,  and  what  he  had 
done,  forces  marched  iii»o  that  country.  A  part  of  tiiein  having  arrived, 
waited  for  others  to  join  them  imder  (ien.  Hand,  on  whom  these  dependctl 
for  i)rovisions. 

Meanwhile  the  officers  held  frequent  conversations  with  Comstock, 
who  took  pieafure  in  giving  them  minute  descriptions  of  his  country,  and 
especially  of  that  portion  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri.  One 
day,  as  he  was  delineating  a  map  of  it  upon  the  floor  for  the  gratification 
of  those  present,  a  call  was  heard  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ohio,  which 
he  at  once  recognized  as  tlie  voice  of  his  son,  Ellinipsico,  who  had  fought 
ut  his  side  in  the  famous  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  in  1774,  of  which  we 
have  spoken.  At  the  request  of  his  father,  Ellinipsico  came  to  the  fort, 
where  they  had  an  afTcctionate  meeting.  This  son  had  become  uneasy 
at  his  father's  long  absence,  and  had  at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  exile 
here ;  prompted  by  those  feelings  which  so  much  adorn  human  nature. 
The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kanhawa,  upon  a  hunting  expedition. 
As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  afler  their  hunt,  and  near  the  side  of 
the  river,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some  Indians,  and  one  of  the  two, 
named  Gihnore,  was  killed,  but  the  other  escaped.  A  party  of  Captain 
HnlVs  men  went  over  and  brought  in  the  body  of  OUtnore ;  whereupon  a 
cry  was  raised,  '^Let  us  go  and  kill  the  Indians  in  the  fort."  An  enfuriated 
gang,  with  Captain  Hall  at  their  head,  set  out  with  this  nefarious  resolu- 
tion, and,  against  every  remonstrance,  proceeded  to  commit  the  deed  of 
blood.  With  their  guns  cocked,  they  swore  death  to  any  who  should 
oppose  them.  In  the  mean  time,  some  ran  to  apprize  the  devoted  chiefs 
of  their  danger.  As  the  murderers  approached,  Ellinipsico  discovered 
agitation,  which  when  Comstock  saw,  he  said,  ^^My  son,  the  Great  Spirit 
has  seen  Jit  that  ive  should  die  together,  and  has  sent  you  to  that  end.  It  is 
his  will,  and  let  us  submit."  The  murderers  had  now  arrived,  and  the  old 
chief  turned  around  and  met  them.  They  shot  him  through  with  seven 
bullets.    He  fell,  and  died  without  a  struggle ! 

Ellinipsico,  though  having  at  first  appeared  disturbed,  met  his  death 
with  great  composure.  He  was  shot  upon  the  seat  on  which  he  was 
sitting  when  his  fate  was  first  pronounced  to  him. 

Red-hau'k  was  a  young  Delaware  chief,  and,  like  Ellinipsico,  had  fought 
under  Comstock.  He  died  with  less  fortitude:  having  tried  to  secrete 
hunself,  he  was  soon  discovered  and  slain.  Another  Indian,  whose  name  is 
not  mentioned,  was  mangled  and  murdered  in  the  most  barbarous  man- 
ner. Suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  this  was  all  that  was  eflected  by  the 
expedition,  and  the  forces  soon  afler  returned  home. 

Few,  if  any,  chiefs  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  terms  of  higher  com- 
mendation than  Comstock.  Mr.  Withers,  a  writer  on  Indian  affairs,* 
speaks  as  follows  of  hjm : 

"  Thus  perished  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem  of  the  Shawanees,  and 
king  of  the  northern  confederacy,  in  1774 , — a  chief  remarkable  for  many 
great  and  good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  be  at  all  times  the  friend 
of  white  men,  as  he  ever  was  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when 
his  country's  wrongs  '  called  aloud  for  battle,'  he  became  the  thunderbolt 
of  war,  and  made  her  oppressors  feel  the  weight  of  his  uplifted  arm." 
"His  noble  bearing — his  generous  and  disinterested  attachment  to  the 


jUtij 


In  his 
■inciit. 


Chronicles,"  a  work,  it  is  our  duty  to  remark,  written  with  candor  and 
3* 


80 


PONTIAC. 


[Book  V. 


colonics,  when  tlio  tliundur  of  nritiflli  cannon  wiis  rnvprhorntinp  through 
the  land — his  anxiety  to  prosorvc  the  frontier  of  Virginia  from  (h>(<olutiou 
and  death,  (the  object  of  hia  visit  to  Point  Pleanunt,)  all  conspired  to  win 
lor  him  the  esteem  and  respect  of  otliers;  while  the  nntinieiyund  perfid- 
ious manner  of  his  deatii,  couscd  a  deej)  and  lasting  regret  to  pervadi;  tlio 
lH)Homs  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to  bis  nation;  and  excited  the 
just  indignation  of  all  towards  his  inhimian  and  barbarous  murder(>rs." 

Col.  fVilson,  present  at  the  intervi«(W  between  the  chiefs  tuid  (Jov. 
Dunmore  in  1774,  thus  speaks  of  Cornstock  : — "  When  he  arose,  he  was  in 
no  wise  confused  or  daunted,  but  spoke  in  a  distinct  and  audible  voice, 
without  stammering  or  repetition,  and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks, 
while  addressing  Dunmore,  were  trtdy  grand  and  majestic  ;  yet  graceful 
and  attractive.  I  have  heard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patrick  Henri/ 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee, — but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powers  of 
delivery  surpassed  those  of  Cornstalk." 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  aftiiir  above  related,  an  able  writer*  upon 
those  times  says,  "The  blood  of  the  great  Cornstock  and  of  his  gallant 
son  was  mingled  with  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion." 
But  how  few  at  this  day  know  of  his  fate,  or  even  that  such  a  chief  ever 
existed !  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  same  persons  woidd  be  indignant, 
were  we  to  suppose  them  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  the  monster  Pizarro. 

As  great  a  warrior,  perhaps,  as  any  who  have  lived  amon;»  the  nations 
of  tlie  west,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  of.  This 
was 

Pontiac,  a  chief  of  the  Ottaway  nation,  whose  fan^e,  in  his  time,  wos 
not  alone  confined  to  his  own  continent ;  but  the  gazettes  of  Europe  spread 
it  also. 

One  who  knew  this  chief,  and  the  tribes  over  whom  he  had  swny,  thus 
speaks  of  them  in  ^705: — "The  Indians  on  the  lakes  are  generally  at 
])eace  with  one  another,  having  a  wide-extended  and  fruitl'ul  country  in 
their  possession.  They  are  formed  into  a  sortof  empire,  and  the  emperor 
is  elected  from  the  eldest  tribe,  which  is  the  Ottawawas,  some  of  whom 
inhabit  near  our  fort  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  further  westward,  towards 
the  Mississippi.  Ponteack  is  their  present  king  or  emperor,  who  liiis  cer- 
tainly the  largest  empire  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that 
has  appL'ared  on  the  continent  since  our  acquaintance  with  it.  Ife  puts 
on  an  air  of  majesty  and  princely  grandeur,  and  is  greatly  honored  and 
revered  by  his  sul^jects."t 

In  17G0,  Major  Rogers  marched  into  his  country,  in  fulfilling  his  orders 
of  displacing  the  French,  afl:er  the  fall  of  Quebec.J  Apprized  of  his 
a|)proacli,  Pontiac  sent  ambassadors  to  inform  him  that  their  chief  was 
not  lar  otF,  and  desired  him  to  halt  until  he  coidd  see  him  "with  his  own 
eyes,"  and  that  he  was  lord  of  the  country. 

Pontiac  soon  met  the  English  ofiicer,  and  demanded  his  business  into 
his  country,  and  how  it  come  about  that  he  dared  enter  it  without  his 
permission.  When  the  colonel  told  liim  he  had  no  design  against  the 
Indians,  and  only  wished  to  remove  the  French,  their  common  enemy, 
and  cause  of  all  their  trouble,  delivering  him  at  the  same  time  several 
belts  of  wampum,  Pon/iac  replied,  "I  stand  in  the  path  you  travel  in, 
until  to-moiTow  morning,"  and  gave  him  a  belt.  This  communication 
was  imdcrstood,  and  "  was  as  much  as  to  say,"  says  the  actor,  "  I  must 
not  march  further  without  his  leave."  Tiie  colonel  continues  :  "  When 
he  departed  for  the  night,  he  inquired  whether  I  wanted  any  thing  that 


*  In  Carei/s  Museum,  iv.  1 10. 

+  Ko^crs\s  Account  of  North  Amfricii,  extracU'il  in  tlie  Annual  Register  for  1765. 

i  (lutbeis  is  an  Algonquin  word,  signifying  a  IStrait.     Charlevoix. 


C'livp.  Ill] 


PONTIAO. 


31 


lonoicd  and 


Iter  for  1765. 


his  cfmiitry  anonlcd,  nnd  [if!  did]  he  woidd  H(!iid  liis  wnrrioi-s  to  fetch  it. 
1  n.'^Hiircd  liiiii  tiiat  any  provisions  tlit^y  broii^dit  slioiild  Ih;  paid  for;  and 
thf!  next  day  wo  were  tJiipplird  by  tlit'ni  witli  several  hags  of  parched 
corn,  and  hoim(!  other  n<Mu;ssarieH.  At  our  seroml  meeting,  ho  gave  ino 
the  pipe  of  jieaee,  and  Imtli  of  us  hy  turns  smoked  with  it;  and  lie  assured 
UK!  Ik;  had  made;  pimire  with  me  and  my  diuachmt^nt;  that  I  might  jiasa 
through  his  eouu'ry  unmolestfNl,  and  refu^vO  the  French  garrison  ;  and 
that  h(!  would  protect  mo  and  my  |)arty  from  any  InsultH  that  might  bo 
odi-red  or  intendiMl  by  the  Indians;  and,  as  an  earnest  of  his  friendship, 
he  sent  100  warriors  to  protect  and  assist  us  in  driving  100  fat  cattle, 
which  wo  had  brouj/ht  foi*  the  use  of  tlm  detachment  from  Pittsburgh,  by 
the  way  of  Prcsciue-Isle.  He  attended  me  constantly  after  this  interview 
till  I  arrived  at  Detroit,  and  while  J  remained  in  the  country, and  was  the 
means  of  preserving  the  detachment  from  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  who 
had  U8sernl)lcd  at  the  tnouth  of  the  strait,  with  an  intent  to  cut  us  off.  I 
had  several  conlireuees  with  him,  in  which  he  tl'scovercd  great  strength 
of  judgment,  and  u  thirst  after  knowhulge." 

Tiiis  same  ofticer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their 
ef|uipa;jre,  and  wished  to  know  how  their  clothes  were  made,  and  to  learn 
their  mode  of  war.  Ho  expressed  a  willingness  to  acknowledge  the  king 
of  I'n^land,  though  not  as  his  8ui)erior,  but  as  his  uncle,  which  he  would 
acknowledge,  as  he  was  able,  in  furs.  Englanil  was  much  in  his  thoughts, 
and  he  often  expressed  a  desire  to  sec  it.  This  was  very  natural,  ancl 
was  often  observed  among  other  natives,  lie  lold  Col.  Roirers  that,  if  ho 
^v■ould  conduct  him  there,  he  would  give  him  a  part  of  his  country. 

He  was  willing  to  grant  the  English  favor^i,  and  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  dominions,  but  not  unless  he  could  be  viewed  as  sovereign  ;  and  he 
gave  thetn  to  midcrstand,  that,  unless  they  conducted  themselves  agree- 
ably to  his  wishes,  "ho  would  shut  up  the  way,"  and  keep  them  out. 
Hence  it  is  fair,  within  the  scope  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to 
conclude,  that  his  final  disafft'ction  to  tiie  English  was  owing  to  their 
haughty  carriage,  and  maltreatment  of  him  and  his  people. 

The  principal  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilinakinak  and  De- 
troit. The  French  finally  gave  up  r)ossossion  in  Canada,  in  17(J0 ;  but 
many  of  the  Indian  nations  who  had  become  attached  to  them  were 
taught,  at  the  same  time,  to  hate  the  English.  Pontiac  was  most  conspic- 
uous in  his  enmity,  although,  until  he  liad  united  the  strength  of  many 
tribes  to  his,  he  showed  groat  kindness  and  friendship  towards  them. 
The  Miamis,  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Wyandots,Pottowaton)ies,  Mississagas, 
Shawanese,  Ottagamies,  and  Winnebagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in 
after  time,  they  did  that  of  Tccvmseh, 

There  was  more  system  emi)loye(l  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  per- 
liaps,  by  any  other  of  his  countrymen  upon  any  similar  undertaking,  not 
excepting  even  .'Vfetecomff  or  Tecumseh.  In  his  war  of  1763,  wiiich  is 
justly  de!iominated  "  Poriliac's  war,"  he  appointed  a  commissary,  and  began 
to  make  and  issue  bills  of  credit,  all  of  which  he  afterwards  carefully  re- 
deemed. He  made  his  bills  or  notes  of  bark,  on  which  was  drawn  the 
figure  of  the  commodity  he  wanted  for  it.  The  shape  of  an  otter  was 
drawn  under  that  of  the  article  wanted,  and  an  otter  was  the  insignia  or 
arms  of  his  nation.  He  had  also,  with  great  sagacity,  urged  upon  his 
peo|)le  the  necessity  of  dispensing  altogether  with  European  commodities, 
to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  whites,  and  to  depend  entirely  upon 
their  ancient  modes  of  jn'ocuring  sustenance. 

Major  Gladwin  hold  possession  of  Detroit  in  17G3.  Having  been  des- 
patched tiiither  by  General  .Oinfur.it,  h(!  had  been  informed  by  commis- 
bioners  who  had  been  exi)loring  the  country,  that  hostile  feelings  wero 


32 


PONTIAC. 


[Book  V. 


mar  Ifested  among  the  Indians,  and  he  sent  men  on  purpose  to  ascertain 
the  fact,  who,  on  their  return,  dissipated  all  fears. 

Major  Roberts  was  a  messenger  to  Pontine  from  Col.  Rogers,  and  ♦ook 
with  him,  for  a  present,  what  he  thought  would  be  most  agreeable  to  him, 
which  was  a  quantity  of  Veau-ds-vie,  i.  e.  brandy.  When  it  was  presented, 
his  men,  thinking  it  to  be  a  stratagem  to  poihun  him,  entreated  him  not  to 
taste  of  it.  But  that  the  English  should  not  in  the  least  apprehend  fear  or 
distrust  in  him,  he  said  to  his  people  present,  "  It  is  not  possible  that  this 
man,  who  knows  my  love  for  him,  who  is  also  sensible  of  the  great  favors  I 
have  done  him,  can  think  of  taking  away  my  life ;"  and,  takmg  the  spirit, 
drank  it  with  as  much  apparent  confidence  of  its  purity  and  good  effect, 
as  Socrates  did  his  fatal  cup.  And,  adds  the  historian,  "  Cent  traits  d'une 
elivafion  parielle  avoientfixi  sur  Pontheack  les  yeux  des  nations  sauvages. 
U  vouloit  les  reunir  toutes  sous  les  memes  drapeaux,  pourfaire  respecter  leur 
ierritoire  et  leur  indipendance  Des  circonstances  malheurev^esjirent  avortcr 
ce  grand  project.''^* 

Several  traders  had  brought  news  to  the  fort  at  Michilimakinak,  that 
the  Indians  were  hostile  to  the  English.  Major  Etherington  commanded 
the  garrison,  and  would  believe  nothing  of  it.  A  Mr.  Ducharme  commu- 
nicated the  information  to  the  major,  who  was  much  displeased  'tt  it, 
"and  threatened  to  send  the  next  person  who  should  bring  a  story  f  f  the 
same  kind  a  prisoner  to  Detroit."t 

The  garrison,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  90  men,  besides  twosu' .  lenis 
and  the  commander-in-chief.  There  were  also  at  the  fort  four  /Juglish 
merchants. 

Little  regard  was  paid  to  the  assembling  of  sundrj  ')ands  of  Indians,  as 
they  appeared  friendly ;  but  when  nearly  400  of  them  were  scattered  up 
and  down  throughout  the  place,  "  I  took  the  liberty,"  says  Mr.  Henry,  "  of 
observing  to  Major  Etherington,  that,  in  my  judgment,  no  confidence 
ought  to  Le  placed  in  them  ;  in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  me  on  my 
timidity." 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king's  birth  day,  the  Indians  began,  as  if  to 
amuse  themselves,  to  play  at  a  favorite  game  of  ball,  which  they  called 
baggatiway,  which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Hemy : — "  It  is  played  with  a 
bat  and  ball,  the  bat  being  about  four  feet  in  length,  curved,  and  terminat- 
ed in  a  sort  of  I'acket.  Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  e  consid- 
erable distance  from  each  other,  as  a  mile  or  more.  Each  party  has  its 
post,  and  the  game  consists  in  throwing  the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  ad- 
versary. The  ball,  at  the  beginning,  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  course, 
and  each  party  endeavors  as  well  to  throw  the  ball  out  of  the  direction  of 
its  own  post,  as  into  that  of  the  adversary's."  This  farce  drew  many  off 
their  guard,  and  some  of  the  garrison  went  out  to  witness  the  sport. 

"The  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continues,)  as  from  the  descrii)tion 
above  will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  much  noise 
and  V  -olence.  In  the  ardor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if 
it  cannot  be  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  by 
which  it  can  be  diverted  from  that  designed  by  the  adversary.  At  such 
a  moment,  therefore,  nothing  could  be  less  liable  to  excite  premature 
alarm,  than  that  the  ball  should  be  tossed  over  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  nor 
that,  haviiig  fallen  there,  it  should  be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  en- 
gaged in  the  game,  as  well  the  one  party  as  the  other,  all  eager,  all  striv- 
ing, all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit  of  a  rude  athletic  exer- 
cise."   And  thii  was  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of  their  game,  to 


*  Raijnal,  Hist.  Pliilos.  ct  Politicmc,  &lc,.  ix.  89.  ed.  fiencva,  1781. 

t  Travels  in  Canada,  tiv  Alixamlcr  ILnnj,  Esq.,  from  which  the  following  account  of 


*Xvi  deslructiou  of  Michilimakiiiulv  is  taken. 


Ci:ap.  III.] 


PONTIAC. 


33 


throw  thoir  ball  within  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  and  then  all  to  nish  in,  and, 
in  the  midst  of  tlieir  hubbiil),  to  murder  the  garrison ;  and  it  succeeded  to 
thrir  wislies.  Tliey  struck  the  ball  over  the  stockade,  as  if  by  accident, 
and  repeated  it  several  times,  running  in  and  out  of  the  fort  with  all 
freedom,  ''  to  make  the  deception  more  complete  ;"*  and  then,  rushing  in 
in  every  direction,  took  possession  of  the  place  without  the  least  resistance. 

They  murdered  the  soldiers,  until  their  numbers  were  so  diminished, 
that  thoy  a|»prchendcd  nothing  from  their  resistance ;  many  of  whom 
were  ransomed  at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a  great  price.  Seventy  were 
])ur,  to  (l(uuh,  and  the  other  twenty  reserved  for  slaves.  A  few  days  after, 
a  boat  from  Montreal,  without  knowing  what  had  happened,  came  ashore 
with  English  jmssengcrs,  who  all  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 
Pontine  was  not  personally  concerned  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a  part  of 
Iiis  design,  and,  therefore,  is  very  properly  here  related.  A  chief  named 
.Mcnehwehnn  was  the  comniander  in  that  affair.t 

It  was  only  15  days  from  tlie  time  the  firet  blow  was  struck,  before 
Pontine  had  taken  possession  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  except  three. 
No  less  than  10  were,  in  this  short  space,  reduced.  Detroit  alone  remain- 
ed in  tiiat  distant  region,  and,  as  will  [)resently  be  seen,  this  was  brought 
to  the  very  brink  of  the  most  awful  precipice  of  which  the  imagination 
can  conceive.  The  names  of  those  captured  at  this  time  were  Le  Boeuf) 
Venango,  Presq'  Isle,  on  or  near  Lake  Erie ;  La  Bay,  upon  Lake  Michi- 
gan ;  St.  Joseph's,  upon  the  river  of  that  name ;  Miamis,  upon  the  Miam' 
River ;  Ouachtanon,  upon  the  Ouabache  ;  Sandusky,  upon  Lake  Junun- 
dat;  and  Micliilitnakinak.t 

The  garrison  at  Detroit  was  closely  besieged  by  Pontiac,  in  person, 
before  the  news  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Michilimakinak  arrived  there.  It 
was  garrisoned  by  about  300  men,  and  when  Pontiac  came  with  his  war- 
riors, although  in  great  numbers,  they  were  so  intermixed  with  women 
and  children,  and  brought  so  many  commodities  for  trade,  that  no  sus- 
picion was  excited,  either  in  the  mind  of  Major  Gladwin,  or  the  inhabit- 
ants. He  encamped  a  little  distance  from  the  fort,  and  sent  to  the  major 
to  inform  him  that  he  was  come  to  trade,  and,  preparatory  thereto,  wished 
to  hold  a  talk  with  him  for  the  purpose  of  "brightening  the  chain  of 
peace"  between  the  E'lgiish  and  his  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  en- 
tertained, and  the  major  readily  consented,  and  the  next  morning  was 
Hxed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening,  a  circumstance  transpired  which  saved  the  garrison 
from  a  dreadful  massacre.  An  Indian  woman,  who  had  made  a  pair  of 
inocoasins  for  Major  Glndwin,  out  of  a  curious  elk  skin,  brought  them 
to  him,  and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  Being  much  pleased 
\vith  them,  the  major  wished  her  to  take  ihe  skin  and  make  another  pair, 
!is  he  had  concluded  to  give  the  others  to  a  friend,  and  what  was  left  to 
make  into  shoes  for  herself  She  was  then  paid  for  her  work,  and  dis- 
missed. But  when  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear 
of  strangers,  and  to  close  the  gates  for  the  night,  went  upon' their  duty, 
this  woman  was  found  loitering  in  the  area,  and,  being  asked  what  she 
wanted,  made  no  reply.  The  major,  being  informed  of  her  singular  de- 
jiieanor,  directed  her  to  be  condu.;ted  into  his  presence,  which  being 
done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not  depart  before  the  gates  were  shut. 
She  replied,  with  some  hesitation,  that  she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the 
s'liin,  as  he  set  so  great  a  value  upon  it.  This  answer  was  delivered  in 
such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dissatisfied  with  it,  and  asked 
her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objection  on  taking  it  in  the  first 


iijr  account  of 


*  Cairer's  Travels,  19.  20.  ocllt.  8vo.  Lontl.  1784 
t  Henry's  Travels,  w^  snprz 


\  BoHjitet's  Ohio  Expedition,  Int.  iii. 


•  1. 


34 


PONTIAC. 


[Book  V. 


.  ! 


place.    This  rather  confused  her,  and  she  said  that  if  she  took  it  away 
now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it. 

It  was  now  evident  that  she  withheld  something  which  she  wished  to 
communicate,  but  was  restrained  through  fear.  But  on  being  assured  by 
Major  Gladivin  that  she  should  not  be  betrayed,  but  should  be  protec."  d 
and  rewarded,  if  the  information  was  valuable,  she  said  that  the  chiefs 
who  were  to  meet  him  in  council  the  next  day  had  contrived  to  murder 
him,  and  take  the  garrison,  and  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  death.  Each 
chief,  she  said,  would  come  to  the  council,  with  so  much  cut  off  of  his 
gun,  that  he  could  conceal  it  under  his  blanket;  that  Pontine  was  to 
give  the  signal,  while  delivering  his  speech,  which  was,  when  he  should 
draw  his  peace  belt  of  wampum,  and  present  it  to  the  major  in  a  certain 
inanner  ;  and  that,  while  the  council  was  sitting,  as  many  of  the  warriors 
as  could  should  assemble  within  the  fort,  armed  in  the  same  manner, 
under  the  pretence  of  trading  with  the  garrison. 

Having  got  all  the  information  necessary,  the  woman  was  discharged, 
and  Major  Gladwin  had  every  precaution  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into 
the  best  possible  state  for  defence.  He  imparted  the  discovery  to  his 
men,  and  instructed  them  how  to  act  at  the  approaching  council ;  at  the 
same  time  sending  to  all  the  tradeis  in  different  directions  to  be  upon 
their  guard. 

The  next  morning  hLving  arrived,  every  countenance  wore  a  different 
aspect ;  the  hour  of  the  council  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  quick  step 
and  nervous  exercise  in  every  evolution  of  the  soldiers  were  expressive 
of  an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny.  It  was  heightened  in 
the  past  night,  when  a  cry  was  heard  in  the  Indian  encampment  differ- 
ent from  what  was  usual  on  peace  occasions.  The  garrison  fires  were 
extinguished,  and  every  man  repaired  to  his  post.  But  the  cry  being 
heard  no  more,  the  remainder  of  the  night  was  passed  in  silence. 

The  appointed  hour  often  o'clock  arrived,  and  also  as  punctual  arrived 
Pontiac  and  his  36  chiefs,  followed  by  a  train  of  warriors.  When 
the  stipulated  number  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  were  closed. 
The  chiefs  observed  attentively  the  troops  under  arms,  marching  from 
place  to  place;  two  columns  nearly  enclosing  the  council  house,  and 
both  facing  towards  it.  On  Pontiac's  entering  it,  he  demanded  of  Major 
Gladwin  the  cause  of  so  much  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  under 
arms;  he  said  it  was  an  odd  manner  of  holding  a  council.  The  major 
told  him  it  was  only  to  exercise  them.  The  Indians  being  seated  upon 
the  skins  prepared  for  them,  Pontiac  commenced  his  speech,  and  when 
he  came  to  the  signal  of  presenting  the  belt,  the  governor  and  his  attend- 
ants drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their  scabbards,  and  the  soldiers 
clinching  their  guns  with  firmness,  discovered  to  the  chiefs,  by  their  pe- 
culiar attitudes,  that  their  plot  was  discovered.  Pontiac,  with  all  his 
bravery,  turned  pale,  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astonishment.  To 
avoid  an  open  detection,  the  signal  in  pa«onig  the  belt  was  not  given,  and 
Pontiac  closed  his  speech,  which  contained  many  professions  of  respect 
and  affection  to  the  English.  But  when  Major  Gladtvin  commenced  his, 
he  did  not  fail  directly  to  reproach  Pontiac  with  treachery  ;  told  him  he 
could  not  do  an_  thing  to  ensnare  the  English,  and  that  he  knew  his 
whole  diabolical  plan.  Pontiac  tried  to  excuse  himself,  and  to  make 
Major  Gladtvin  believe  that  he  had  laid  no  plot ;  upon  which  the  major 
stepped  to  the  chief  nearest  himself,  and,  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  ex- 
posed his  short  gun,  which  completed  their  confusion. 

The  governor,  for  such  was  Major  Gladwin,  ordered  Pontiac  to  leave 
the  fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be  with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his 
men  from  cutting  him  in  pieces,  should  they  know  the  circumstances. 
The  governor  was  afterwards  blamed  for  thus  suffering  them  to  with- 


Chap.  III.] 


PONTIAC. 


35 


me  manner, 


draw,  without  retaining  several  of  them  as  hostages  for  the  quiet  beha- 
vior of  the  rest ;  but  he,  having  passed  his  word  that  they  should  come 
and  go  without  hinderance  or  restraint,  merited,  perhaps,  less  censure  for 
keeping  it,  and  respecting  his  honor,  than  those  who  reproached  him. 

A  furious  attack  was  the  next  day  made  upon  the  fort.  Every  strata- 
gem was  resorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a  cart  with  combustibles, 
and  run  it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were 
about  to  set  fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  fiery  arrows  into  it ;  but  re- 
ligious scruples  averted  the  execution, — a  French  priest  telling  Pontiac 
that  it  would  call  down  the  anger  of  God  upon  him.  They  had  fre- 
quently, during  the  siege,  endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  as  to 
make  a  breach.  Major  Gladwin  ordered  his  men,  at  last,  to  cut  on  the 
inside  at  the  same  Mnie,  and  assist  them.  This  was  done,  and  when  a 
breach  was  made,  there  was  a  rush  upon  the  outside  towards  the  breach, 
and  at  the  same  instant,  a  brass  four  pounder,  which  had  been  levelled 
for  the  purpose,  was  shot  oflT,  which  made  a  dreadful  slaughter  among 
them.  After  this  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and  cut  off  its  supplies, 
and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress,  and  for  some  time 
subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

There  was  great  difficulty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  garrison  at  De- 
troit, as  there  was  such  an  extent  of  country  between  it  and  the  other 
most  western  posts,  in  possession  of  the  English.  Fort  Pitt  and  Niagara 
had  been  besieged,  and  all  communication  for  a  long  time  cut  off;  the 
former  had  been  reduced  to  great  extremities,  but  they  were  at  length  re- 
lieved by  Col.  Bouquet.  Capt.  Dalyell  was  at  the  same  time  sent  for  the 
relief  of  Detroit,  where  he  arrived  on  29  July,  1763.*  A  bloody  scene 
was  shortly  to  follow.  Captain  Dalyell,  with  247  men,  went  out  of  the 
fort  to  surprise  Pontiac  in  his  camp ;  but  the  wary  chief  had  runners  out, 
who  gave  him  timely  notice,  and  he  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place, 
and,  being  vastly  superior  in  numbers,  and  concealed  behind  a  picket 
fence,  near  a  bridge  where  the  English  were  to  pass,  poured  in  upon 
them  a  dreadful  fire.  Many  fell  at  the  first  onset,  but  they  kept  their 
order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the  bridge  they  had  just  passed. 
They  effected  their  purpose,  but  many  fell  in  the  attempt,  among  whom 
was  Captain  Dalyell.  The  famous  Major  Rogers,  the  second  in  command, 
and  Lieut.  Brehm,  with  about  200  others,  recovered  the  fort.  This  bridge, 
where  so  many  brave  men  were  slainf  is  called  to  this  day  Bloody  Bridge. 

Pontiac  ordered  the  head  of  Captain  Dalyell  to  be  cut  off  and  set  upon 
a  i)Ost.  Between  eighty  and  a  hundred  dead  bodies  were  counted  upon 
the  bridge  the  next  morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  passage. 

Having  been  put  in  possession  of  the  official  return  of  Sir  Jeffery  Am- 
herst, minutely  detailing  this  affair,  we  will  lay  it  before  the  reader,  as  it 
appeared  at  that  time : — 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  July,  Captain  Dalyell,  aid-de-camp  to 
General  Amherst,  being  arrived  here  with  the  detachment  sent  undei'  his 
command,  and  being  mlly  persuaded  that  Pontiac,  the  Indian  chief,  with 
his  tribes,  would  soon  abandon  his  design,  and  retire,  insisted  with  the 
commandant,  that  they  might  easily  be  surprised  in  their  camp,  totally 
routed,  and  driven  out  of  the  settlement ;  and  it  was  thereupon  determin- 
ed, that  Captain  Dalyell  should  march  out  with  247  men.  Accordingly, 
we  marched  about  half  an  hour  after  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  alonf^ 
the  great  road  by  the  river  side,  two  boats  up  the  river  along  shore,  witn 
a  imtteraro  in  each,  with  orders  to  keep  up  with  the  line  of  march,  cover 
our  retreat,  and  take  off' our  killed  and  wounded ;  Lieutenant  Bean,  of  the 
Qiteen'5  Independents,  being  ordered,  with  a  rear  guard,  to  convey  tlie  dead 


*  Bouquets  Expedition,  Introd,  iv. 


36 


PONTIAC. 


[Book  V. 


and  wounded  to  the  boats.  About  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort,  we 
had  orders  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if  attacked  in  the  front,  to  fire  by 
street-firings.  We  then  advanced,  and,  in  about  a  mile  farther,  our  ad- 
vanced guard,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Brown,  of  the  55th  regiment,  had 
been  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy's  breastworks  and  cover,  that  the 
fire,  being  very  heavy,  not  only  killed  and  wounded  some  of  his  party, 
but  reached  the  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a  little  confusion ; 
but  they  soon  recovered  their  order,  and  gave  the  enemy,  or  rather  their 
works,  it  being  very  dark,  a  discharge  or  two  from  the  front,  commanded 
by  Captain  Gray.  At  the  same  time,  the  rear,  commanded  by  Captain 
Grant,  were  fired  upon  from  a  house,  and  some  fences  about  twenty 
yards  on  his  left ;  on  which  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkins'a 
companies  to  face  to  the  lefl:,  and  give  a  full  fire  that  way.  After  which, 
it  appearing  that  the  enemy  gave  way  eveiy  where.  Captain  Dalycll  sent 
orders  to  Captain  Grant,  to  take  possession  of  the  above-said  houses  and 
fences ;  which  he  immediately  did ;  and  found  in  one  of  the  said  houses 
two  men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  had  been  there  long,  and  were  well 
apprized  of  our  design.  Captain  Grant  then  asked  them  the  numbei's ; 
they  said,  above  300 ;  and  that  they  intended,  as  soon  as  they  had  attack- 
ed us  in  the  front, to  get  between  us  and  the  fort;  which  Captain  Grant 
told  Captain  Dalycll,  who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And 
in  about  an  hour  after,  he  came  to  him  again,  and  told  Captain  Grant  he 
was  to  retire,  and  ordered  him  to  march  in  the  front,  and  post  himself  in 
an  orchard.  He  then  marched,  and  about  half  a  mile  farther  on  his  re- 
treat, he  had  some  shot«  fired  on  his  flank ;  but  got  ])ossession  of  the  or- 
chard, which  was  well  fenced ;  and  just  as  he  got  there,  he  heard  a  warm 
firing  in  the  rear,  having,  at  the  same  time,  a  firing  on  his  own  post,  from 
the  fences  and  corn-fields  behind  it.  Lieutenant  JWDougal,  who  acted 
as  adjutant  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to  him,  (Captain  Grant,)  and  told 
him,  that  Captain  Dalyell  was  killed,  and  Captain  Gray  very  much  wound- 
ed, in  making  a  push  on  the  enemy,  and  forcing  th  ^vi  out  of  a  strong 
breastwork  of  cord  wood,  and  an  intrenchment  which  they  had  tal.^n 
possession  of;  and  that  the  conunand  then  devolved  upon  him.  Lieut. 
Bean  immediately  came  up,  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Rogers  had  de- 
sired him  to  tell  Captain  Grant,  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  a  house, 
and  that  he  had  better  retire  with  what  numbers  he  had,  as  he  (Captain 
Rogers)  could  not  get  off  without  tllfe  boats  to  cover  him,  he  being  hard 
pushed  by  the  enemy  from  tiie  enclosures  behind  him,  some  of  which 
scoured  the  road  through  which  he  must  retire.  Captain  Grant  then 
sent  Ensign  Pauli,  with  20  men,  back  to  attack  a  part  of  the  enemy  which 
annoyed  his  own  post  a  little,  and  galled  those  that  were  joining  hinj, 
from  the  place  where  Captain  Dalyell  was  killed,  and  Captain  Gray, 
Lieutenants  Brotvn  and  Duke,  were  wounded  ;  which  Ensign  Pauli  did, 
and  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their  flight.  Captain  Grant,  at  the  same 
time,  detached  all  the  men  he  could  get,  and  took  possession  of  the  enclo- 
sures, barns,  fences,  &c.  bading  from  his  own  jiost  to  the  fort,  which 
posts  he  reinforced  with  t'.io  oflicers  and  men  as  they  came  up.  Think- 
ing the  retreat  then  secured,  'le  sent  Lack  to  Captain  Rogers,  desiring  he 
would  come  ofl';  that  the  rci'-ef;  was  quite  secured,  and  the  difterent 
parties  ordered  to  cover  one  another  successively,  until  the  whole  had 
joined  ;  but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  ritrlit  to  risk  the  loss  of  more 
men,  he  chose  to  wait  for  the  armed  boatt-,  one  of  which  a|)i)eared  soon, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Brehin,  whom  Captain  Grant  had  directed  to 
go  and  cover  Captain  Rogers^s  nUreat,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieut. 
JJrchm  accordingly  went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemy.  Liei'f. 
Ahhott,  with  the  other  boat,  wanting  annnunition,  went  down  with  Capt. 
Gray.   Lieutenant  Brown  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which 


[Book  V. 

le  fort,  we 
to  fire  by 
er,  our  ad- 
iment,  had 
n;  that  tlie 
[  liis  ])arty, 
confusion ; 
ather  their 
oinmanded 
by  Captain 
out  twenty 
n  Hopkins's 
iter  which, 
Dalycll  sent 
houses  and 
said  houses 
I  were  well 
e  nurnbei-s; 
had  attack- 
iptain  Grant 
over.     And 
lin  Grant  lie 
It  himself  in 
;r  on  his  re- 
n  of  the  or- 
eard  a  warm 
m  post,  from 
I,  who  acted 
mt,)  and  told 
luch  wound- 
of  a  strong 
y  liad  taL:)n 
lim.     Lieut. 
rers  had  de- 
of  a  house, 
he  (Captain 
e  being  hard 
le  of  which 
Grant  then 
neniy  which 
joining  him, 
aptain  Gray, 
n  Pauli  did, 
,  at  the  same 
of  the  enclo- 
fort,  which 
up.    Think- 
,  desiring  he 
the  different 
whole  had 
Hoss  of  more 
ipeared  soon, 
directed  to 
house,   liieut. 
licmy.   LieiM. 
wUh  Capt. 
also,  which 


Chap.  III.J 


PONTIAC. 


37 


Captain  Grant  supposes  the  enemy  seeing,  did  not  wait  her  arrival,  but 
retired  on  Lieutenmit  Brehm's  firing,  and  gave  Captain  Rogers,  with  the 
rear,  an  opportunity  to  come  oft*:  so  that  the  whole  from  the  different  posts 
joined  without  any  confusion,  and  marched  to  tlie  fort  in  good  order, 
covered  by  the  armed  boats  on  the  water  side,  and  by  our  own  parties  on 
the  country  side,  in  view  of  the  enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were 
much  stronger  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  affair,  as  was  afiierwards  told 
us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  their  escape ;  many  having  joined  them 
from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  places.  The  whole  arrived  at 
the  fort  about  eight  o'clock,  commanded  by  Captain  Grant,  whose  able 
and  skilful  retreat  is  highly  commended. 

Return  of  killed  and  wounded  of  the  several  detachments  near  the  Detroit, 

Jidy  31, 1763. 

55th  Regiment. — 1  serjeant,  13  rank  and  file,  killed ;  1  captain,  2  lieu- 
tenants, 1  drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wouiiued. 
Royal  Americans. — 1  rank  and  file,  killed ;  1  rank  and  file,  loounded. 
80th  Regiment. — 2  rank  and  file,  killed ;  3  rank  and  file,  wounded. 
Q^ueen's  Rangers. — 2  rank  and  file,  killed ;  1  rank,  and  file,  wounded. 

JVames  of  the  Officers. 

55th  Regiment. — Captain    Gray,  Lieutenant    Luke,  and    Lieutenant 
Brown,  wounded. 
JV.  B.  Captain  Daly  ell,  killed,  not  included  in  the  above. 

kiUed.  wounded. 

Captain, 0  1 

Lieutenants, 0  2 

Serjeant, 1  0 

Drummer, 0  1 

Rank  and  file, 18  38 


Total,  19 


48" 


Hence  it  appears  that  the  accounts  hitherto  circulated  of  this  famous 
action  contain  material  errors ;  at  least,  they  differ  materially  from  that 
furnished  by  those  engaged  in  it. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  hands  ofPontiac,  which 
were  destined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of  men,  as 
well  as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time 
of  despondency,  there  arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought 
them  supplies  of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  this  kind  could  be  landed 
without  Pontiac's  knowledge,  and  he  determined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the 
schooner ;  a  detachment  made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself,  the  vessel 
was  obliged  to  tack  short  about,  and  proceed  in  an  opposite  direction. 
Tile  Indians  followed  her  in  canoes,  and,  by  continually  firing  into  her, 
killed  almost  every  man,  and  at  length  boarded  her.  As  they  were 
climbing  up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in  every  quarter,  the  captain,  having 
determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  alive,  ordered  the  gunner  to  set 
fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  up  together.  This  was  heard  by  a 
Huron  chief,  who  understood  enough  English  to  know  what  was  going 
forward,  and  instantly  communicated  it  to  his  followers.  They  disen- 
gaged themselves  from  the  vessel  as  fiist  as  possible,  and  fled  from  her  in 
a  great  fright,  at  considerable  distance.    Meantime  the  crew  took  the  ad- 


'  \'l 


38 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


vantage  of  a  wind,  and  arrived  safe  back  to  the  fort.  In  the  pursuit  of 
the  vessel,  the  Indians  discovered  extreme  temerity,  often  coniing  ko  dose 
to  the  schooner  as  to  be  severely  burned  by  tlie  disciiarge  of  her  guns. 

Many  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous  siege,  but  it  is 
believed  the  preceding  are  all  that  are  well  authtuticated. 

Pontiac  having  invested  Detroit  now  for  about  twelve  months,  and  the 
news  having  been  carried  to  various  parts  of  the  British  empire,  exten- 
sive preparations  were  matle  to  put  down  the  Indian  power.  Aware  ol" 
the  movements  of  General  Bradstreet,  who  was  proceeding  for  Dciroit 
with  an  army  of  3000  men,  he  gave  up,  and  sued  for  peace,  which  was 
granted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  their  hunting  grounds.  lie  seems 
now  to  have  laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  Enghsh,  and  becamt! 
tiieir  friend  ;  and  to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a 
liberal  pension.  But  it  is  reported  that  he  became  suspected  afterwards, 
and  as  he  was  going  to  hold  a  council  among  the  Indians  in  lilinoiH,  as 
an  agent  for  the  English,  a  spy  attended  him  to  observe  his  conduct ; 
and  that,  in  a  speech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  discovered  his  former 
enmity  against  them.  When  he  had  finislied,  the  Indian  who  had  ac- 
com])anied  him  plunged  a  knife  into  his  breast,  and  tlius  ended  the  days 
of  a  chief  who  has  been  renowned  for  singular  sagacity,  daring  courage, 
great  spirit  of  command,  and  indeed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only 
in  those  born  to  be  great. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Capt.  Pipe — Situation  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  at  the  period  of  the  revo- 
lution— Sad  condition  of  the  Moravian  Indians  at  this  period — Half-king 
enframes  to  take  them  to  Canada — His  speech  to  them — They  remonstrate — 
Half-king  inclines  not  to  molest  them,  bid  Capt.  Pipe's  counsel  prevails, 
ana  they  are  seized — Pipe's  conduct  thereupon — Missionaries  taken  to 
Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  loent  to  accuse  thevi — Changes  his  conduct 
towards  them,  and  they  are  acquitted — Remarkable  deliverance — Capt. 
White-eyes,  or  Koquethagaeehlon,  opposes  the  conduct  of  Pipe — His 
speech  to  his  people — Col.  Broadhead's  expedition — Bndal  massacre  of  a 
chief — Pachgantscihilas — Surpiisesthe  rnissicnaries — His  speechtothevi 
— Treats  them  with  great  kindness — Geleleme.nd — Buokongahelas — 
Murder  of  Major  Trueman  and  others  disapproved  by  him — His  speech  to 
the  murderers — In  the  battle  of  Presque-lsle — His  death — His  great  intre- 
pidity— Further  particulars  of  Capt.  Pipe — His  famous  speech — Expedi- 
tion and  defeat  of  Col.  Crawford,  who  was  taken  pnsoner  and  burnt  at  the 
stake — Chiktommo--Tom-lewis— Messiiaw  A— Ki>g-crajVE— Little- 
turtle — Defeats  Gen.  St.  Claires  army — Incidents  in  that  affair — lAltle- 
turtle's  opinion  of  Gen.  Wayne — Visits  Philadelphia — His  interview  with 
C.  F.  Volney — Anecdotes — Blue-jacket — Defeated  by  Gen.  Wayne  in 
the  battle  of  Prcsque-Isle. 

Pipe,  or  Captain  Pipe,*  as  he  is  usually  called,  from  his  having  been  a 
most  conspicuous  war-captain  among  the  Delawares,  during  the  period 
of  the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  charac- 
ter is  a  very  prominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  the  frontier 
settlements,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.    Situated  as  were  the  Dela- 


*  A  thief  of  this  name  signed  a  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  in  1814,  with  112  others, 
by  which  it  seems  the  Delawares  perpetuated  it.    It  followed  that  of  Wliite-eyes. 


[Book  V. 

pursuit  of 
ng  HO  close 
er  giuis. 
e,  but  it  is 

lis,  and  the 
pire,  exten- 

Awure  of 
for  Detroit 
whicli  was 

lie  seems 
ind  became 
mted  him  a 
atterwanls, 
I  Illinois,  as 
is  conduct ; 
I  liis  former 
ho  had  ac- 
id the  days 
ng  courage, 
I,  found  only 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


39 


I  of  the  revo- 
— Half-king 
cmonstrate — 
isel  prevails, 
ies  taken  to 
I  his  conduct 
'ance — Copt, 
f  Pipe— His 
lassacre  of  a 
speechtothem 

SGAHELAS — 

iis  speech  to 
s  great  intre- 
ch — Expedi- 
hiirnt  at  the 

JE— LlTTLE- 

fair—Littlc- 
nterview  with 
Wayne  in 


ving  been  a 
tlie  period 

His  cliarac- 
the  frontier 

re  the  Dela- 

nth  112  others, 
ite-eyes. 


wares  between  the  English  of  Canada  and  the  Americans,  it  was  hardly 
to  be  expected  but  that  tiiey  should  be  drawn  into  that  war.  They  could 
not  well  weigh  its  merits  or  demerits  upon  eitlier  side.  A  speech  of  the 
renowned  Corn-plant  contains  the  best  conunentary  upon  this  matter. 
The  English  stood  much  the  best  chance  of  gaining  the  Indians  to  their 
interest,  inasmuch  as  they  were  profuse  in  their  presents  of  what  was 
useful  to  them,  as  well  as  ornamental,  whereas  the  Americans  recjuired 
all  their  resources  to  carry  on  the  war.  The  commanding  officer  at  De- 
troit, believing  that  the  Moravian  Indians  upon  the  Susquehannah 
lavored  the  Americans,  ordered  them,  dead  or  alive,  with  their  priests,  to 
be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquois  agreed  that  it  should  be  done,  but, 
unwilling  to  do  it  themselves,  sent  messengers  to  the  Chippeways  and 
Oltawas,  to  intimate  that  if  they  would  do  it,  "they  should  have  them  to 
make  soup  of."  These  two  tribes,  however,  retused,  and  the  Half-king  of 
tlie  Hurons  undertook  it  himself.  He  had  been  formerly  very  friendly 
to  the  believing  Indians,  an(:.  now  pretended  that  he  only  concluded  to 
8(uze  upon  them,  to  save  them  from  destruction ;  and,  Mr.  Loskiel  adds, 
"  even  the  Half-king  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Capt.  Pipe,  a  noted  enemy  of  the 
gospel  and  of  the  believing  Indians,  instigated  him  to  do  it."  Pipe  and 
his  company  of  Delawai'es,  joined  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors,  and 
some  Slmwanese,  held  a  war-feast,  roasted  a  whole  ox,  and  agreed  upon 
the  ma'  ler  of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  expedition  knew 
fully  its  destination.  With  such  secrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Mora- 
vian settlements  knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their 
vicinity.  They  bore  an  English  flag,  and  an  English  officer  was  among 
tliem.  It  was  now  10  August,  1781.  Half-king  sent  in  a  message  to 
Salem,  requesting  the  inhabitants  not  to  be  alarmed,  for  they  should 
receive  no  injury,  and  that  he  had  good  words  to  speak  to  tliem,  and 
wished  to  know  at  which  of  the  settlements  they  might  hold  a  council 
with  them.  Gnadenhuetten  being  fixed  upon,  all  assembled  there  upon 
11  August. 

Meanwhile,  the  numbere  of  Pipe's  expedition  had  increased  from  140 
to  300,  and  about  10  days  after,  Half-king  made  the  following  speech  to 
the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers : — 

"Cousins:  ye  believing  Indians  in  Gnadenhuetten,  Schoenbrunn,  and 
Salem,  I  am  much  concerned  on  your  account,  perceiving  that  you  live 
in  a  very  dangerous  spot.  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  gods 
stand  ready,  opening  their  jaws  wide  against  each  other :  you  are  sitting 
down  between  both,  and  thus  in  danger  of  being  devoured  and  ground  to 
powder  by  the  teeth  of  either  one  or  the  other,  or  both.  It  is  therefore 
not  adv-isable  for  you  to  stay  here  any  longer.  Consider  your  young 
j)eoi)le,  your  wives,  and  your  children,  and  preserve  their  lives,  for  here 
they  must  all  perish.  I  therefore  take  you  by  the  hand,  lift  you  up,  and 
place  you  in  or  near  my  dwelling,  where  you  will  be  safe  and  dwell  in 
peace.  Do  not  stand  looking  at  your  plantations  and  houses,  but  arise, 
and  follow  me!  Take  also  your  teachers  [priests]  with  you,  and  worship 
God  in  the  place  to  which  I  shall  lead  you,  as  you  have  been  accustomed 
to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  provisions,  and  our  father  beyond  the 
lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  care  for  you.  This  is  my  message, 
and  I  am  come  hither  purposely  to  deliver  it." 

The  brethren,  after  taking  this  into  consideration,  remonstrated,  in  feel- 
ing language,  against  such  an  immediate  removal ;  saying  they  did  not 
concc^ive  that  the  danger  was  so  great,  as,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace 
with  all  men,  and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  would  bring  famine 
and  distress  upon  them,  to  set  out  before  their  harvest  witli  nothing  in 
their  hands,  but  that  they  would  keep  and  consider  his  words,  and  would 


40 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


answer  hiPi  tlie  next  winter.  It  was  supposed  that  Half-king  was  willing 
to  comply,  but  for  the  importunity  of  Pipe  and  the  English  captain. 

This  afiair  eventuated  in  the  seizure  of  the  missionaries  and  their 
remeval  to  Sandusky,  as  has  been  written  in  the  account  of  Glikhikan. 

Capt.  Pipe  now  publicly  boasted  of  his  exploit,  and  said  the  Indians 
and  their  priests  were  his  slaves.  They  had  had  but  a  moment's  repose  at 
Sandusky,  when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Capt.  Pipe  to  conduct 
them  to  him.  They  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  governor 
face  to  face,  believing  they  could  convince  him  that  they  had  never 
nssi'ted  the  Americans,  and  accordingly  attended  Pipe  thither.  Here  the 
missionaries  Zeisberg',.  Seruieman,  Heckewelder  and  Edwards  had  to 
tiwait  a  kind  of  *''-iI,  unu  Pipe  was  the  evidence  against  them.  On  the 
9  November,  t  -  ■  *v'.  ■  •  e.xamination  came  on,  and  Capt.  Pipe  appear- 
ed, and  spoke  as  '  ;  iwt  Father,  you  have  commanded  us  to  bring  the  be- 
liexnng  Indians  ai^  *\eir  tf"'.^  ers  from  the  Muskngum.  This  has  been 
done.  When  we  had  brought  '..  i  ,i,  to  Sandusky,  yov  ordered  us  to  bring  their 
teachers  and  some  of  their  chiefs  unto  you.  Here  you  see  them  before  you: 
now  you  may  speak  vnth  them  yourself ,  as  you  haoe  desired.  But  I  hope 
you  ivill  speak  good  words  unto  them,  yea  I  tell  you,  speak  good  words  unto 
them,  for  they  are  my  friends,  and  I  should  be  sorry  to  see  them  ill  used." 
The  governor  then  repeated  to  Pipe  the  charges  lie  had  formerly  urgfld 
against  the  brethren,  and  called  on  him  to  prove  his  assertions.  Tlie 
chief  secired  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have 
hapj)ened,  but  they  would  do  so  no  more,  for  tliey  were  now  at  Detroit. 
This  did  not  satisfy  the  governor,  and  he  peremptorily  demanded  that 
Pipe  should  answer  positively  to  the  point.  This  caused  him  still  greater 
embarrassment,  and  he  asked  his  counsellors  what  he  should  say,  but 
each  held  down  his  head  in  silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the 
only  wise  course,  and  he  thus  ingenuously  spoke :  "  /  said  before,  that 
some  such  thing  might  have  happened,  but  now  I  will  tell  you  the  plain  truth. 
The  missionaries  are  innocent.  They  have  done  nothing  of  themselves: 
what  they  have  done,  they  were  compelled  to  do.  lam  to  blame,  and  the  chiefs 
that  were  with  me  in  Goschachguenk :  we  have  forced  them  to  do  it,ivhentfiey 
refused."  The  governor  now  declared  them  innocent,  in  the  presence  or 
the  court,  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  brethren. 

One  circumstance,  illustrative  of  savage  superstition,  we  will  notice 
here.  When  Pipe's  warriors  were  about  to  force  the  brethren  to  leave 
their  dwellings,  it  was  almost  unanimously  concluded  at  one  time  by  the 
chiefs,  that  the  white  brethren  should  be  put  to  death.  They,  however, 
would  not  adventure  upon  such  a  deed  without  the  advice  of  one  of  their 
common  warriors,  who  was  considered  a  great  sorcerer.  His  answer 
was,  "he  could  not  understand  what  end  it  would  answer  to  kill  them." 
Upon  this,  the  chiefs  held  a  council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not 
only  the. white  brethren  and  their  wives,  but  the  Indian  assistants  also. 
When  they  made  this  resolution  known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them, 
"Then  you  have  resolved  to  kill  my  friends ;  for  most  of  their  chief  peo- 
ple are  my  friends:  but  this  I  tell  yon,  that  if  you  hurt  any  one  of  them, 
I  know  what  I  will  do !"  This  threat  deterred  them :  thus  were  the 
missionaries  as  well  as  many  others  saved. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Heckewelder,  that,  notwithstanding  Capt.  Pipe  was  so 
eager  for  the  war  before  its  commencement,  he  soon  became  sorry  for  it 
afterwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case  ;  and  yet  he  was  one  of  the 
most  efficient  enemies  of  the  Americans  after  the  peace,  as  will  elsewhere 
appear.  Ca|)t.  While-eyes,  or  Koquethagaeehlon,  which  was  his  Indian 
name,*  was  liis  [)articular  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  tho 


*  According  to  3Ir.  Heckewelder.    His  residence  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Beaver, 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  IV. ] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE 


41 


vns  willing 
plain. 

and  their 
ikhikan. 
le  Indians 
s  repose  at 
to  conduct 
3  governor 
had  never 

Here  the 
ds  had  to 
n.  On  the 
ipe  appear- 
iring  the  be- 
is  has  been 
3  hing  their 
before  you : 
But  I  hope 

ivords  unto 
rn  ill  used." 
nerly  urged 
tions.    Tlie 
might  have 
{  at  Detroit, 
landed  that 
I  still  greater 
uld  say,  but 
;hoosing  the 
;  before,  that 
!  plain  truth. 
'  themselves: 
\nd  the  chiefs 

it,tvhenth€y 

presence  of 

will  notice 

|-en  to  leave 

time  by  the 

[y,  however, 

lone  of  their 

iHis  answer 

kill  them." 

to  kill  not 

[istants  also. 

|id  to  them, 

chief  peo- 

le  of  them, 

is  were  the 

'ipc  was  so 
I  sorry  for  it 

one  of  the 
111  elsewhere 

his  Indian 
tnen  of  the 

1  Big  Beaver, 


Delaware  nation,  having  been  nearly  alike  distinguished  by  tlieircourage 
on  many  occasions.  No  one  could  have  more  at  heart  llic  welfare  of  their 
country,  than  Capt.  White-eyes  had  that  of  the  Delaware  nation,  and  it  is 
not  pretended,  but  that  as  much  should  Ik;  said  of  (^'apt.  Pipe  ;  but  they 
were  dift'erontly  circumstanced,  and  the  former  was  ojien  and  fearless  in 
his  declarations  in  favor  of  the  Auiericans,  while  the  latter  s(!eretly  fivor- 
ed  the  British.  Thus  they  were  unwillingly  opposed  to  each  other,  and 
for  about  two  years,  one  by  his  fraidiuess  and  tlie  other  by  his  clandestine 
operations,  strove  to  unite  and  strengthen  their  res|)Octivc'  [)nrties. 

Meanwhile  a  circumstance  happruied,  which  Capt.  Pipe  seized  u])on 
for  declaring  war.  jyTKee,  Elliot,  Girly,  and  several  others,  had  been  held 
at  Pittsburg  as  tories.  Early  in  the  s|)ring  of  1778,  they  made  an  escape, 
and  fled  into  the  Indian  country,  and,  as  they  went,  proclaimed  to  that 
])e()ple,  that  the  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them  ;  that  there- 
fore their  only  safety  consisted  in  repelling  them  ;  that  they  •  ist  fly  to 
arms,  and  flglit  them  in  every  jilace.  Pipe,  being  rather  incli  d  t  ^  war, 
believed  all  that  those  exasperated  fugitives  said  ;  while,  on  die  itlier 
hand,  tVhite-eyes  woulil  give  no  credit  to  them.  Having  got  lany  :.><  his 
men  together,  Capt.  Pipe  addressed  them  with  great  earnestness,  and 
with  grf-at  force  of  oratory  said,  "  Evenj  man  is  an  enemy  to  his  country, 
who  findeavors  to  persuade  us  against  fghling  the  Americans,  av  '  all  such 
oright  surely  to  be  put  to  death"  Capt.  ffldle-eyes  was  not  idle,  and  at  th(! 
same  time  had  assembled  the  people  of  his  tribe,  and  t'  •  sid)stance  of 
what  he  said  was,  "that  if  they  [any  of  his  warriors]  ?net  .  in  earnest  to 
go  Old,  as  he  observed  some  of  them  were  preparing  to  do,  they  should  not  go 
tvithout  him.  He  had,  he  said,  taken  peace  measures  in  order  to  save  the 
nation  from  utter  destruction.  But  if  they  believed  that  he  was  in  the  wrong, 
and  gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives,  whom  he  knew  to  be  such,  than 
to  himself,  who  tvas  best  acquainted  ivith  the  real  state  of  things ;  if  they  had 
determined  to  follow  their  advice,  and  go  out  against  the  Americans,he  would 
go  out  with  them ;  but  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  ani- 
mal to  be  beaten  about  with  his  paws,  tvhile  he  keeps  at  a  safe  distance  ;  no  ! 
he  woidd  lead  them  on,  place  himself  in  the  front,  and  he  the  first  who  chould 
fall.  They  only  had  to  determine  on  what  they  meant  to  do ;  as  for  his  own 
mind,  it  was  fully  made  up,  not  to  survive  his  nation ;  and  he  tooidd  riot 
spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in  bewailing  the  total  destruction  of 
a  brave  people,  who  deserved  a  belter  fate. " 

This  speech  was  spoken  with  a  pathos  and  in  a  manner  calcidated  to 
touch  the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such, 
that  all  unanimously  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions 
and  orders,  and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  other  person,  of  any 
nation  or  color,  but  Capt.  White-eyes. 

At  the  same  time,  Capt.  Wfiite-eyes,  in  order  to  counteract,  as  much  as 
})ossil)le,  the  evil  counsel  of  the  while  m(!n  just  mentioned,  desj)atehed 
runners  to  the  Shawanese  towns  on  the  Scioto,  where  these  impostors 
had  gone,  with  the  following  speech  :  "  Grandchildren,  ye  Shawanese, 
some  days  ago,  a  flock  of  birds,  that  had  come  on  from  the  east,  lit  at  Gos- 
chochking,  imposing  a  song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh  proved 
our  ruin.  Shoidd  these  birds,  which  on  leaving  us,  took  thnr  fight  towards 
Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song  on  you  likcivise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for 
they  lie .'" 

A  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  Capt.  White-eyes  having  reached 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  course  to  take,  and,  wiiilo  thus  eonfounded,  a  kind 
and  conciliatory  message  was  received  in  the  Delaware  nation,  from  the 
American  agent  of  Indian  affairs  at  Pittsburg.  It  particularly  cautioned 
the  people  of  that  nation  "  not  to  hearken  to  those  wicked  and  wortldesa 
men,  who  had  run  away  from  their  friends  in  the  night,  and  to  be  assured  of 
4* 


•i 


42 


CAPTAIN  piri:. 


[Book  V. 


Ihe  real  friendship  of  thr  Unilcd  Slrtlcn."  This  romi>lrtc'(l  Pipe\<t  confu- 
sion. IJut  uflcr  p(/ii(loririg  u  wliilo  upon  tin;  \vronf,'s  to  wliich  liis  roiin- 
trynien  iiiul  for  u  lonjj  time  been  hiil)ioctcd,  liko  tlie  Hucliein  of  the  Wutn- 
imnoHf,'H,  lie  perniittcd  his  waniors  to  go  out,  untl  Hur|)risc,und  murder  ull 
the  Amoricjuis  they  eould  hiy  their  iiands  upon. 

Blood  having  now  bcgmi  to  flow,  burharitics  followed  in  (|ui('k  sncros- 
«ion.  I'arly  in  the  spring  of  1781,  Col.  liroadhtad  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
vian town  of  Salem,  and  notified  the  inhabitantH  that  he  wan  on  an  expe- 
dition against  the  hostile  Indians,  and  gave  them  that  timely  notice  that 
they  might  eolleet  their  p(!opIe,  if  any  were  abroad,  that  they  n:ight  not 
betaken  lor  enemies.  "However,"  says  Mr.  Ihcktwdder,  "whilst  tlio 
colonel  was  assiu'ing  mc  that  our  Indians  had  nothing  to  fear,  an  oflirer 
<'ame  with  great  speed  from  one  (piarter  of  the  camp,  and  reported  that  h 
particidar  division  of  the  njilitia  'were  i)reparing  to  break  ofV  for  tho 
purpose  of  destroying  the  Moravian  settlements  n|»  the  river,  and  he 
feared  they  could  not  be  restrained  from  so  doing.'"  They  were,  how- 
ever, by  tho  exertions  of  the  commander  in  cliief,  aided  by  Col.  Slicphcnl, 
of  VVheoling,  prevented  from  their  murderous  design.  Thus  thesi!  Chris- 
tian Indians  were  situated  precisely  like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Phil- 
ip's war.  But  we  have  no  instance  to  record,  of  the  latter,  e(|ual  iti  extent, 
lor  diabolical  atrocity,  to  that  of  the-massacre  of  (juadeidiuetten,  elsewhere 
mentioned. 

JMeanwhilc  Col.  Broadhead  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a  hostile  settle- 
ment near  the  forks  of  the  Muskingum  ;  and  with  such  secrecy  did  he 
proceed,  that  not  a  person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
army  is  not  mentioned ;  bit,  not  long  after,  10  warriors  were  ])iit  to  death 
with  shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Col. 
Broadhead's  army  a  Delaware  cliief  named  Pelnllon.*  Sixteen  of  the 
captive  warriors  were  designated  by  him  as  |)erpeirators  of  murders,  and 
they  were  forthwith  tomahawked  and  scalped.  They  were  executed 
pursuant  to  the  decree  of  a  court-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  been  urged  for  this  revolting  transaction,  and 
that  alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief.  But  a  short 
time  before  Broadhcad^s  exj)edition,  a  large  Indian  force,  called  by  the 
whites  an  army,  collected,  and  set  out  for  the  destruction  of  North-western 
Virginia.  This  army  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  their  expectations 
were  wrought  iij)  to  a  very  high  degree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted, 
wcie  clianged  into  rage  and  fury.  Having,  in  their  march,  taken  a  largo 
iiumber  of  captive^,  they  retreated  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  them 
to  trees  and  put  them  to  death  in  their  barbarous  maimer.  This  massacre 
was,  however,  confined  to  their  male  prisoners.  Fathers,  in  j)resence  of 
their  families,  were  led  forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  and  lamentations, 
which  no  creature  but  infuriated  man  could  withstand.  This  barbarity 
was  the  more  aggravating,  when  it  was  contemplated  that  those  who  fell 
into  their  hands  bad  made  no  resistance !  Nothing,  therefore,  like  just 
retribution  was  to  be  expected  from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when 
vengeance  was  the  only  i)ursuit. 

After  every  thing  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Indian  country  tlirough 
which  the  Americans  passed,  they  returned  to  Pittsburg.  Before  leaving 
Coshocton,  a  shocking  circumstance  occurred,  which  alone  was  sufficient 
to  have  tarnished  the  most  brilliant  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  the  side 
of  the  river  over  against  the  encampment,  and  called  to  the  sentinels,  who 
asked  him  what  he  wanted.  He  answered  that  he  wished  to  see  the  big 
captain,  (the  name  by  which  Indians  commonly  designate  the  commander 
it  chief.)     Col.  Broadhead  appeared,  and  asksd  him  what  he  wanted 


*  The  same  who,  afterwards,  as  I  conclude,  was  a  party  to  Waijne's  treaty. 


Chap.  IV] 


PETCIIF.NANAI.AS. 


43 


who  roplind,  "  To  viake  peace.^^  TIkmi,  said  thfi  rolonol,  send  over  snino 
of'yoiir  oliiefH.  Tlie  Iiiduiii  iiit(!iTo;.'ativ«'ly  Hiiid,  '■'■Mnxf  be  you  kill/"  No, 
said  tlit^  cul()ii(!l,  thoy  sliall  conin  and  go  in  safety.  II(;n>n|)oii  a  chiof  of 
most  elegant  uppeuranc'e  crossed  to  the  encampment,  and — 1  hesitatt!  to 
relate  it — while  this  chief  was  conversing  with  the  colonel,  a  monster,  of 
the  militia,  catno  np,  and  with  a  tomahawk,  which  he  had  concealed  in 
his  clothes,  laid  him  dead  with  a  single  stroke!*  Thus  the  peace  which 
might  have  been  concluded  was  unhappily  suspended,  and  the  \\  ,ir  after- 
ward^ might  well  liuve  been  expected  to  exhibit  scones  no  less  bloody 
than  before. 

A  chief,  calhid  Pach<ranlschihilas,  distinguished  himself  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, inmicdiately  upon  the  retreat  of  Col.  lirondhentCs  army;  not  as 
many  others  have,  but  by  magnanimity  and  address,  llo  was,  according 
to  Mr.  Hcckewcl(lei;\  the  head  war  chief  of  the  Delaware  nation.  And 
subse(jnently  his  name  was  set  to  many  treaties  between  liis  nation  and 
the  United  States,  from  that  of  G(!n.  ff'aijne  at  Greenville  to  that  of  St. 
Clary's  in  1818:  if,  indeed,  Petchcnanalu3,Bukongclielaji,  and  SG\cral  other 
variations,  stand  fur  the  same  jjerson. 

PetckenantUas,  ut  the  head  of  80  warriors,  appeared  suddenly  at  Gna- 
denhuetten,  surrounding  it  before  day,  allowing  no  one  a  chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  people  were  tilled  with  terror.  lUit  ho  soon 
dispelled  their  fears,  by  telling  them  that  he  came  to  take  the  chief  Gele- 
leincml,  and  a  few  otiier  head  men,  whom  he  would  have,  either  dead  or 
alive.  As  it  happened,  not  one  of  those  he  sought  aller  was  there  at 
the  time.  Having  satisfied  himself  of  this  fact,  the  chief  demanded  that 
deputies  from  the  three  Christian  towns  should  meet  to  hear  what  he  had 
to  say  to  them.  When  the  deputies  and  others  had  met,  he  spoke  to  them 
as  follows: — 

"  Frienda  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  what  I  say  to  you.  You  see  a  great 
and  powerful  nation  divided.  You  see  the  father  fighting  against  the  son, 
and  the  son  against  the  futlier. — The  father  has  called  on  his  Indian  chil- 
dren to  assist  him  in  punishing  his  childreji,  the  Americans,  who  have 
become  refractory.  I  took  time  to  consider  what  I  should  do  ;  whether 
or  not  I  should  receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I 
looked  upon  it  as  a  family  quarrel,  in  which  I  was  not  interested.  At 
length  it  ap|)eared  to  me,  that  the  father  was  in  the  right,  and  his  children 
deserved  to  be  punished  a  little. — That  this  nuist  l)e  the  case,  I  concluded 
from  the  many  cruel  acts  his  oflspring  had  committed,  from  time  to  time, 
on  his  Indian  children — in  encroaching  on  their  lands,  stealing  their 
properly — shooting  at  and  mardering  without  cause,  men,  women,  and 
children: — yes,  even  murdering  those,  who  at  all  times  had  been  friendly 
to  them,  and  were  placed  for  protection  under  the  roof  of  their  father's 
house  ;|  the  father  himself  standing  sentry  at  the  door,  at  the  time ! — ■ 
Friends  and  relatives,  often  has  the  fiither  been  obliged  to  settle  and  make 
amends  for  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  his  refractory  children  ; 
yet  these  do  not  grow  better.  No!  they  remain  the  same,  and  will  con- 
timie  to  be  so,  as  long  as  we  have  any  land  left  us !  Look  back  at  the 
murders  connnitted  by  the  Long  Knives  on  many  of  our  relations,  who 
lived  peaceable  neighbors  to  them  on  the  Ohio  !  Did  they  not  kill  them 
without  the  least  provocation  ? — Are  they,  do  you  think,  better  now,  than 
they  were  then  ?  No!  indeed  not;  and  many  days  are  not  elapsed, since 
you  had  a  number  of  these  very  men  near  your  doors,  who  panted  to  kill 


*  Chronicles  of  Western  Settlemenls,  passim. 
t  Narrative,  2IG. 

i  Alliidiiitj  to  the  miirder  of  the  Concsiog-a  Tndi.Mis,  which  was  as  atrocious  as  tlial 
at  Guadeuhuettsii,  uud  of  which  wu  shall  ia  Uuu  course  give  a  relation. 


.!  . 


44 


IUi()K()N(iAnF,LAS. 


[Hook  V. 


you,  but  f!)itunaU!ly  w<;ro  pn'voritc-d  from  ho  doing,  by  iho  (Irent  Hun,* 
wlio,  ut  tliat  titiic,  Imd  by  tbt;  (ircat  Spirit  boeii  onlaiiiod  to  protect  you  I" 

Tlio  ciiief  tlHiU  h|)oki5  with  roHpcct  of  their  peuccabh;  uiodo  of  life,  and 
counneiidcd  tiicir  dcHirc  to  live  in  frioiidHhip  with  ail  inankin*! ;  but  miid, 
thoy  luiiHt  bo  aware  of  their  exposetl  Hituation — hvinjy  in  tiin  very  roacl 
the  hostile  parties  must  pass  over,  in  goiii<r  to  fight  each  other;  that  tluty 
had  Just  escaped  destruction,  from  one  of  tiieso  parties;  that  therefore  no 
time  siiould  he  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  Miami, 
where  they  \Yould  be  entirely  out  of  danger. 

The  Christian  Indians  replied,  that,  ns  tliey  hod  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, they  thought  they  need  not  fear  injury  from  them  ;  that  if  their 
friends  ut  war  wished  thetn  well,  in  trutli,  they  would  not  make  tiieir 
settlement  upon  the  path  they  took  to  go  to  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  tlie  same  way ;  and  that  they  could  not  remove  without  great 
detriment ;  and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  con- 
sent to  go. 

Pachffantschihilas  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  chief  men,  and 
answered  vei-y  feelingly  to  what  the  brethren  had  said.  He  observed 
tiiut  he  was  sorry  that  they  should  ditfer  from  him  in  o|)inion,  but  that  he 
had  no  intention  to  use  compulsion,  and  oidy  requested  that  those  might 
be  permitted  to  go,  whose  fears  prompted  them  to  it.  This  was  readily 
assented  to,  and  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  de])urtcd.  At 
Salem  they  made  a  short  stay,  where  they  conducted  themselves  as  they 
had  done  at  Gnadenhuetten.  Here  a  family  of  old  people  joined  them, 
through  fear  of  whot  Pachgantschxhilas  had  predicted,  and  the  event  justi- 
fied the  proceeding !  The  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten  will  ever  be  re- 
membered with  the  deepest  regret  and  indignation. 

Nothing  was  feared  from  the  good  Pclchenanalas ;  but  the  prowling 
monsters  M'Kee^  Girly,  Elliot,  and  perhaps  others,  calling  themselves 
white,  were  the  plotters  of  the  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  at  Gnaden- 
huetten, which  followed  not  long  after. 

Our  present  design  makes  it  expedient  that  we  pass  over  many  events 
in  the  chronicles  oi  the  frontier  wars,  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  proceed 
with  more  minuteness  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  eminent  chiefs. 
Although  we  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,  derive  Ihiokongahdas 
from  Pachgantscihilas  or  Petchenanalas,  yet,  as  they  have  as  much  affinity 
as  Pomelacom  and  Metacomet,  we  shall  let  them  pass  for  the  same  person, 
and  thus  continue  our  narrative. 

Duokongahdas  was  not  only  u  great,  but  a  noble  warrior.  He  took  no 
delight  hi  shedding  blood  ;  and  when  he  raised  the  hatchet  on  the  side  of 
the  British  in  the  revolution,  it  was  for  the  best  of  reasons  ;  and  would 
that  numerous  other  allies  we  could  name  had  acted  from  as  pun; 
motives.  Our  next  notice  of  Buokongahdas  is  in  1792,  when  he  showed 
himself  no  less  magnanimous  than  at  Gnadenhuetten  and  Salem.  Col. 
Hardin,  Major  Trucman,  and  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  tins 
year,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  particularly  tlie 
RIttumee  towns.  They  having  arrived  near  the  Indian  town  of  Au  Ghiize 
on  theS.  W.  branch  of  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  fell  in  with  some  Indians, 
who  treated  them  well  at  first,  and  made  many  professions  of  friendship, 
but  in  the  end  took  advantage  of  them,  while  off  their  guard,  and  murder- 
ed nearly  all  of  them.  Tlie  interpreter  made  his  escape,  after  some  time, 
and  gave  an  account  of  the  transaction.  His  name  was  William  Smally ; 
and  he  had  been  some  time  before  with  the  Indians,  and  had  learned 
their  manners  and  customs,  which  gave  him  some  advantage  in  being 
ubie  to  save  himself.     He  was  at  first  conducted  to  Au  (tlaize,  and  soon 

*  Referrirg  to  what  we  have  just  related  of  Col.  Daniel  Broadhead  and  his  army. 


Chap.  IV  1 


BUOKON(3AIIEI-AS. 


45 


same  person 


aftor  to  "  nuotcnn{(ahda,  kitip  of  tlin  Dnlawnrop,  by  his  cnptors."  The 
chief  told  thoHO  that  ooMiinitU'd  tiio  inurdci',  fit  was  vcri/  .iin-n/  Ihnj  had 
killed  the  men.  That  imdead  of  so  doiufr,  iheif  shoidtl  have  hroufrht  thitn  to 
the  Indian  towns ;  and  then,  if  what  then  h(ul  to  saif  had  not  hnn  liked,  it 
would  have  been  time  enouf^h  to  have  kdled  them  then.  JVothinfr,  he  said, 
could  juslifii  them  for  puitinsf  them  to  death,  as  there  was  no  chance  for  them 
to  escape.  The  truth  was,  tiiey  kill(!d  tiierii  to  j)hiiiil<'r  tiuir  cfrocta. 
Jiuokonfrah(la.s  took  Mr.  Smally  into  iiis  ral)iii,  and  showed  him  great 
kiruhiess;  told  him  to  stay  there  while  he  could  go  Kafidy  to  his  former 
Indian  friends.  (He  having  been  u<lopted  into  an  Indian  family,  in  place 
of  one  who  had  been  killed,  in  his  former  captivity.)  While  hero  with 
Buokonirahelas,  which  was  near  a  month,  Mr.  Smally  said  the  chief 
Would  not  j)ermit  hitn  to  go  abroad  'done,  for  fear,  ho  said,  that  the  young 
Indians  would  kill  him.  Tims,  though  wo  do  not  meet  often  with  Buo- 
kongahdas,  but  when  we  do,  the  interview  is  no  loss  lionorubic  to  him, 
tlian  in  the  instances  we  have  given. 

It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  the  British,  at  the  battle  of  Presquc  Isle, 
forever  changed  the  tnind  of  this  chief,  as  it  did  that  of  many  others,  in 
regard  to  them.  Buokongahtlas  said  he  would  henceforth  trust  them  no 
more.  The  fort  at  Maumee  wits  critically  situated,  but  by  its  own  impru- 
dence. The  otlicers  of  it  had  told  th(!  Indians  that  if  the  battle  turned 
against  them,  they  should  have  protection  in  the  fort.  Inmiediately  after, 
tien.  Wayne  informed  them,  that  if  they  did  protect  the  Indians  in  that 
event,  he  would  treat  them  as  though  found  in  arms  against  him  ;  there- 
fore, thinking  their  own  safety  of  more  consequence  than  keep'mg  their 
faith  with  the  Indians,  they  ban'eil  the  gates,  and  were  idle  spectators  of 
those  they  had  basely  betrayed,  cut  down  in  great  numbers  by  the  swords 
of  the  horsemen,  under  their  very  ramparts! 

It  would  seem  fron  a  passage  in  the  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Harrison,*  that 
Buokongahelas  died  soon  "  after  the  treaty  of  1804  ;"  that  if  he  had  been 
alive,  Mr.  Dawson  thinks,  when  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  eidisted  so 
many  nations  against  the  Americans,  he  would  not  have  suffered  their 
plans  to  have  been  matured.  The  same  author  relates  an  incident  of 
jjoculiar  interest,  concerning  our  subject,  which  is  as  follows: — AftiT  tho 
light  with  Way,ne's  army  before  m«!ntioned,  Buokongahelas  collected  the 
remnant  of  his  band,  and  embarked  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up 
the  rivpr,  to  send  a  flag  of  truce  to  Fort  Wayne.  When  the  chief  arrived 
against  the  British  fort,  he  was  recjucsted  to  land,  which  he  did.  When 
he  had  ai)i)roached  the  sentinel,  he  demanded,  "  WJiai  have  you  to  say  to 
me  ?"  He  was  answered  that  the  conunandant  desired  to  speak  with  him. 
"  Then  he  may  come  here,"  was  the  reply.  The  sentry  then  said  the  ofti- 
cer  would  not  do  that,  and  that  he  would  not  lie  allowed  to  pass  the  fort, 
if  he  did  not  comply  with  its  rules.  "  What  shall  prevent  wie?"  said  the 
intrepid  cli  'f.  Pointing  to  the  cannon  of  the  fort,  the  sentry  said, 
"  Those."  '>'"lie  chief  rejilied  indignantly,  ^'  I  fear  not  your  cannon  :  after 
siiff'ering  the  ^.Jmericans  to  defde  your  spiing,  without  daring  to  fire  on  them, 
you  cannot  exped  to  frighten  Buoko.vgehelas."  He  reeinbarked,  and 
passed  the  fort,  without  molestation.  By  "defiling  their  spring,"  he  meant 
an  ironical  reproach  to  the  British  garrison  for  their  treachery  to  the 
Indians,  which  has  been  mentioned. 

It  is  said  that  Buokongahelas  was  present  at  Fort  M'Intosh,  at  the  treaty 
of  1785;  but  as  his  name  is  not  among  the  signers,  we  suppose  he  was 
opposed  to  it.  Gen.  George  R.  Clark,  Jlrthur  Lee,  and  Richard  Butler, 
were  the  American  commissioners ;  the  former  had  been  a  successful 
warrior  against  the  Indians,  which  had  gained  him  the  respect  of  iJuofton- 


By  Mr.  Dawson,  page  82. 


46 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V, 


gahclas;  and  when  he  had  an  opportunity,  he  passed  the  others  without 
noticing  thetn,  but  went  and  took  Gen.  Clark  hv  iije  hand,  and  said,  "/ 
thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  having  this  day  brought  together  two  such  great 
warriors,  as  Buokongahelas  and  Gen.  Clat-.k." 

A  separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  nr.med,  illustrates  the  history  of 
several  chiefs  already  mentioned.  It  ■':  in  these  words: — "It  is  agreed 
that  the  Delaware  chiefs  Kelelamand,  [Gelelemcnd,  Killbuck,]  or  Col. 
Henry  ;  Hengne-pushees,  or  the  Big-cat ;  fVicocaliiid,  or  Ca})!.  iVhile-eyes  ; 
who  took  up  the  hatchet  for  the  United  States,  and  their  families,  shall  be 
received  into  the  Delaware  nation,  in  the  same  situation  and  rank  as 
before  the  war,  and  enjoy  their  due  portions  of  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot 
and  Delaware  nations  in  this  treaty,  as  fully  as  if  they  had  not  tak(;n  part 
with  America."  We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  consider  further  some 
of  the  characters  which  we  have  but  incidentally  mentioned  here.  IV)r 
the  present,  we  will  proceed  with  some  mattere  of  deep  interest  in  the  life 
of  Capt.  Pipe. 

At  one  time,  after  an  expedition  against  the  Americans,  Capt.  Pipe 
went  to  Detroit,  where  he  was  received  with  respect  by  the  British  com- 
mandant, who,  with  his  attendants,  was  invited  to  the  council-house,  to 
give  an  account  of  past  transactions.  He  was  seated  in  front  of  his 
Indians,  facing  the  chief  officer,  and  held  in  his  left  hand  a  short  slick,  to 
which  was  fastened  a  scalp.  After  a  usual  pause,  he  arose  and  spoke  as 
follows : — 

"Father,  [then  he  stooped  a  little,  and,  tuming  towards  the  audience, 
with  a  countenance  full  of  great  expression,  and  a  sarcastic  look,  said,  in 
a  lower  tone  of  voice,]  "  /  have  said  father,  although,  indeed,  I  do  not 
knoio  WHY  f  am  to  call  him  so,  having  never  known  any  other  father  than 
the  French,  and  considering  the  English  only  as  brothers.  But  cw  this 
name  is  also  imposed  upon  us,  I  shall  make  use  of  it,  and  say,  [at  the  same 
time  fixing  his  eyes  upon  the  commandant,]  Father,  some  time  ago  you 
put  a  war  hatchet  into  my  hands,  saying,  '  Take  this  iveapon  and  try  it  on  the 
heads  of  my  enemies,  the  Long-Knives,  and  let  me  afterwards  know  if  it  teas 
sharp  and  good.''  Father,  at  the  time  tvhen  you  gave  me  this  iveapon,  I  had 
neither  cause  nor  inclination  to  go  to  war  against  a  people  who  had  done 
me  no  injun/  ;  yet  in  obedience  to  you,  who  say  you  are  my  father,  and  call 
me  your  child,  1  received  the  hatchH  ;  well  knowing,  that  if  I  did  not  obey,  you 
would  withhold  from  me  the  necessaries  of  life,  without  which  I  could  not  sub- 
sist, and  which  are  not  elsewhei  ?,  to  be  procured,  but  at  the  house  of  my 
father. —  You  may  perhaps  thi7ik  me  a  fool,  for  i-isking  my  life  at  your  bid- 
ding, in  a  cause  too,  by  which  1  have  no  prospect  of  gaining  any  thing  ;  for  it 
is  your  canse  and  not  mine.  It  is  your  concern  to  ft:;!' I  the  Long-Knives  ; 
you  have  raised  a  quarrel  amongst  yourselves,  and  you  ought  yourselves  to 
fght  it  out.  You  shoidd  not  compel  your  children,  the  Indians,  to  expose 
themselves  to  danger,  for  your  sakes. — Father,  many  lives  have  already  been 
lost  on  your  account! — J^ations  have  suffered,  and  been  weakened! — cltil- 
dren  have  lost  parents,  brother),,  and  relatives  .'-  ivives  have  lost  husbands ! — 
It  is  not  known  how  many  more  may  perish  before  your  war  will  be  at  an 
end! — Father,  I  have  said,  that  you  may, perhaps,  think  me  a  fool,  for  thus 
thoughtlessly  rushing  on  your  enemy  ! — Do  not  believe  this,fath:r:  Think 
not  that  I  want  sense  to  convince  .ac,  that  although  you  now  pretend  to  keep 
up  a  perpetual  enmity  to  the  Long-Knives,  you  may  before  long  conclude  (i 
peace  with  them. — Father,  you  say  you  love  your  children,  the  Indians. — This 
you  have  often  told  them,  and  indeed  it  is  your  interest  to  say  so  to  them,  that 
you  may  have  them  at  your  sei-vice.  But,  father,  who  jf  us  can  believe  that 
you  can  love  a  people  of  a  different  color  from  your  own,  better  than  those 
tvho  have  a  white  skin  like  yourselves  ?  Fathe^;  pay  attention  to  what  I  am 
going  to  say.     While  you,  father,  are  setting  me    [meaning  the  Indians  in 


[Book  V. 

crs  without 

nd  said,  "/ 

such  great 

I  history  of 
It  is  agreed 
•,]  or  Col. 
Jthile-cyes  ; 
ira,  sliall  he 
nd  rank  as 
le  Wyandot 
t  taken  part 
irther  some 
here.  Tor 
5t  in  the  Ul'e 

Capt.  Pipe 
British  com- 
:'il-houso,  to 
front  of  his 
lort  stick,  to 
id  spoke  as 

)e  audience, 
ook,  said,  in 
;e(/,  /  do  not 
father  than 
But  as  this 
at  the  same 
me  ago  you 
try  it  on  the 
ow  if  it  ivas 
'apon,  I  had 
10  had  done 
leVy  and  call 
lot  obey,  you  ' 
mid  not  sub- 
house  of  my 
ii  your  bid- 
Ikmg ;  for  it 
vg-Knives  ; 
lourstlves  to 
to  expose 
already  been 
ncd ! — chil- 
ushands  ! — 
//  be  at  ail 
wi,  for  tints 
:'    Think 
end  to  keep 
r  conclude  a 
ians. — This 
to  them,  that 
believe  that 
than  those 
what  I  am 
Indians  in 


Chap.  IV.J 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


47 


jreneral]  on  your  enemy,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  a  hunter  sets  his  dog 
on  the  game  ;  while  I  am  in  the  act  of  rushing  on  that  enemy  of  yours,  with, 
the  bloody  destructive  weapon  you  gave  me,  I  may,  perchance,  happen  to  look 
back  to  the  place  from  whent"  you  started  me  ;  and  what  shall  I  see  ?  Per- 
haps I  may  see  my  father  shaking  hands  with  the  Long-Knives  ;  yes,  icith 
these  ven/  people  he  7iow  calls  his  enemies.  I  may  then  see  him  laugh  at  my 
folly  for  having  obeyed  his  orders ;  and  yet  I  am  now  risking  my  life  at  his 
command!  Father,  keep  what  I  have  said  in  remembrance. — Mow,  father, 
here  is  what  has  l>een  done  with  the  hatchet  you  gave  me.  [With  tliese  words 
he  handed  the  stick  to  the  connnan(laiit,witli  tlie  scalp  upon  it,  ahove  nien- 
tion'!(l.]  /  have  done  ivith  the  hatchet  what  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found 
it  sharp.  A^evertheless,  I  did  not  do  all  that  I  miglii  have  done.  »Vo,  /  did 
not.  .My  heart  failed  within  me.  I  felt  compassion  for  your  enemy.  Inno- 
cence [helpless  women  and  children]  had  no  part  in  your  quarrels;  there- 
fore I  distinguished — I  spared.  I  took  some  live  flesh,  which,  while  I  iveut 
bringing  to  you,  I  spied  one  of  your  large  canoes,  on  which  I  put  it  for 
you.  In  a  feu  days  you  will  recover  this  flesh,  and  find  that  the  skin  is  of 
the  same  color  with  your  own.  Father,  I  hope  you  will  not  destroy  what 
1  h^vc  ...fprf.  You,  fatiier,  have  ihc  means  of  preserving  that  which  with 
me  ivould  pen's^  'or  want.  The  warrior  is  poor,  and  his  cabin  is  always 
empty;  but  you    ■  ^'se,  father,  is  always  full." 

After  a  liigh  t  mium  upon  this  speech,  which  need  not  be  repeated, 
Mr.  Ileckewelder  isays,  "  It  is  but  justice  here  to  say,  that  Pipe  was  well 
ac(juainted  with  the  noble  and  generous  character  of  the  British  oflicer  to 
whom  this  speech  was  addressed.  He  is  still  living  in  his  own  country, 
an  honor  to  the  British  name.  He  obeyed  the  orders  of  Iiis  superiors  in 
employing  the  Indians  to  fight  against  us;  but  he  did  it  with  reluctance, 
and  softened  as  much  as  was  iii  his  power  the  horrors  of  that  abominable 
warfare.  He  esteemed  Capt.  Pipe,  and,  I  have  no  doubt,  was  well  pleased 
with  the  humane  conduct  of  this  Indian  chief,  whose  sagacity  in  this  in- 
stance is  no  less  deserving  of  praise  than  his  eloquence." 

The  name  of  Capt.  Pipe  is  unfortunately  associated  with  the  history  of 
the  lamented  Col.  JVilliam  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  stake,  after 
suffering  the  most  horrible  and  excruciating  tortures  possible  for  Indians 
to  inflict.  lie  v.'as  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  from  having  been 
many  years  a  successful  commander  against  them.  He  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians  not  far  from  Upper  SiUidusky,  in  the  latter  end  of  May, 
1782.  At  this  time  he  was  arrived  there,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  about 
500  volunteers,  'vho  were  attacked  and  put  to  flight,  without  having  ac- 
quitted themselves  like  soldiers  in  any  do  jree  ;  except,  indeed,  some  in- 
dividual instances.  At  least  a  hundred  were  killed  and  taken,  and  of 
the  latter,  but  two  are  said  ever  to  have  esca])ed. 

Capt.  Pipe,  if  not  the  principal,  was  probably  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  When  the  rout  of  the  at  my  began,  instead  of 
retreating  in  a  body,  they  fled  in  small  i)artics,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  prey 
into  the  liands  of  their  j)ursuers.  Col.  Crawford  became  separated  from 
the  main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extreme  anxi(^ty  for  his  son,  and  two 
or  three  other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  were  in  the  rear,  and  there- 
fore waited  for  them  an  imreasonable  time.  He  at  length  fled,  in  com- 
pany with  a  Dr.  Knight  and  two  others.  Fufortunately,  after  travelling 
nearly  two  days,  they  were,  with  several  others,  surprised  by  a  j)arty  of 
Delawares,  and  conducted  to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Here  Ca|)t.  Pipe, 
with  his  own  hands,  painted  Crawford  and  Knight  black  in  every  part  of 
their  bodies.  A  place  called  the  New  Wyandot  Town  was  not  lar  oft". 
To  this  place  tliey  were  now  ordered,  and  Pipe  told  Crawford,  that  when 
ho  arrived  there,  his  head  should  be  shaved;  of  which,  it  seems,  he  did 
not  understand  the  import.    These  miserable  men  were  accompanied  by 


V 


48 


CIIIKATOMMO. 


[Book  V. 


Pipe  and  anotlier  noted  Delaware  chief,  named  Wingenim.  Several 
other  captives  had  been  sent  forward  ;  and  in  the  way,  as  Knight  and 
Crawford  i)assed  along,  they  saw  lour  of  the  mangled  bodies  of  their 
friends,  lying  uj)on  the  gronnd,  dead  and  scalped.  Nine  others  had  been 
picked  uj)  at  the  same  time  the  two  just  named  were,  and  four  of  these 
were  those  murdered  in  the  way.  The  other  five  met  a  like  fate,  from 
the  hands  of  Indian  squaws  and  boys  at  the  destined  village.  Here 
Crawford  and  Knight  saw  Simon  Girt;/,  of  whom  no  Inunan  being  since, 
we  ai)i)rehend,  has  spoken  or  written  without  indignation.  He  is  repre- 
sented to  have  witnessed  the  torture  of  Cranford  with  much  satisfaction  ! 

After  the  colonel  was  tied  to  the  fatal  [)ost,  Capt.  Pipe  addressed  the 
assembled  Indians  in  an  earnest  speech,  which  when  he  had  closed,  they 
all  joined  in  a  hideous  yell,  and  fell  to  torturing  the  prisoner,  which  con- 
tinued for  about  three  hours,  when  he  sunk  down  upon  his  face,  and  with 
a  groan  expired. 

Dr.  Knight  was  reserved  for  the  same  fate,  and  was  present,  and  obliged 
to  hear  the  agonizing  ejaculations  of  his  friend,  and  at  last  to  see  him 
expire,  without  being  able  to  render  him  even  the  assistance  of  a  con- 
soling word! — Indeed  the  il.oughts  of  his  own  condition,  and  the  end 
that  awaited  him,  were  as  mu(  h,  nay,  more,  perhaps,  than  a  rational  mind 
could  bear.  There  se^iij.jJ  no  possibility  of  a  deliverance ;  but  it  came  in 
on  unexpected  hour.  He  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Sawanee  Town,  and  for 
this  purpose  was  intrusted  to  a  young  warrior,  who  watched  him  inces- 
eandy.  The  distance  was  about  40  miles ;  and,  during  their  march,  he 
found  means  to  knock  down  his  driver  and  make  good  his  escape.  He 
Avas  21  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  was  nearly  famished  when  he 
arrived  at  Fort  M'Intosh.  At  the  place  to  which  he  was  destined  by  the 
Indians,  Col.  Crawford''s  son,  son-in-Iavv,  and  several  others,  were  put  to 
death  about  the  same  time. 

The  expedition  of  Col.  Crawford  was  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
many  others,  in  as  far  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns 
upon  the  Muskingmn,  where  many,  who  composed  it,  were  determined 
that  the  Christian  Indians,  which  tliej  there  expected  to  find,  should  glut 
their  vengeance  by  their  blood,  as  these  at  Gnadenhuetten  had  done  but  a 
short  time  before,*  as  will  elsewhere  be  found  noticed.  We  may  again, 
in  a  future  chapter,  extend  our  account  of  these  affairs,  which  we  pass 
here,  to  give  |)lace  to  the  events  in  the  life  of  a  noted  Shawanese  chief, 
who  made  himself  conspicuous  by  his  successful  depredations  at  this 
period.     This  was 

Chikatommo.  In  1790,  he  succeeded  in  capturing  many  boats  upon 
the  Ohio  River,  killing  many  of  those  in  them,  and  taking  and  destroying 
u  vast  amount  of  property.  Among  the  boats  which  fell  into  the  Jiands 
of  Chikatommo  was  one  in  which  was  a  Mr.  Cliarles  Johnston  of  Bote- 
tourt county,  Virginia,  and  several  others,  and  from  whose  narrative  we 
derive  nuich  of  this  information — a  book  replete  with  instruction,  and  one 
of  the  most  valuable  in  its  kind.f  As  this  company  were  descending  tho 
Ohio,  in  an  unwieldy  flat-bottomed  boat,  in  which  were  a  number  of 
liorses  and  considerable  merchandise,  two  white  men  appeared  upon  the 
shore,  and  called  to  them,  affecting  great  distress,  and  begged  to  be  taken 


*  Our  chief  autliority  for  these  events  is  the  valuable  Chronicles  by  Mr.  Withers, 
before  referred  to. 

t  The  author  appears  to  have  been  prompted  to  its  publication  by  the  misinterpreta- 
tion of  liis  oral  cominuiiiratioiis  by  the  Uiike  de  Lainconrt ;  whom,  by  the  way,  we  do  not 
find  to  (iirtcr  so  materially,  in  his  account,  from  the  author  as  one  mif^lit  apprehf^ncJ 
from  his  statement.  Tlie  chief  disagreement  appears  in  such  minor  points  as  the 
spellinff  of  names  :  thus,  in  naming' the  persons  t'aptivated,  for  Skylcs  lie  writes  Skuyl . 
for  Dolly  f'lcming,  Dohj  Flamming ;  for  Flinn,  Flihjn,  &c. 


[Book  V. 

.  Several 
jiight  and 
s  of  their 
i  had  been 
r  of  these 
fate,  from 
;e.  Here 
L'ing  since, 
i  is  repre- 
itisfaction ! 
ressed  the 
losed, they 
rt'hich  con- 
e,  and  with 

ind  obliged 
to  see  him 
!  of  a  cou- 
ld the  end 
tional  mind 
t  it  came  in 
^-n,  and  for 
him  inces- 
•  march,  he 
iscape.    He 
d  when  he 
ined  by  the 
iveve  put  to 

lertaken  as 

ian  towns 

etcrmined 

lould  glut 

done  but  a 

may  again, 

we  pass 

nese  chief, 

ons  at  this 

joats  upon 
destroying 

the  hands 
an  of  Bote- 
rrativc  we 
an, and  one 
sending  the 
number  of 

upon  the 
to  be  takc;n 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHIKATOMMO. 


49 


Mr.  Withers, 

lisintcrprcta- 

av.  we  ilo  not 

apprt'h'^iK] 

|)oints  as  the 

vrilcs  Skuyl : 


on  board.  Before  these  two  whites  showed  themselves,  however,  a 
smoke  was  seen  above  the  trees,  and  for  some  time  held  them  in  doubt  on 
which  side  of  the  river  it  was.  They  wished  to  ascertain  this  fact,  as 
thereby  they  might  keep  close  in  upon  the  opposite  shore,  and  so  escape 
mischief  in  the  event  of  an  ambushment  of  Indians.  They  were  thus 
wary,  as  the  Indians  were  constantly  doing  mischief  upon  the  rivers,  and 
had  but  a  short  time  before  destroyed  a  settlement  at  a  place  called  Ken- 
nedy's Bottom,  in  Kentucky. 

It  was  before  sunrise  on  the  20  March,  that  the  two  white  men  before 
mentioned  hailed  the  boat,  which  was  safely  out  of  the  reach  of  fire-arms, 
having  discovered  the  smoke  to  be  upon  the  N.  W.  shore,  and  therefore 
they  kept  upon  the  S.  W.  Those  white  men,  the  more  eft'ectually  to 
decoy  the  l)oat's  crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians 
at  Kennedy's  Bottom,  and  iiacl  just  escaped  from  them,  and  unless  they 
would  take  them  on  board  they  nuist  perish  from  hunger  and  cold.  The 
truth  was,  one  or  both  of  them  were  abandoned  wretches,  who  had 
leagued  with  a  band  of  depredators  under  Chikatommo,  and  thus  were 
the  means  of  destroying  many  innocent  lives  in  the  most  atrocious  man- 
ner. When  hailed  by  them,  as  we  have  just  said,  some  in  the  boat  were 
for  listening  to  them,  and  some  against  it.  In  the  mean  time,  the  boat 
floated  fast  down  the  current,  and  left  those  on  shore  considerably  in  the 
rear,  although  they  exerted  themselves  to  keep  abreast  of  the  boat.  Those 
who  were  against  taking  them  on  board  had  their  objections  well  ground- 
ed; for  when  these  men  were  asked  the  occasion  of  the  smoke  upon  their 
side  of  the  rivei*,  they  denied  that  there  had  been  any,  or  said  they  knew  of 
no  such  thing;  and  this  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason  why  they  should 
reject  the  other  part  of  their  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided  down,  those 
on  board  debated  the  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if  there  were 
Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  tlien  be  far  up  the  river, 
as  it  was  thought  impossible  that  they  could  have  got  through  the  woods 
so  fast  as  they  had  floated  down  ;  and  one  of  the  company,  a  Mr  Flinn, 
whose  kindness  of  heart  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  proposed  haz- 
arding his  own  person  on  shore,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the  rest. 
His  plan  was  as  follows :  that  whereas  rhey  must  be  now  out  of  the  reach 
of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  barely  touch  upon  the  shore,  and 
he  would  jump  out,  and  the  boat  should  at  the  same  time  haul  off';  so 
that  if  Indians  should  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  off"  safe, 
and  as  to  himself,  he  jould  well  outrun  them,  and  would  get  on  board  the 
boat  again  at  a  certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  humane  plan  laid 
of  relieving  supposed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which  we  now  pro- 
ceed to  relate. 

One  circumstance  had  not  been  taken  into  account  by  this  devoted 
company.  The  current  being  rapid,  it  took  them  much  longer  than  they 
had  anticipated  to  gain  the  shore  ;  and  this  gave  some  of  the  most  swilt- 
footed  of  Chikatommo' s  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time 
with  them.  Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Flinn  had  but  barely 
cleared  himself  from  the  boat,  when  a  large  numlier  of  Indians,  jiaintod 
in  the  most  frightful  manner,  came  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  the 
boat's  crew  seized  their  guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  the  others 
used  every  means  to  get  their  boat  from  the  shore  ;  but  every  thing  seemed 
to  conspire  against  them.  Their  boat  became  entangled  in  the  branches 
of  a  large  tree,  and  the  whole  body  of  Indians,  havmg  arrived,  being  54  in 
number,  gave  a  horrible  yell,  and  poured  in  their  whole  fire  upon  the 
boat.  From  the  protection  afforded  by  the  side  of  the  boat,  one  only 
was  killed,  Dolly  Fleming,  and  Mr.  Skyles  wounded.  All  resistance  was 
vain,  and  the  others  lay  down  upon  the  bottom  of  the  boat,  to  prevent 
being  immediately  killed.  The  Indians  kept  up  their  fire  until  all  the 
5 


50 


CHIKATOMMO. 


[Hoc  •  V 


horses  were  shot  down,  whicli  added  much  to  the  horror  o[  the  sitLiation 
of  those  upon  the  bottoin  of  the  boat,  as  they  were  in  great  danger  of 
being  trampled  to  death  by  them  before  they  fell,  and  afterwards  from 
their  strivings.  When  this  was  finished,  the  firing  ceased,  and  Mr.  May 
oluuu  up,  and  held  up  a  white  cap  in  token  of  surrender ;  but  he  fell  in  a  mo- 
ment after,  with  a  ball  shot  through  his  head.  Several  of  the  Indians  now 
swam  to  tlie  l)oat,  and  were  helped  into  it  by  those  within.  Having  now  got 
possession  of  it,  they  seemed  well  pleased,  and  oflered  no  further  violence. 
All  t'lings  were  now  taken  on  shore,  and  an  immense  fire  kiuvlled;  the 
dead  were  sciilped,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  and  the  captives  divested 
of  most  of  their  clothes.  As  several  4ndians  were  gathered  around  Mr. 
Johnston  when  he  was  stripped,  one,  observing  that  he  had  on  a  kind  of  red 
vest,  apjiroached  and  said  to  him  in  English,  "  Oh !  you  cappatin  ?"  He 
said,  "A'b."  Then  the  Indian  pointed  to  his  own  breast,  and  said,  "  JMe 
cappatin — all  dese  my  sogers."  This  was  Chikatommo.  An  Indian, 
named  Tom  Letvis,  tliscovered  much  humanity  to  Mr.  Johnston,  in  that 
he  covered  him  with  his  own  blanket  after  he  had  lost  his  clothes. 

IJeing  all  stationed  about  the  fire,  Chikatommo  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
being  about  50  feet  in  length,)  who,  rising  up,  made  a  speech  to  the  multi- 
tude. An  old  Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned,  ma('e  the 
fii'st  speech,  at  the  end  of  whicli  Chikatommo  conducted  Johnston  to 
another  Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  was  Mes-shaw-a,  to  whom  he  waa 
given  or  assigned,  and  informed  that  he  was  his  friend.  At  the  eiit'  sif 
Chikatoimno^s  speech,  another  prisoner  was  disposed  of.  The  same  cere- 
mony was  repeated  with  the  third  and  last.  Johnston,  Skyles  and  F'inii 
went  to  the  Shawanese,  and  Peggy  Fleming  to  the  Cherokees.  This  band 
of  robbers  appears  to  have  been  made  up  of  adventurers  from  ihe  tribes 
just  mentioned,  with  the  addiiion  of  a  few  Delawares.  The  hitter  had 
none  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  did  not  wish  to  be  known  in  the  business, 
thinking  it  might  involve  their  nation  in  a  war  with  the  U.  States. 

The  two  white  men  who  had  Jecoyed  the  boat  into  the  Indians'  'jands, 
were  still  with  them,  and  the  next  day  all  the  captives  were  onU  r'.d  to 
take  a  po^'tion  upon  the  edge  of  the  river,  to  decoy  the  first  that  should 
be  passing.  A  boat  soon  apjjeared,  ard  'Tuugnant  as  such  an  employment 
was  to  the  feelings  of  these  captives,  ■  t  ,iiey  were  obliged  thus  to  do,  or 
suffer  a  horrible  death.  D^ivine  and  j'\"  is  were  the  names  of  tne  two 
whites  so  often  mentioned :  the  former  was  the  voluntary  agent,  and,  as 
Mr.  Johnston  expresses  it,  the  one  who  "  alone  had  devised  and  carried 
into  effect  their  destruction ;"  and,  "  ingenious  in  wicked  stratagems, 
seemed  to  be  perfectly  gratified  to  aid  the  savages  in  their  views,  and  to 
feel  no  scruples  in  suggesting  means  for  their  accomplishment.  He  fabri- 
cated a  tale,  that  we  were  passengers  down  the  Ohio,  whose  boat  had 
suffered  so  great  an  injury,  that  wo  were  unable  to  proceed  until  it  was 
repaired  ;  but  that  for  want  of  an  axe,  it  was  imi)ossibIe  for  us  to  do  tho 
necessary  work.  These  unsuspecting  canoe-men  turned  towards  us; 
but  the  current  bore  tliem  down  so  far  below  us,  as  to  preclude  all  chance 
of  my  putting  them  on  their  guai-d.  [Mr.  Johnston  having  intended  by 
some  sign  to  have  given  them  warning  of  what  awaited  them.]  The 
Indians,  as  they  had  acted  in  our  case,  ran  down  the  river  at  such  a  dis- 
tance from  it,  and  under  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they  were  not  discover- 
ed Uiicil  the  canoe  was  close  to  the  shore,  when  they  fired  into  it,  and 
shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tumliled  into  the  water,  their  little 
berk  was  overset.  T'  o,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
iiiu  wen  so  sevetely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off'.  Tho  In- 
'iiuds  leujied  into  the  river,  and,  after  dragging  them  to  the  shore,  de- 
Lj'ito.hed  them  wilii  the  tomahavk.  The  bodies  of  the  four  who  were 
killf^d  wcrs  also  brought  to  land,  uid  the  whole  six  were  scalped.    All 


tS^&ima£fM'i 


V  H  .f"    f 


'^*%. 


[Boc-  V. 

he  situation 
it  danger  of 
wards  from 
id  3Ir.  May 
fell  in  a  mo- 
Indians  now 
nng  now  got 
ler  violence, 
dndled ;  the 
ves  divested 
I  around  Mr. 
a  kind  of  red 
vpatinf^  He 
id  said,  ".We 
An  Indian, 
aston,  in  that 
othes. 

end  of  it,  (it 
1  to  the  multi- 
ed,  ma('e  the 
i  Johnston  to 
vhom  he  ^vas 
t  the  ev..*  of 
lie  same  c-  le- 
les  and  F'Um 
3.    This  band 
rom  the  tribes 
he  I'ltter  had 
1  the  business, 
■ttates. 

ndians"  'lands, 
re  ordv  r'd  to 
■St  that  should 
employment 
ms  to  do,  or 
of  tlie  two 
igent,  and,  as 
and  carried 
stratagems, 
lews,  and  to 
nf.     He  fabri- 
lose  boat  had 
until  it  was 
»r  us  to  do  the 
towards  us; 
ude  all  chance 
g  intended  by 
them.]    The 
such  a  dis- 
not  discover- 
iiito  it,  and 
er,  their  little 
mselves  afloat, 
off.    The  In- 
the  shore,  de- 
bur  who  were 
scalped.    All 


Chap.  IV.] 


KING-CRANE. 


51 


It 


were  then  thrown  into  the  river.  Nothing  I  could  then  learn,  or  which 
has  since  come  to  tny  knowledge,  has  enabled  me  to  understand  who 
these  unfortunate  sufferers  were." 

After  various  successes  and  encounters  upon  the  river,  CMkatommo  lefl 
it,  and  met  a  number  of  his  company  at  an  encampmi  ut  about  five  miles 
from  it.  Here  he  lefl  the  rest,  taking  with  hiin  a  select  number  and  some 
of  the  Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming ;  and  the  company  with  whom 
Johnston  remained  did  not  join  him  again  for  many  days.  Afler  much 
delay  and  interesting  incident,  they  reached  the  Indian  town  of  Upper 
Sandusky.  Here  they  scpiandered  all  their  rich  booty  for  whiskey,  and, 
as  usual,  rioted  in  drunkenness  for  several  days.  Chikatommo  at  this  time 
showed  himself  very  savage  to  the  prisonere,  and  had  he  not  been  pre- 
vented by  the  humane  and  benevolent  Messhawa,*  would  have  killed  some 
of  them.  The  unfortunate  Skyles  had  some  time  before  lefl  them,  and 
gone  in  an  unknown  direction  with  his  cruel  master. 

A  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a  Mr.  Ducliouquet,  had  used  endeavors 
to  ransom  Johnston ;  but  his  master  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing 
of  it.  At  length,  having  dissipated  all  his  booty,  and  ashauied  to  return 
home  in  such  a  state,  he  concluded  to  sell  Johnston  for  the  most  he  could 
get ;  and  accordingly  600  silver  broaches  were  paid  iiim,  equal  in  value 
to  100  dollai-s,  the  amount  agreed  upon.  Chikatommo  and  his  party  then 
took  up  their  march  for  Detroit.  Not  long  after  this,  Mr.  Johnston  return- 
ed home  by  way  of  that  place.  Before  he  lefl  Sandusky,  he  was  informed 
of  the  burning  of  the  ill-fated  Flinn :  he  suffered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami 
village,  and  was  eaten  by  his  torturers.  The  Indian  who  brought  the 
news  to  Sandusky,  said  that  he  himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane,  a  W  indo*  "hief,  a})peai-s  conspicuous  in  this  narrative, 
and  illusti'ates  a  val.  ble  trait  of  character  in  Indian  life.  When  Mr. 
Duchouqud  and  Johru  con  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky,  in  their  way  to 
Detroit,  the  town  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  they  soon  learned  the  occa- 
sion to  be  from  the  arrival  of  some  Cherokees  in  the  neighborhood  with 
u  female  captive.  The  traders  in  the  place  immediately  went  to  their 
camp,  whore  they  found  Peggy  Fleming,  who  some  time  before  had 
been  separated  fi'om  Johnston  and  the  other  captives.  Among  those  who 
went  to  see  lier,  was  a  white  man  by  the  name  of  IfTiitaker,  who,  having 
been  carried  into  captivity  in  his  youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian 
habits,  and  being  a  man  of  considerable  physical  ])owers  and  enterprise, 
had  become  a  chief  among  the  Wyandots.f  lie  had  been  upon  the  fron- 
tiers with  the  Indians  upon  trading  expeditions,  and  hud  lodged  it  times 
in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  Fleming's  father.  She  imiiK  diately 
knew  hhn,  and  l)esought  him,  in  the  most  afTecting  manner,  to  deliver  her 
from  bondage.  He  went  immediately  to  King-crane,  and  told  liim  that 
the  woman  with  the  Cherokees  was  ins  sister,]:  and  urged  him  to  use 
means  fc*  her  relief.  King-crane  went  without  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
tlie  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  her  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  there  was  danger  of  their  murdering  her  lest  she  should  be 
taken  from  them.  He  next  tried  to  purchase  her ;  but  his  benevolent 
offers  were  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  increased.  Re- 
solved to  rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  King-crane  repaired  to  their 
camp  early  the  next  mornuig,  accomjjanied  with  8  or  10  young  warriors. 
They  found  the  Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive — it  is  shocking  to  hu- 
manity to  relate — was  without  the  least  attire !  extended  and  lashed  to 
the  stair! — ready  to  be  burned! — her  body  painted  all  over  \\ith  black. 


*  ;Mi.  Jol-->sio'.,  tlirouffl;out  his  narrative,  g-ives  him  an  excellent  character, 
aliv'-  i.'Xer  llio   «   r  of  1812  began,  and  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Tecumseh. 
t  Ihirovr  .  ad  Wtjandots  arc  syaoiiynious  terms  with  most  writers, 
i  II  over  good  came  out  of  evil,  we  should  expect  it  hi  a  case  like  this. 


He  was 


83 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


[Book  V. 


King-crane  silently  cut  the  thongs  with  which  she  was  bound,  then 
awakened  the  murderers,  and  threw  down  upon  the  ground  the  price  of 
a  captive  in  silver  broaches,  (which  are  current  money  among  them,)  and 
departed.  She  was  soon  after  sent  forward  for  her  home,  disguised  in 
the  attire  of  a  squaw.  The  Cherokees  prowled  about  seeking  vengeance 
upon  some  white  ])erson  for  a  few  days,  and  then  disappeared. 

The  reader  may  wish  to  know  what  became  of  Skyles : — he  was  taken 
to  a  place  upon  the  Miami  River,  wliere  lie  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but 
made  his  escape  the  night  previous  to  the  day  on  which  he  was  to  have 
suffered.  After  enduring  the  most  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from 
wandering  alono  in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  con- 
veyed him  to  Detroit,  and  from  thence  home  to  Virginia. 

The  se(iuel  of  the  life  of  the  old  hard-hearted  Chikatommo  is  as  follows: 
For  four  years  succeeding  the  events  above  related,  he  followed  his  dep- 
redating career,  and  was  concerned  in  opposing  the  war  parties  of  Amer- 
icans until  the  time  of  Gen.  Wayne's  famous  expedition.  As  that  veteran 
was  advancing  into  the  western  region,  Chikatommo  met  an  advance  par- 
ty of  ills  army  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  his  desperate  warriors,  who  were 
sent  forward  as  tlie  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A  sharp  skirmish  followed,  and 
Chickatommu  was  slain.  This  was  the  action  near  Fort  Defiance.  King- 
crane  was  also  in  arms  to  oppose  Gen.  Wayne ;  but  in  the  last  war  against 
England,  he  fought  for  the  Americans,  and  is  supposed  to  have  died 
three  or  four  years  after  its  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  Wayne's 
famous  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  and  several  others. 

Wc  now  pass  to  a  chief  by  far  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
many  v,  bo  have  received  much  greater  notice  from  historians.  This  was 
Mishikinakwa,  (a  name  by  no  means  settled  in  orthography,)  which,  in- 
terprofed,  is  said  to  mean  the  Liitle-turP  To  the  different  treaties  bear- 
hig  his  iipinc;,  we  find  these  spellings:  Meshckunnoghquoh,  Greenville,  3 
Aug.  1795 :  Meshekunnoghcuoh,  Fort  Wayne,  7  June,  1803 ;  Mashekan- 
ahqiiah,  Vincennes,  21  Aug.  1805 ;  Meshekenoghqua,  Fort  Wayne,  30  Sept. 
1809 ;  and  were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have 
used  the  name,  we  might  nearly  finish  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

.LitUe-tiirHe  was  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  sccmes  of  his  warlike 
achievements  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  He  had,  in  conjunc- 
tion willi  the  triLcs  of  that  region,  successfully  tbiight  the  armies  of  Har- 
vier  and  St.  Clair ;  and  in  the  fight  with  the  latter,  he  is  said  to  have  had 
the  chief  command ;  hence  a  detailed  account  of  that  affair  belongs  to 
his  fife. 

It  is  well  IvHOwn  that  the  Americans  inveighed  loudly  against  the 
English  e^  "^anada,  hi  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of 
the  enoriuities  committed  on  their  frontiers  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally 
we'i  ivnown,  C  this  day,  by  every  judicious  inquirer,  that  they  were  not 
so  (  la-nable  "is  t'le  Americans  represented,  nor  so  innocent  as  themselves 
and  ffieidlH.  t;vcv  long  aller,  represented  them.  That  the  British  govern- 
ment encoura'ied  depredations  upon  the  frontiers  in  times  of  peace, 
should  not  tO(»  ea5<;'.v  be  received  for  truth  ;  still,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  8ome  n'lio  heitl  inferior  offices  under  it,  were  secret  aliettors  of  bar- 
barities. In  the  attack  upon  Gen.  St.  Clair'' s  army,  now  about  to  be  re- 
lated, there  was  much  cause  of  susjjicion  against  the  Canadians,  as  it 
wns  known  Hat  many  of  them  even  exceeded  in  that  bloody  afliiir  the 
Indians  themselves.  Mr.  Weld,  the  intelligent  traveller,  says,*  "  A  great 
i.'.any  yning  Canadians,  and  in  particular  many  that  were  born  of  Indian 
women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  this  action ;  a  circumstance 
which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  opinion  they  had  pre- 


Travels  in  Canada,  436-7,  8vo.  London,  (4  ed.)  1800. 


[Book  V. 

und,  then 
;  price  ol" 
hem,)  and 
Bguised  m 
vengeance 

was  taken 

burnt,  but 
as  to  have 
uger,  from 

who  con- 
as  follows : 
ed  his  dep- 
'S  of  Amer- 
hat  veteran 
Ivance  par- 
,  who  were 
lUowcd,  and 
[ice,     King- 
war  against 
»  have  died 
i  of  Wayne's 

history  than 
3.    This  was 
,)  which,  in- 
;reaties  bear- 
Sreenville,  3 
;  Mashekan- 
.  ne,  30  Sept. 
•s  who  have 
Ivariations. 
his  warlike 
in  conjunc- 
lies  of  Har- 
to  have  had 
|ir  belongs  to 

1  against    the 
the  guilt  of 
J  It  is  equally 
ley  were  not 
themselves 
Itish  govern- 
ks   of  peace, 
DU  to  believe 
Ittors  of  bar- 
lut  to  be  re- 
ladians,  as  it 
jdy  affair  the 
,  #  u  \  great 
frn  of  Indian 
Vircnmstance 
Ley  had  pre- 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


53 


viously  fonned,  that  the  Indians  were  encouraged  and  abetted  in  tlieir 
attacks  upon  them  by  the  British.  1  can  safely  affirm,  however,  from 
having  conversed  with  many  of  these  young  men  who  fought  against 
St.  (Hair,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  secrecy  they  left  their  homes  to  join 
the  Indians,  fearful  lest  the  goverament  should  censure  their  conduct." 

The  western  Indians  were  only  emboldened  by  the  battles  between 
them  and  detachments  of  Gen.  Hamier's  army,  in  1790,  and,  under  such 
a  leader  as  Mishikinakwa,  entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  bringing  the 
Americans  to  their  own  terms.  One  murder  followed  another,  in  rapid 
succession,  attended  by  all  the  horrore  peculiar  to  their  warfare,  which 
caused  President  Washington  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  recom- 
mending Congress  to  adopt  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  checking 
those  calamities ;  and  2000  men  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under 
the  command  of  Gen.  St.  Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North-Western  Ter- 
ritory. He  received  his  appointment  the  4th  of  March,  1791 ;  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Fort  Washington,  by  way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  de- 
spatch, where  he  arrived  15  May.*  There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting 
the  troops  embodied  at  this  place  ;  Gen.  Butler,  with  the  residue,  not  ar- 
riving until  the  middle  of  September.  There  were  various  circumstances 
to  account  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  recount  here. 

Col.  Darke  proceeded  immediately  on  his  amval,  which  was  about  the 
end  of  August,  and  built  Fort  Hamilton,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  country  of 
Little-turtle ;  and  soon  after  Fort  Jefferson  was  built,  forty  miles  farther  on- 
ward. These  two  forts  being  left  manned,  about  the  end  of  October  the 
army  advanced,  being  about  2000  strong,  militia  included,  whose  numbers 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  appear  by  the  miserable  manner  in  which 
they  not  only  confused  themselves,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

Gen.  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jeffer- 
son, when  60  of  his  militia,  from  pretended  disaffection,  commenced  a 
retreat ;  and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably  among 
tlie  rest  of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they  would  seize  upon  the  convoy  of 
provisions,  the  general  ordered  Col.  Hamtramk  to  pursue  them  with  his 
regiment,  and  force  them  to  return.  The  army  now  consisted  of  but 
1400  effective  men,  and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  Little-turtle  and 
his  warriors,  15  miles  from  the  Miami  villages. 

Gen.  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  Col.  Darke  the  left.  The 
militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage,  when  they 
were  attacked  in  then*  camp.  It  was  their  intention  to  have  marched 
immediately  to  tlie  destruction  of  the  Rliami  villages.  Of  this  their 
movements  apprized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firm- 
ness. They  fell  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4  November,  who  at 
once  fled  into  the  main  camp,  in  the  most  disorderly  and  tuni-  'tuous 
manner :  many  of  them,  having  thrown  away  their  guns,  were  pui-sued 
and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  camp  the  fight  was  sustained  some  time, 
by  the  great  exertions  of  the  officers,  but  with  great  inequality ;  the  In- 
dians under  Little-turtle  amounting  to  about  1500  warriors.  Cols.  Darke 
and  Butler,  and  Major  Clark,  made  several  successful  charges,  which  ena- 
bled them  to  save  some  of  their  numbers  by  checking  the  enemy  while 
flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  593  were  killed  and  missing,  beside  thirty-eight 
officers;  and  242  soldiers  and  twenty-one  officcre  were  wounded,  many 
of  whom  died.  Col.  Butler  was  among  the  slain.  The  account  of  his 
fldl  is  shocking.  He  was  si^veroly  wounded,  and  left  on  the  ground. 
The  well-known  and  infamous  Simo7i  Girty  came  up  to  him,  and  observed 


St.  Clair's  Xuirative,  p.  4. 


I 


•I. 


54 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


[DooK  V. 


him  writhing  under  severe  pain  from  his  wounds.  Girty  knew  and  spoke 
to  him.  Knowing  thnt  he  could  not  Hve,  the  colonel  begged  of  Girty  to 
put  an  end  to  his  misery.  This  he  refused  to  do,  but  turned  to  an  In- 
dian, whom  he  told  that  the  officer  was  the  commander  of  the  army ; 
upon  which  he  drove  his  ton)ahawk  iiUo  his  head.  A  number  of  others 
then  came  around,  and  after  taking  oft"  his  PcrJp.  they  took  out  his  heart, 
and  cut  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there  were  tribcb  in  the  action,  and  di- 
vided it  among  thenj.  All  manner  of  brutal  acts  were  committed  on  the 
bodies  of  the  slain.  It  need  ijot  be  mentioned  for  the  information  of  the 
observer  of  Indian  ^Tairs,  that  laiid  Wt.^'  the  main  cause  of  this  as  well  as 
most  other  wars  bet\.een  the  Indians  and  whites;  and  hence  it  was  very 
easy  to  account  lor  the  Indians  filling  the  mouths  of  the  slain  with  earth 
after  this  battle.  This  was  actually  the  case,  as  reported  by  those  who 
shortly  after  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

Gen.  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  fbr  the  disastrous  issue  of  this 
campaign,  and  was  honorably  acquitted.  He  published  a  narrative  in 
vindication  of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  day,  few  will  think  it  required. 
What  he  says  of  his  retreat  we  will  give  in  his  own  words.*  "  The  re- 
treat was,  you  may  be  sure,  a  precipitate  one ;  it  was  in  fact  a  flight. 
The  camp  and  the  artillery  were  abandoned  ;  but  that  was  unavoidable, 
for  not  a  horse  was  left  alive  to  have  drawn  it  off",  had  it  otherwise  been 
practicable.  But  the  most  disgraceful  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the 
greatest  part  of  the  men  threw  away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even 
after  the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I  found 
the  road  sti'ewed  with  them  for  many  miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy 
it ;  for,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed,  and  being  mounted  upon  one  that 
could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  I  could  not  get  forward  myself,  and 
the  orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt  the  front,  or  prevent  the  men 
from  parting  with  their  arms,  were  unattended  to^" 

The  remnant  of  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  Jefferson  the  same  day,  just 
before  sunset,  the  place  from  which  they  fled  being  29  miles  distant. 
Ge  1.  St.  Clair  did  eveiy  thing  that  a  brave  general  could  do.  He  ex- 
pose! himself  to  every  danger,  having,  during  the  action,  eight  bullets 
shot  through  his  clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  our  records,  did  the 
Indians  discover  greater  bravery  and  determination.  After  giving  the 
first  fire,  they  rushed  forward  with  tomahawk  in  hand.  Their  loss  was 
inconsiderable  ;  but  the  traders  afterwards  learned  among  them  that  I/lttle- 
turtle  had  150  killed  and  many  wounded.*  "  They  rushed  on  the  artil- 
lery, hH^dlcori  of  their  fire,  and  took  two  pieces  in  an  instant.  They  were 
";;::.iu  retaken  by  our  troops ;  and  whenever  the  army  charged  them,  they 
Avere  seen  to  give  way,  and  advance  again  as  soon  as  they  began  to  retreat, 
doing  great  execution,  both  in  the  retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very 
dextrous  in  covering  themselves  with  trees ;  many  of  them  however  fell, 
both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery."  "  Six  or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  fell 
into  their  hands,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the  baggage,  ammunition,  and 
})rovisions."t 

It  has  been  generally  said,  that  had  the  advice  of  lAttle-tiirtle  been  taken 
at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards  with  Gen.  Wayne,  there  is  very  little 
doubt  but  he  had  met  as  ill  success]:  as  Gen.  St.  Clair§  did  before  him. 

*  Perm.  Gazette.,  of  that  year. 

t  Letter  from  Fort  Hamilton,  dated  six  days  after  the  battle. 

j:  Little-turtle  told  Mr.  Volmy  circumstances  which  gave  him  that  opinion.  Sec  his 
Travels  in  America,  ed.  Lond.  1804. 

§  Gen.  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  of  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  He  cpme  to  America  in  the 
fleet  which  brought  over  Ai'.miral  Boscawen,  in  17.5.5,  and  having  served  through  the  rev- 
olutionary and  Indian  wars,  died  at  his  farm  near  Greensburgh,  Pa.  31  Aug.  1818. 
Amtr.  Mon.  Mag.  ii.  4C'J,  (N.  Y.  1818.) 


[Book  V. 

V  and  spoke 

of  Girty  to 

to  an  In- 

tlic  army ; 

!r  of  others 

ut  liis  heart, 

ion,  and  di- 

litted  on  the 

ation  of  tlie 

is  as  well  as 

it  was  very 

1  with  earth 

('  those  who 

issue  of  this 
narrative  in 
it  required, 
t     "The  re- 
'act  a  flight, 
unavoidable, 
lei-wise  been 
i  is,  that  the 
ements,  even 
led.    I  found 
le  to  remedy 
upon  one  that 
i  myself,  and 
ent  the  men 

me  day,  just 
niles  distant, 
do.  He  ex- 
eight  bullets 
ords,  did  the 

giving  the 
leir  loss  was 
m  that  Udth- 
on  the  artil- 

They  w^cre 
;d  them,  they 
,'an  to  retreat, 
li(!y  are  very 
however  fell, 
'  artillery  fell 
nunition,  and 

lie  been  taken 
is  very  little 
before  him. 


pinion.    See  his 

America  in  the 
through  the  rev- 
31  Aug.   1318. 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


55 


(, 


He  was  not  for  fighting  Gon.  Wayne  at  Prosque  Isle,  and  inclined  rather 
to  peace  than  fighting  him  at  all.  In  a  council  held  the  night  before  the 
battle,  he  argued  ua  toUows :  "  IVe  have  beaten  the  enemy  tivtcc,  under  sepa- 
rate commanders.  IVe  cannot  expect  the  same  f^^ood  fortune  always  to  attend 
Its.  The  Americans  are  note  led  by  a  chief  xoho  never  sleeps:  the  night  and 
the  day  are  alike  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  tfutt  he  has  been  marching 
upon  our  villages,  notmthstanding  the  watchfulness  of  our  young  vien,  we 
have  never  been  able  to  surprise  him.  Think  tvellofit.  There  is  something 
whispers  me,  it  looidd  he  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  ofpeace.^^  For  hold- 
ing this  language  he  was  reproached  by  another  chief  with  cowardice, 
which  ptit  an  end  to  all  furtfier  discourse.  Nothing  wounds  the  feelings 
of  a  w.urior  like  the  reproach  of  cowardice ;  but  Little-turtle  stifled  his 
rr-sontineiit,  did  his  duty  in  the  battle,  and  its  issue  proved  him  a  truer 
pro()]iot  than  his  accuser  believed.*  His  residence  was  upon  Eel  River, 
about  20  miles  from  Fort  Wayne,  where  our  government  built  him  a 
house,  and  furnished  him  with  means  of  living,  much  to  the  envy  of  his 
countrymen.  Therefore,  what  had  b(;en  bestowed  upon  him,  to  induce 
otiier.^  to  a  like  mode  of  life  by  their  own  exertions,  proved  not  only  pre- 
judicial to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  minds  of 
all  the  Indians.  He  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,  but  was  raised  to  that 
standing  by  his  superior  talents.  This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jealousy 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a  neglect  of  his  counsel  heretofore.  The 
same  author,t  from  vhom  we  get  the  facts  in  the  preceding  part  of  this 
paragraph,  says,  "  Meshecunnaqua,  or  the  lAttle-turtle,  was  the  son  of  a 
Miami  chief,  by  a  Mohecan  woman.  As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regard 
to  descents,  is  precisely  that  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the 
condition  of  the  woman  adheres  to  the  offspring,  he  was  not  a  chief  by 
birth,"  &c. 

Little-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  great  wis- 
dom. "  And,"  bays  my  author,  "  there  have  been  few  individuals  among 
aborigines  who  have  done  so  much  to  abolish  the  rites  of  human  sacri- 
fice. The  grave  of  this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  Fort 
Wayne.  It  is  frequently  visited  by  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
by  whom  his  memory  is  cherished  with  the  greatest  respect  and  ven- 
eration."f 

'1  lie  grave  of  his  great  opponent  was  also  in  the  same  region  ;  but  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  family.  Ever  after 
his  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Big-wind;^  or  Tor- 
nado; some,  however,  on  particular  occasions,  called  liim  Sukach-gook, 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a  black-snake  ;  because,  they  said,  he  pos- 
ses.sed  all  the  art  and  cunning  of  that  reptile.]]  We  he"v  yet  of  another 
name,  which,  though  it  may  not  have  been  his  fault  that  acquired  it,  is 
less  complimentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
British  bestowed  a  great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the 
Americans  did  ;  b'lt  some  of  the  latter  made  large  pretensions  about  what 
they  would  do.  Gen.  Wayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to 
them  of  goods,  but  never  got  ready  to  fulfil  them,  (probably  from  being 
di.sappoiii';ed  himself  by  the  failure  of  his  government  in  not  forwarding 
what  was  promised ;)  therefore  they  called  him  Gen.  Wabang,  which  signi-' 
fied  Gen.  To-morrow.*^ 

When  the  philosopher  and  fitinous  traveller  Volney  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  of  1797,  Littlc-iurtk  came  to  Philadelphia",  where  he  then  was, 
and  who  sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  the  celebrated  chief,  for 
highly  valuable  purposes,  which  in  some  measure  he  effected.     lie  made 


*  Schoolcraft's  Travels. 
§  Pa  Gazette. 


t  Dawson,  Moms.  Harrison. 
11  Heckeicelder's  Nar. 


I  (ichoolcrafr' s  Travels. 
Tf  Weld's  Travels,  4^4. 


k 


50 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


fBooK  V. 


a  vocabulary  of  liis  language,  which  he  printed  in  the  appendix  to  hia 
Travels.  A  copy  in  manuscript,  more  extensive  than  the  printed  one,  ia 
said  to  he  iii  the  library  of  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Having  become  coiivinceil  that  all  resistance  to  the  whites  was  vain, 
lAttte-turUe  brought  his  nation  to  consent  toj)eace,  and  to  adopt  agricul- 
tural pursuits.  And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the 
benevolent  society  of  Friends,  lor  assistance  to  effect  this  latter  purpose, 
that  he  now  visited  Philadelpliia.  While  here,  he  was  inoculated  for  the 
small-pox,  and  was  also  ufllicted  witii  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  IMr.  Volnty^s  inteniew  with  him  for  infonnation,  he 
took  no  notice  of  the  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communi- 
cating with  Mr.  Volney,  for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked 
about,  plucking  out  his  In  ard  and  eye-brows.  He  was  dressed  now  in 
English  clothes.  His  skin,  where  not  exposed,  Mr.  Volney  says,  was  as 
white  as  his;  and  on  speaking  upon  the  subject,  lAttle-turHe  said,  "I  have 
seen  Spaniards  in  Louisiana,  and  found  no  difference  of  color  betW(;en 
them  and  me.  And  why  should  there  be  any  ?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is 
the  work  of  the  Father  of  colors,  the  Sun,  that  burns  us.  You  white  peo- 
ple compare  the  color  of  your  face  with  that  of  your  bodies."  Mr.  Vol- 
ney explained  to  him  the  notion  of  many,  that  his  race  was  descended 
from  the  Tartars,  and  by  a  map  showed  him  the  supposed  communication 
between  Asia  and  America.  To  this  Little-turtle  replied,  "  fVhy  shotild 
not  these  Tartars,  ivho  resemble  us,  have  come  J'rom  Jlmerica9  Are  there 
any  reasons  to  the  contranj?  Or  why  should  we  not  both  have  been  born 
in  our  own  country  ?"  It  is  a  fact  that  the  Inilians  give  themselves  a 
name  which  is  equivalent  to  our  word  indigene,  that  is,  one  sprung  fron 
the  soil,  or  natural  to  it.* 

Baron  Lahontan,\  after  describing  the  different  dances,  or  dances  for 
different  occasions,  among  the  Indians  of  Canada,  adds  the  following  in  a 
note: — •  Toutes  us  danses  peuvent  Hre  compares  a  la  pyrrhique  de  Mi- 
nerve,  f.  •  les  sauvages  observent,  en  dansant  d'une  gravitc  singtUih^e,  Its 
cadences  de  certaines  chansons,  que  les  milices  Grecques  d'Jlchilie,  npelloi- 
ent  hyporchematiques.  II  n^est  pa.':  facile  de  sgavoir  si  les  sauvages  les 
ont  apriies  des  Grecs,  ou  si  les  Orecs  les  ont  aprises  des  sauvagesJ^  It  is, 
perhaps,  from  such  passages  that  Lahontan  has  been  branded  with  the 
name  of  infidel  4  but  truly  there  can  be  nothing  irreligious  in  such  deduc- 
tions, inasmuch  as  it  is  conceded  on  all  hands  that  the  geological  forma- 
tions of  the  new  world  have  required  as  inueh  time  for  their  perfection 
as  those  of  the  old.  Mr.  Volney  comes  within  the  same  pale,  when 
he  compares  the  Spartans  to  the  Five  Nations.  In  contrasting  the  bfites 
of  Laceda?mon  with  modern  France,  he  says,  "  Maintenant  quefai  vu  les 
sauvages  d'Jlmirique,je persiste  deplus  en  plus  dans  cette  comparaison,  et 
je  trouve  que  le  premiere  livre  de  Thucydide,  et  tout  ce  qu^il  dit  des  mceurs 
des  Lacedhnoniens,  convientnt  tellement  aux  cinq  nations,  que  fappellerais 
volontiers  les  Spartiates,  les  Iroquois  de  Cancien  monde"§ 

When  Mr.  P'olney  asked  lAttle-turtle  what  prevented  him  from  living 
among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not  more  comfoi  'able  in  Philadelphia 
than  upon  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  he  said,  "  Taking  all  things  together, 
you  have  the  advantage  over  us ;  bvi  here  I  am.  deaf  and  dumb.     I  do  7iot 


*  See  Voliieij's  Travels,  iit  supra.  f  Memoires  de  L'Ameriqne,  ii.  109. 

X  No  one  presumes  to  |)ronouiice  Father  Hennepin  an  infidel,  anil  he  denies,  (after 
livin^nuicli  anionic  the  Indians.)  that  dicy  liave  any  notion,  or  Iiehef,  of  ^^hat  (Christians 
call  Deitij.  But  Mr.  Beverleij  (Hist.  Virginia,  169.)  says,  "  Baron  Luliontan.  on  the 
other  hand,  makes  tlieni  have  such  refined  notions,  as  seem  almost  to  confute  his  own 
belief  of  Christiaiiitv-'' 

$  CEuvres  de  C.  F.  Volney,  t.  6.  129.  (Paris,  182G.) 


[Book  V. 

ix  to  his 
ed  uue,  is 
>-uni(i. 
was  vain, 
t  ujjricul- 
),  and  the 
r  nuiposr, 
3(1  ior  tlie 

nation,  he 
:onm»uni- 
jt  walked 
d  now  in 
fs,  was  as 
d,  "I  have 
r  between 
n  us,  it  is 
tvliite  ])eo- 

Mr.  Con- 
descended 
niuiication 
Hiif  should 

Are  there 
been  born 
jniselvcs  a 
rung  from 

dances  for 
owing  in  a 
ue  de  Mi- 
gnlUre,  Its 
lie,  apelloi- 
luvages  les 
es.""   It  is, 
I  with  the 
acli  dediic- 
cal  fornia- 
perfcciion 
mle,  when 
r  the  f-i'>tes 
efai  vu  les 
)ara{son,  et 
des  mceurs 
appelkrais 

roni  living 
liladelphia 
gs  together, 
I  do  not 


me,  ii.  109. 
denies,  (after 
lat  Christians 
mtaii.  on  the 
i'ute  liis  own 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


57 


talk  your  language ',  lean  neither  hear,  nor  make  myself  heard.  When  I 
inalk  through  the  streets,  I  see  every  person  iii  his  shop  employed  about  some- 
thing :  one  makes  shoes,  another  hats,  a  third  sells  cloth,  and  every  one  lives 
hy  his  labor,  I  say  to  myself,  ff^'hich  of  all  these  things  can  you  do'/  JVbtone.  1 
can  make  a  bow  or  an  arrow,  catch  fish,  kill  game,  and  go  to  war:  but  none 
of  these  it  of  any  use  here.  To  learn  what  is  done  here  ivould  reifuire  along 
time,"  "  Old  age  comes  on,"  ^^  I  shoidd  be  a  piece  of  furniture  useless  to 
my  nation,  useless  to  the  lohitrs,  and  useless  to  myself.  "  /  must  return  to 
my  own  country," 

At  tlie  same  time,  (1797,)  anionf,'  other  etriinent  personages  to  whom 
this  chitsf  became  attached  in  Pliiladclphia,  vva.s  the  renowned  Koskiusko. 
This  old  Polish  cliiot"  vvjis  so  well  pleased  with  Little-turtle,  that  when 
the  latter  went  to  take  his  final  leave  of  him,  the  old  "war-worn  soldier" 
and  patriot  presented  him  with  a  heautifiil  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant 
robe  made  of  sea-ottor's  skin,  of  tlu;  value  of  "several"  liiindred  dol- 
lars. 

Little-turtle  died  in  the  spring  of  1812,  at  his  residence,  but  a  short  time 
before  the  declaration  of  war  agtiiiist  England  by  the  U.  States.  His  por- 
trait, by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-otVice  of  our  nation.  The 
following  notice  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  time  of  his  death: 
"Fort  Wayne,  21  July,  1812.  On  the  14  iiist.  the  celebmted  Miami  chief, 
the  Little-turtle,  died  at  this  place,  at  the  age  of  G5  years. — Perhaps  there 
is  not  left  on  this  contuient,  one  of  his  color  so  distinguished  in  council 
and  in  war.  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  a  camp,  because  he 
chose  to  be  in  the  open  air.  He  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The 
agent  for  Indian  affairs  had  hhn  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  other 
marks  of  distinction  suited  to  his  character."  He  was,  generally,  ill  his 
time,  styled  the  Messissago  chief,*  and  a  gentleman  who  saw  him  soon 
after  St,  Claires  defeat,  at  Montreal,  says  he  was  six  feet  high,  "  about  45 
years  of  age,  of  a  very  sour  and  morose  countenance,  and  apparently  very 
crafty  and  subtle.  His  dress  was  Indian  moccasins,  a  blue  petticoat  Uiat 
came  half  way  down  his  thighs ;  an  European  waistcoat  and  surtout : 
his  head  was  bound  with  an  Indian  cap  that  hung  half  way  down  his 
back,  and  almost  entirely  filled  with  plain  silver  broaches,  to  the  number 
of  more  than  200  ;  he  had  two  ear-rings  to  each  ear,  the  upper  part  of 
each  was  formed  of  three  silver  medals,  about  the  size  of  a  dollar ;  the 
lower  part  was  formed  of  quarters  of  dollars,  and  fell  more  than  12  inches 
from  his  ears — one  from  each  ear  over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  back  ; 
he  had  three  very  large  nose  jewels  of  silver,  that  were  curiously  painted. 
The  account  he  gave  of  the  action  [with  the  Americans,  4  Nov.]  was, 
that  they  killed  1400  of  them,  with  the  loss  of  nine  only  of  their  party, 
one  of  Avhom  killed  himself  by  accident."  The  person  who  gave  this 
account  said  this  chief  was  in  Canada  for  the  purpose  of  raising  all  the 
Indian  force  he  could  to  go  out  again  in  tl'O  spring  against  the  whites. 

Mr.  Dawson  relates  a  pleasant  anecdote  cP  Little-turtle,  which  happened 
while  he  was  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadelphia.  A  native  of  the 
Emerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  same  time,  who  prided  himself 
upon  his  ability  at  jokuig.  Little-turtle  was  not  backward  in  the  same 
business,  and  they  passed  several  meetings  very  pleasantly.  One  morn- 
ing. Little-turtle  did  not  take  much  notice  of  his  friend,  and  seemed  rather 
sedate,  which  was  construed  by  the  Hibernian  into  an  acknowledgment 
of  victory  on  the  part  of  the  chief,  in  their  joking  game,  and  accordingly 
began  to  intimate  as  much.  When  Little-turtle  undei-stood  him,  he  said 
to  the  interpreter,  "  He  mistakes ;  I  was  just  thinking  of  proposing  to  this 

*  Those  of  this  tribe  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Ontario,  are  of  a  much  darker  com- 
plexion than  the  other  Indians  of  the  west.     Weid,  Travels  in  America,  451. 


^, 


J^^^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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Sciences 

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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MS80 

(716)«72-4S03 


"^V" 

V 


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i'. 


58 


man. 


BLUE-JACKET. 


[Book  V. 


.!  .• 


'.>" 


mint  U9  botk  on  one  hoard,  and  there  I  tvould  stand  face  to  face  with 
him,  anH  blackguard  him  to  all  eternity." 

Among  the  chiefs  associated  in  command,  in  the  wars  of  which  we 
have  been  speaking  with  the  famous  Mishikinakwa,  was  another  of  nearly 
equal  note,  familiarly  called  Blue-jacket  by  the  whites,  but  by  his  own 
nation,  fVeyapiersenwaw.  He  was  the  most  distinguished  chief  of  the 
Shawanese,  and  we  hear  of  him  at  Fort  Industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the 
Lake,  as  late  as  1805.  By  some  particular  arrangement,  the  chief  com- 
mand seems  to  have  devolved  on  him  of  opposing  Gen.  Wayne.  He 
was  more  bloody  and  precipitate  than  Mishikinakwa,  and  possessed  less 
discrimination  and  judgment.  The  tribes  which  furnished  warriors 
to  oppose  the  Americans  were  the  Wyandots,  Miamis,  Pottowattomies, 
Delawares,  Shawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottaways,  and  a  few  Senecas. 
Blue-jacket  was  the  director  and  leader  of  this  tnighty  band  of  warriors. 

From  the  time  General  St.  Clair  was  defeated,  in  1791,  murders  were 
continued  upon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  government 
to  effect  a  peace,  proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  the  ambassadors  sent  to 
them  were  murdered,  and  that  too  while  the  army  was  progressing  towards 
their  country. 

After  building  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Ohio,  six  miles  above  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, General  Wayne  took  possession  of  the  ground  where  Gen.  St.  Clair 
had  been  defeated,  and  there  erected  a  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Recovery,  in  which  the  army  spent  the  winter  of  1793-4.  Many  cen- 
sures were  passed  upon  the  general  for  his  slow  progress ;  but  h'  knew 
much  better  what  he  was  doing  than  newspaper  writers  did  what  they 
were  writing,  when  they  undertook  to  censure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8  August,  1794,  when  the  army  arrived  at  the  confluence  of 
the  rivers  Au  Glaize  and  Maumee,  where  they  built  Fort  Defiance.  It 
was  the  general's  design  to  have  met  the  enemy  unprepared,  in  this  move ; 
but  a  fellow  deserted  his  camp,  and  notified  the  Indians.  He  now  tried 
again  to  bring  them  to  an  accommodation,  and  from  the  answers  which 
he  received  from  them,  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether 
they  were  for  peace  or  war ;  so  artful  was  the  manner  in  which  their 
replies  were  formed.*  At  length,  being  fully  satisfied,  he  marched  down 
the  Maumee,  and  arrived  at  the  rapids,  18  August.  His  army  consisted 
of  upwards  of  3000  men,  2000  of  whom  were  regulart  Fort  Deposit 
was  erected  at  this  place,  for  the  security  of  their  supplies.  They  now 
Bet  out  to  meet  th;.  -jnemy,  who  had  chosen  his  position,  upon  the  bank 
of  the  river,  wii  >  iiiuch  judgment.  They  had  a  breastwork  of  fallen 
trees  in  front,  and  tho  high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  gave  them  much  se- 
curity, as  also  did  the  thick  wood  of  Presque  Isle.  Their  force  was  di- 
vided, and  disposed  at  supporting  distances  for  about  two  miles.  When 
the  Americans  had  arrived  at  proper  distance,  a  body  was  sent  out  to 
begin  the  attack,  "  with  orders  to  rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with 
the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver  a  close  fire  upon  their  backs,  and 
press  them  so  hard  as  not  to  give  them  time  to  reload."t  This  order  was 
so  well  executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack  so  short,  that  only 
about  900  Americans  participated  in  it.  But  they  puraued  the  Indians 
with  great  slaughter  through  the  woods  to  Fort  Maumee,  where  the  car- 
nage ended.  The  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their  strong 
hold,  that  their  numbers  only  increased  their  distress  and  confusion.  And 
the  cavalry  made  horrible  havoc  among  them  with  their  long  sabres.  Of 
the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  130.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  be  ascertained,  but  must  have  been  very  severe. 
The  American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  as 


*  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  481.  ed.  4to. 


t  Schoolcraft. 


[Book  V. 

xe  to  face  with 

of  which  we 
tlier  of  nearly 
t  by  his  own 

chief  of  the 
Miami  of  tlie 
le  chief  cotn- 

Waynt.  He 
possessed  less 
hed  warriora 
)ttowattoniies, 
few  Senecas. 
of  warriors, 
murders  were 
f  government 
sadors  sent  to 
!ssing  towards 

)0ve  Fort  Jef- 
Gen.  St.  Clair 
ive  the  name 
.  Many  cen- 
but  he  knew 
id  what  they 
svent  proved, 
confluence  of 
Defiance.  It 
in  this  move ; 
le  now  tried 
iswers  which 
lind,  whether 

which  their 
larched  down 
'my  consisted 
Fort  Deposit 
.  They  now 
ton  the  hank 
ork  of  fallen 
em  much  se- 
brce  was  di- 
(liles.  When 
i  sent  out  to 
r  covert  with 
ir  backs,  and 
his  order  was 
ort,  that  only 

the  Indians 
lere  the  car- 
1  their  strong 
fusion.  And 
I  sabres.     Of 

The  loss  of 

very  severe, 
he  action,  as 

wokraft. 


Chap.  V.] 


THAYANDANECA,  OR  BRANT. 


59 


they  advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians'  rifles,  who  could  not  be 
seen  'intil  they  bad  dischiirged  upon  them.  The^  maintained  their 
coverts  out  a  short  time,  being  forced  in  every  direction  by  the  bayonet. 
But  until  that  was  effected,  the  Americans  fell  fast,  and  we  only  wonder 
that  men  -  juld  be  found  thus  to  advance  in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals  is  chargeable  to  certain 
white  men,  or  at  least  mainly  so  ;  for  some  days  before  the  battle,  General 
Wayne  sent  a  flag  of  truce  f  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and  treat 
with  him.  The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to  Col.  JWJSCec,  who,  it 
appears,  was  their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  putting  a  false  construction  U|)on 
it,  increased  the  rage  of  the  Indians :  he  then  informed  them  that  they 
must  forthwith  fight  the  American  army.  Some  of  the  chie&,  learning 
the  truth  of  the  letter,  were  for  peace ;  but  it  was  too  late.  Little-turtle 
was  known  to  have  been  in  favor  of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well 
aware  of  the  abilities  of  the  American  general ;  but  such  was  the  influ- 
ence of  traders  among  them,  that  no  arguments  could  prevail.  Thus,  in- 
stances without  number  might  be  adduced,  where  these  people  have  been 
destroyed  by  placing  confidence  in  deceiving  white  men. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  the  chiefs  assembled  in  councU,  and  some 
proposed  attacking  the  army  in  its  encampment,  but  the  proposal  was  ob- 
jected to  by  others;  finally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  Presque  Isle 
prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
number.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up 
until  afler  the  defeat.  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians  of 
the  folly  of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans  j  th  ,y  therefore  were 
glad  to  get  what  terms  they  could  from  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve 
tribes  met  commissioners  at  Fort  Greenville,  3  Aug.  1795,  and,  as  a  price 
of  their  peace,  gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes, 
and  west  of  the  Ohio ;  and  such  other  tracts  as  comprehended  all  tiie 
military  posts  in  the  western  region.  The  government  showed  some  lib- 
erality to  these  tribes,  on  their  reUnquishing  to  it  what  they  could  not 
withhold,  and  as  a  gratuity  gave  them  20,000  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed 
to  pay  them  9000  dollars  a  year  forever ;  to  be  divided  among  those  tribes 
in  proportion  to  their  numbers.* 


»#/#« 


CHAPTER  V. 

lAfe  of  Thayandaneca,  called  by  the  whites,  Brant — His  education — His 
being  htt  half  Indian  an  error — Visits  England — Commissioned  there — 
His  sister  a  companion  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson — His  letter  to  the  Oneidas — 
^air  toith  Herkimer  at  UnadUla — Cuts  off  Herkimer  and  200  men  at 
Oriskana,  near  Oneida  Creek. — Anecdote  of  Htrkimer — Bums  Spring- 
feld — Horrid  affair  of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  Valley — 
Barbarities  of  the  tories — Sullivan's  depredations  among  the  Five  Jva- 
tions — Brant  defeated  by  the  Americans  at  JVeiotoiim — Destruction  of  Mi- 
nisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  people — Destruction  of  Harpersfield — BranVs 
letter  to  M'Causland — Marriage  of  his  daughter — Her  husband  killed — 

*  The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  offered  to  tliem  before  the  battle, 
which  should  be  mentioned,  as  adding  materially  to  our  p^ood  feeling's  towards  its  au- 
thors.   It  is  generally  denominated  Wayne's  treaty.    It  is  worthy  of  nim. 


60 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


'■    .!  .' 


Brant  becomes  (he  friend  of  mate — Vinita  Philadelphia — Hia  marriage — 
Lands  granted  him  by  the  king— His  death — His  son  John — TVaits  of 
character — One  of  his  sons  killed  by  him,  in  an  attempt  to  kill  his  father — 
Account  of  Brarws  arrival  in  England — Sortie  account  of  his  chddren. 

Col.  Joseph  Brant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  whose  In- 
dian name  was  TTiayendaneca,*  or  Tayadanaga,]  signifying  a  brant.l  But 
as  he  was  seldom  called  by  that  name  after  he  became  known  to  the 
whites,  it  was  generally  forgotten.  He  received  a  very  good  English  ed- 
ucation at  the  "  Moor's  charity  school,"  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut,  where 
he  was  placed  by  Sir  fViUiam  Johnson,  in  July,  17G1.  His  age,  at  this 
time,  we  have  not  learned. 

The  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the  son  of  a  German,  Jias  been 
widely  spread,  but  is  denied  by  his  son,  and  now  believed  to  ba!j}2^se- 
hood,  ignorantly  circulated.  This  error  might  have  arisen  either  from  the 
known  fact  of  his  being  of  rather  a  lighter  complexion  than  his  country- 
men in  general,  or  from  his  having  married  a  woman  who  was  half 
white. 

Brant  went  to  England  in  1775,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolu- 
tionary rupture,  where  he  was  received  with  attention,  and  doubtless  hod 
there  his  mind  prepared  for  the  part  he  acted  in  the  memorable  struggle 
which  ensued.  He  had  a  colonel's  conunission  in  the  English  army,  upon 
the  frontiers,  which  consisted  of  such  of  the  Six  Nations  and  tories,  as 
took  part  against  the  country.  Gen.  Sir  William  Johnson  was  agent  of 
Indian  affairs,  and  had  greatly  ingratiated  himself  into  the  esteem  of  the 
Six  Nations.  He  lived  at  the  place  since  named  from  him,  upon  the  north 
bank  of  the  Mohawk,  about  40  miles  from  Albany.  Here  he  had  an  ele- 
gant seat,  and  would  often  entertain  several  hundreds  of  his  red  friends, 
and  share  all  in  common  with  them.  They  so  much  respected  him,  that, 
notwitlistanding  they  had  the  full  liberty  of  his  house,  yet  they  would 
take  nothing  that  did  not  belong  to  thetn.  The  better  to  rivet  their  es- 
teem, he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommot<ate  himself  to  their  mode 
of  dress,  and,  being  a  widower,  took  as  a  kind  of  companion  a  sister  of 
Brant,  by  the  name  of  Molley.  He  had  received  horiors  and  emoluments 
from  the  British  government,  and  the  Indians  received  also,  through  his 
agency,  every  thing  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  hold  in  the  greatest  reverence 
the  name  of  their  "  great  father,"  the  king,  and  think  the  few  rebels  who 
opposed  his  authority,  when  the  revolution  began,  most  ungratefully 
wirked,  and  unworthy  all  mercy.  Sir  William  died  in  1774,  about  a  year 
before  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill. 

The  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  are  associated  with  the  re- 
collection of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Cherry  Vaiiey  and  Wyoming, 
lived  at  Caughnewaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  from  the  village  of  John- 
ston, and  upon  the  same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

In  1775,  in  a  letter  to  the  Oneidas,  our  chief  subr-cribes  himself  "  sec- 
rotary  to  Guy  Johnson.''*  This  was  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and 
hence  he  was  immediately  from  England.  Col.  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in- 
law  of  Sir  William.  The  letter  was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was 
supposed  to  have  been  lost  by  the  person  who  was  intrusted  with  it.  It 
was  in  the  Mohawk  language,  the  translation  of  which  commences  thus : 
"  Written  at  Guy  Johnson's,  May,  1775.  This  is  your  letter,  you  great  ones 
or  sachems.    Guy  Johnson  says  he  will  be  glad  if  you  gel  this  intelligence, 

*  Carey's  Museum,  v.  18.  f  Annals  Tryon  County,  16. 

t  Generally  written  Brandt  by  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  of  his 
Indian  name. 


( 
{ 
i 

< 
t 
c 
] 
I 
c 
r. 
c 
d 
v 

a 

t( 

P 

V 

e 

o 

ri 
ii 
k 


Chap.  V.] 


RRANT. 


61 


you  Oneidas,  how  it  froes  xoith  him  now,  and  he  m  now  more  certain  concern- 
ing the  intention  of  the  Boston  people.  Guy  JohuHon  is  in  ftjeat  fear  of 
being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Boslonians.  We  Mohawks  are  obliged  to  watch 
him  constantly"  &.c. 

After  this,  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  when  he  fled  to  Canada. 
The  two  Butlers  were  also  in  the  train.  Being  now  in  a  j)hice  of  safety, 
and  the  means  in  tlieir  hands,  |)lots  of  destruction  were  put  in  execution 
in  rapid  succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson,  Brant  came  again  to  the 
frontiers.  Some  of  the  peaceable  Moiiawks  iind  been  confined,  to  pre- 
vent their  doing  mischieij  as  were  some  of  the  IVrassnchusetts  Indians  in 
Philip's  war.  Brant  was  displeased  at  this,  for  he  said,  if  tin;  distant  In- 
dians should  come  down,  they  would  destroy  them  indiscriminately  with 
the  whites,  lie  was  accompanied  by  a  l)and  of  70  or  80  warriors,  who, 
in  their  rambles,  visited  Unadilla,  where  they  assembled  the  inhabitants, 
and  told  them  that  they  stood  in  need  of  jirovisions,  and  if  they  did  not 
give  them  some,  they  should  take  it  by  force;  a  refusal,  therefore,  would 
have  been  worse  than  useless.  Brant  furtner  observed,  "that  their  agree- 
ment with  the  king  was  strong,  and  that  they  were  not  such  villains  as  to 
break  their  covenant  with  him.  Gen.  Herkimer  marched  up  to  Unadilla, 
in  July,  with  380  men,  where  he  foimd  Brant  with  130  of  his  warriors. 
Here  he  had  an  interview  with  him,  in  which  he  held  the  following  lan- 
guage :  "  That  the  Indians  were  in  concert  tvith  the  king,  as  their  fathers  and 
grandfathers  had  been.  That  the  king's  belts  were  yet  lodged  with  them,  ami 
they  could  not  falsify  their  pledge.  That  Gen.  Hc^rkimer  and  the  rest  had 
joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  king.  That  Boston  people  were  reso- 
lute, bui  the  king  woiUd  humble  them.  That  Mr.  Scliuyh^r,  or  general,  or 
what  you  please  to  call  him,  was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  thf.  treaty  at 
German  Flails  ;  but  teas  not,  at  the  same  time,  able  to  afford  them  the  small- 
est article  of  clothing.  That  the  Indians  had  formerly  made  war  on  the 
ichite  people  all  united ;  and  now  they  were  divided,  the  Indians  were  not 
frightenedJ"  Col.  Cox,  who  accompanied  Herkimer,  said,  if  war  was  his 
aetermination,  the  matter  was  'cd.  Brant  tlien  spoke  to  his  warriors, 
and  they  shouted,  and  ran  to  their  place  of  encampment,  seized  their  arms, 
fired  several  guuL,  and,  aller  giving  the  war-whoop,  returned  in  warlike 
array.  Gen.  Herkimer  then  told  Brant  he  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the 
chief  motioned  for  his  men  to  remain  quiet.  Perhaps,  as  a  worthy  au- 
thor observed  upon  a  transaction  in  Philip's  war,  it  is  better  to  omit  the 
cause  of  the  conduct  ot  Herkimer,  than  too  critically  to  inquire  into  it. 
His  men  vastly  outnumbered  the  Indians,  and  his  authority  was  ample  ; 
but  his  motives  were  no  doubt  pure,  and  his  courage  must  not  now  bo 
calleu  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  what  is  to  be  related.  To  jint  the 
most  favorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to  break  down  the*  [tower 
of  Brard,  is  to  suppose  that  he  was  impressed  with  the  belief  that  tlie  In- 
dians would  not  join  with  the  English  in  committing  hostilities;  if  this 
were  the  case,  he  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  his  judgment. 

After  the  general  had  said  that  he  did  not  come  to  fight,  Brant,  with  an 
air  of  importance,  said,  "  If  your  purpose  is  war,  I  am  ready  for  you.'"  A 
tempest,  which  came  up  sudaenly,  separated  the  parties,  ancleach  retired 
peaceably.  This  is  said  to  be  the  last  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans 
with  the  Six  Nations,  previous  to  hostilities,  except  with  the  Oneidas ;  all, 
except  a  very  few,  of  whom  remained  neutral. 

Towards  the  autumn  of  this  year,  (1777,]  Brant  was  under  the  direction 
of  Gen.  St.  Leger,  who  detached  him  with  a  considerable  body  of  war- 
riors for  the  investment  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Col.  Bidler  was  commander 
in  chief,  with  a  band  of  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mo- 
kawk  determined  to  march  for  the  relief  of  Col.  Ganesvoort,  who  com- 
6 


m 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


:  ;  ,;!•■ 


rrianded  the  fort,  which  they  did,  in  two  regiments,  with  Gon.  Herkimer 
at  their  head.  As  is  UHuai  with  militia,  tlicy  niarrhcd  in  great  disorder, 
and  when  the  general  ordered  scouting  parties  to  march  as  security 
against  surprise,  upon  the  flanks  of  the  main  hody,  they  accused  him  with 
cowardice,  which,  most  unwarrantably,  had  more  influence  upon  his 
mind,  than  the  safety  of  his  army.  A  catastrophe  ensued,  which,  though 
not  so  momentous  in  that  day,  as  was  that  of  Lolhrop  in  11576,  nor  so 
complete  a  victory  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  yet  it  was  a  severe  fight,  in 
v'hich  200  Americans  were  slain.*  The  place  of  attack  was  selected  by 
Jirant  or  Butler,  and  was  a  ravine  of  a  broad  bottom,  nearly  impassable, 
except  a  rough  track  covered  with  logs,  of  from  12  to  15  feet  in  length, 
laid  transversely,!  which  extended  across  it.  (ien.  Herkimer  arrived  at 
tliis  place  about  two  hours  iKjfore  mid-day,  Aujjust  (5.  He  might  reason- 
ably have  expected  an  ambush,  but  his  first  intimations  of  the  vicinity  of 
an  enemy  were  the  terrifying  yells  of  the  Indians,  and  the  still  more  last- 
.  )g  impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  advanced  guard  were  all  cut  ofl^. 
Such  as  survived  the  first  fire,  were  hewn  down  with  the  tomahawk.  The 
fatal  causeway  was  semicircular,  and  Brant  and  his  forces  occupied  tic 
surrounding  heights.-  A  surgeon.  Dr.  Moses  Younglove,  was  taken  pris- 
oner in  this  battle,  and  after  his  return  from  captivity,  he  wrote  a  poem 
upon  the  affair,  from  which  we  extract  the  following : — 

"  The  time  and  place  of  our  unhappy  fight, 
To  you  at  large  were  needless  to  recite : 
When  in  the  wood  our  fierce  inhuman  foes, 
With  piercing  yell  from  circling  aitihush  rose, 
A  sudden  volley  rends  the  vaulted  sky  ; 
Their  painted  bodies  hideous  to  the  eye, 
They  rush  like  hellish  furies  on  our  bands, 
Their  slaughter  weapons  brandish'd  in  their  hands. 

Then  we  with  equal  fury  join  the  fight, 
E'er  Phoebus  gaiii'd  his  full  meridian  neight: 
Nor  ceased  the  horrors  of  the  bloody  fray, 
Till  he  had  joumey'd  half  his  evening  way." 

Running  down  from  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  forming  a  junction,  one  of  them  not  having  entered  the  causeway  ; 
and  a  part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remainder 
upon  those  within  it.  The  former  fared  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 
cases  a  flight  has  almost  always  been  a  dismal  defeat.  It  was  now  the 
cjxse.  The  other  regiment,  hemmed  in  as  they  were,  saw,  in  a  moment, 
that. 

To  fight,  or  not  to  fight,  was  death. 

They,  therefore,  back  to  back,  forming  a  front  in  every  direction,  fought 
like  men  in  despair.    This,  Dr.  Younglove  thus  forcibly  depicts : — 

"  Now,  hand  to  hand,  the  contest  is  for  life. 
With  bay'net,  tom'hawk,  sword,  and  scalping  knife: 
Now  more  remote  the  work  of  death  we  ply, 
And  thick  as  hail  the  show'ring  bullets  fly: 
Full  many  a  hardy  warrior  sinks  supine ; 
Yells,  shrieks,  groans,  shouts  and  thund'ring  volleys  join } 
The  dismal  din  the  ringing  forest  fills, 
The  sounding  echo  roars  along  the  hills." 

*  Their  whole  loss  was  about  400,  says  Marshall,  Life  Washington,  v.  Sfil. 

t  All  who  have  travelled,  even  within  a  few  years,  in  this  part  of  the  slate  of  New 
York,  cannot  but  well  remember  the  "  Corduroy"  roads.  Such  was  the  road  over  tliis 
memorable  ravine. 


CHAf.  v.] 


BRANT. 


63 


The  poet  thus  prcacnts  to  our  view  the  attacking  parties  :— 

"  or  two  departments  were  the  assailing  foes  ; 
Wild  sa'.'u<;e  natives  lead  the  tirst  of  those  ; 
Their  almost  naked  frames,  of  various  dves, 
And  rin^s  of  black  and  red  surround  their  eyes: 
On  one  side  they  present  a  shaven  head  ;  * 

The  naked  half  ol  the  vermilion  red  : 
In  spots  the  party-color'd  face  they  drew. 
Hcyond  desi-ription  horrible  to  view  ; 
Their  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o'ersprcad  ; 
The  silver'*!  ears  dcpcndin<r  from  the  head  ; 
'I'hcir  gaudry  iliy  descriptive  power  exceeds, 
111  plumes  of  feathers,  ^litt'ring  plates  and  beads.'' 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  tories  : — 

"  With  thcni  of  parricides  a  bloody  band, 
Aiisist  the  rava<^c  of  their  parent  land: 
Willi  equal  dross,  and  arms,  and  savage  arts, 
But  more  than  savage  rancor  in  their  hearts. 
These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite, 
And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  fight ; 
Their  rule  of  warfare,  (iuvaslalioii  dire, 
By  undistinguish'd  plunder,  death  and  lire  ; 
lliey  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage. 
Nor  tender  infant  -  oare,  nor  rev'rend  sage." 

And  Butler  is  noticed  in  the  same  poem  from  \vhich  we  have  nude  the 
preceding  extracts,  as  follows : — 

"  O'er  them  a  horrid  monster  bore  command, 
Whose  inauspicious  birth  disgrac'd  our  laiid  ; 
By  malice  urg'd  to  ev'ry  barb'rous  art ; 
Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart." 

With  such  bravery  did  they  flight  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  In- 
dians began  to  give  way  ;  and,  but  for  a  reinforcement  of  tories,  under 
Major  Waison,  they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforce- 
ment is  thus  characterized  by  the  surgeon  : — 

"  The  second  was  a  rcnegado  crew, 

Who  arm  and  dress  as  Christian  nations  do, 
Led  bv  a  chief  who  bore  the  first  command  ; 
A  bold  invader  of  his  native  land." 

The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Amer- 
icans. It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  who  had  left  that  part  of  the 
country  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence 
for  their  loyalty  to  the  king.  The  fight  was  renewed  with  vigor,  and  the 
reinforcement  fought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  30  of  their  numb»)r 
were  killed.  Maj.  Waison,  their  leader,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner, 
but  left  upon  the  battle  gruiiiKi. 

In  the  mean  time,  Gen.  Herkimer  liad  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  express, 
which  informed  Col.  Ganesvoort  of  his  sitiiation.  IIo  immediately  de- 
tached Col.  Marinus  Millet  with  207  men,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
remnant  of  this  brave  band  from  destrtiction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from 
the  ground,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  considerable  plunder.  Such 
were  the  events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 

*  Dr.  Gordon  says  the  tories  and  Indians  got  into  a  most  wretched  confusion,  and 
fought  one  another  ;  and  that  the  latter,  at  last,  thought  it  was  a  plot  of  the  whites  oa 
both  sides,  to  get  them  into  that  situation,  that  they  might  cut  tbem  off. 


V, 


64 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


Gen.  Herkimer  died  of  a  wohikI  which  he  received  in  thia  fight.  Near 
its  coiiiiii«>ncciueiit,  he  was  sovoreiy  wotitulrd  in  tiie  leg,  and  his  horse  wns 
kille(i.  He  directed  his  saddle  lo  l)e  placed  upon  u  Uttle  knoll,  and  rest- 
ing liimself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  orders.  On  being  advised  to 
remove  to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  he  said,  "wVo — /  mil  face  the  enemy ;" 
and,  adds  the  historian  of  Tryon  county,  "  In  this  situation,  and  in  the 
heat  of  the  battle,  he  very  deliberately  took  from  his  po"ket  his  tinder- 
box,  and  lit  his  pipe,  which  he  smoked  with  great  composure." 

The  Indians,  as  well  as  the  Americans,  suflered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
And  our  poet  writes,  . 

'•  Such  was  the  liloc;ly  iljjlit:  and  such  the  f(M»: 
Our  sinalk'r  force  rrturiiM  llicm  l)h)W  Cor  blow; 
By  lurns  sucressl'ully  ihi-ir  force  defy'tl, 
And  conquest  wav'ring  sconi'd  from  side  to  side." 

BranCs  loss  bciog  about  100  men  ;  Ave  are  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indiana  exaggerated  in  these  lines : — 

"  Not  half  the  savages  rutunietl  from  fieht ; 
They  to  their  native  wilds  had  .iped  their  flight." 

The  Scuccas  alone  lost  30,  and  tlie  tories  about  100.  The  regiment 
which  fled  suffered  severely,  but  would  have  suflered  still  more,  had  not 
their  pursuers  been  apprized  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  en- 
gaged in  the  ravine,  which  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit.  Tho 
couunanding  officer.  Col.  Cox,  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolved 
upon  Lieut.  Col.  Campbell  and  Major  Clyde,  who  conducted  tho  retreat. 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  is  thus  strikingly  presented 
by  Dr.  Younglove,  the  eye-witness : — 

"  Those  that  remain'd  a  long  encampment  made, 
And  rising  fires  illumin'd  ail  the  shade : 
In  vengeance  for  their  num'rous  brothers  slain, 
For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain  ; 
And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 
A  fellow  pris'ner  from  the  sentries  drew ; 
The  guards  before  received  their  chief's  command, 
To  not  withhold  from  the  slaught'ring  band ; 
But  now  the  sufterer's  fate  the;  sympathize, 
And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 
I  saw  the  general*  slowly  parsing  by, 
The  sergeant,  on  his  knees,  villi  tearful  eye, 
Implor'd  the  guards  might  t.'rcst  him  from  their  hands, 
Since  now  the  troops  could  nwc  their  lessen'd  bands. 
With  lifted  cane  the  gen'ral  <hus  replies, 
(While  indignation  sparkles  from  his  eves: ) 
'  Go !  sirrah  !  mind  your  orders  giv'n  refore  ! 
'  And  for  infernal  rebels  pl'-ad  no  more  !' 
For  help  the  wretched  victim  vainly  cries. 
With  supplicating  voice  and  ardent  eves  ; 
With  horror  chill'd,  I  turn  away  my  face, 
While  instantly  they  bear  him  from  the  place. 
Dread  scene  ! — with  anguish  stung  I  inly  groan. 
To  think  the  next  hard  lot  may  be  my  own." 

"  When  through  the  grove  '.he  flaming  fires  arise ; 

And  loud  resound  the  tortur'd  pris'ners'  cries  ; 

Still  as  their  nangs  are  more  or  less  extreme. 

The  bitter  groan  is  heard,  or  sudden  screan : 

But  when  tneir  natures  faii'd,  and  dea<h  drew  near, 

Their  screeches  faintly  sounded  in  the  ear." 
_— — 


Chap.  V.] 


niUNT. 


05 


the  loss  of  the 


The  poet  next  describes  his  drnnin,  in  which  he  wan  corried  to  the  bat- 
tle-ground ;  and  then  thus  o|>cn8  tlie  morning  scene : — 

"  When  savages,  for  horrid  sporl  prepar'd, 
Deniand  another  pris'ner  from  the  ^uird, 
Wc  saw  Ihcir  fcnr'd  approarh,  with  mortal  fright, 
Their  sralping-knives  thoy  shiirpcn'd  in  our  sight, 


Hrside  the  guard  Ihcy  sal  them  on  the  ground, 
And  vicw'd,  witii  piercing  eyes,  the  pns'ncrs  n 


round.' 

"  At  Ic-^gth,  one  rising  seized  nie  by  the  hand  ; 
By  him  drawn  forth,  on  trembling  knees  I  .stand  ; 
-^  I  bid  my  felKiWs  all  a  long  adieu, 

With  answering  grief,  my  wrclrbed  case  they  view. 
They  hid  me  bound,  along  the  winding  flord, 
Far  in  the  gloomy  i)osoni  of  the  wooo : 
There,  (horrid  sig'ht ! )  a  pris'ner  roastecl  lav. 
The  carving-knile  had  cut  his  ^esh  away.'' 

After  enduring  every  thing  but  dentli  in  his  captivity,  Dr.  Yoiinfrlove  re- 
turned home  in  safety. 

In  1778,  a  fort  was  built  at  Cherry-valley,  where  families  ior  considera- 
hle  t!Xtent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  occtisiDiially  for  safety. 
Brant  intended  to  destroy  this,  and  came  into  the  neighborhood  for  the 
purpose.  It  happened  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discov- 
ery of  the  strength  of  the  garrison,  the  boys  were  assembled  in  a  training, 
with  wooden  gtms,  for  amusement :  not  having  a  clear  view  of  them 
from  the  foliage  of  the  trees  which  iiitervened,  Brant  thought  them  to  b«^ 
men.  It  was  his  design  to  have  madt;  the  attack  the  following  night ;  but 
on  this  discovery,  he  gave  up  the  design.  He  still  remained  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, secreteti  behind  a  large  rock  near  the  main  road  to  the  IMohawU, 
nnd  about  two  miles  north  of  the  fort  in  the  valley.  Here  he  waited  to 
intercept  some  unwary  pa8seng<T,  and  gain  more  certain  inteiligence. 
Near  this  place  is  the  litth;  cascade  ealh;d  by  the  natives,  Tekaharawa. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  ui  expectation  of  a  company  of  soldiers 
from  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  them,  and  the  same  day  Lieut.  IVormivood 
came  from  thence,  and  infoinied  them  that  Col.  Klock  would  arrive  the 
next  day  with  the  party.  Near  n'.ght  he  set  out  to  return,  accom|)anie»l 
by  one  Pettr  Sitz,  the  bearer  of  some  despatches.  He  was  a  yomig  orti- 
cer,  of  fine  personil  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next  ilay  with  one 
of  thi  companies  of  sol.liers.  He  had  l)een  out  of  sight  but  a  few  min- 
utes, when,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant,  his  warriors  fired  ti[>oii 
him,  and  he  fell  from  his  licrse.  The  chief,  springing  from  his  hiiliiif;- 
place,  tomahawked  him  with  his  own  hands.  Wormwood  and  his  com- 
panion were  ordered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  their  being 
iired  upon.  Brant  was  acquainted  with  Lieut.  Wormwood  before  the  war, 
and  afterwards  expressed  sorrow  at  his  fate,  pretending  that  he  took  him 
to  be  a  continental  officer.  His  horse  immediately  running  back  to  the 
fort,  with  blood  upon  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  had  hap- 
pened.    His  companion,  Sitz,  wcs  taken  prisoner. 

lu  June,  the  same  summer,  hrvxt  came  upon  Springfield,  which  he 
burned,  and  carried  oflf  a  mmiber  of  prisoners.  The  women  and  chil- 
dren were  not  maltreated,  but  were  left  in  one  house  unmolested.  About 
this  time,  great  pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  chief,  but  there  was  no 
Capt.  Church,  or,  unlike  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  remote  na- 
tions to  fly  to  without  fear  of  oeing  killed  by  them.  Capt.  MKean  hunt- 
ed him  for  some  time,  and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  an  insulting 
letter  fcr  him,  and  left  it  in  an  Indian  patli.  Among  other  things,  he  clial- 
lenged  him  lo  single  combat,  or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of 
G* 


t  ' 


m 


n:iANT. 


[BooE  V. 


men  ;  niiil  "that  if  ho.  would  comr  to  Chrrry-vnllny, nnd  have  a  Tair  fight, 
they  would  change  him  from  a  lirant  into  a  iJoos.  This  lotter,  it  is  sun- 
poHcd,  lira:>f  received,  from  an  iMtimiitiou  contained  in  one  which  ho 
wrote  ahout  the  Hume  tim«!  to  n  tory.  To  this  man  [Pnrcifer  Carr,  of  Hd- 
meHton)  he  writes  from  Tuimdillu  [l^nadillu]  under  date  i)July,  177H, — 
"  Sir  :  I  uiukrstnnd  by  the.  Indians  thai  tvas  at  your  house  last  week,  that 
one  Smith  lives  near  with  you,  has  little  more  corn  to  spare.  I  should  he 
viueh  obliged  to  you,  if  you  would  be  so  kind  as  to  try  to  fret  as  much  corn 
us  Smith  fflH  spared;  he  has  sent  me  five  skipples  already,  of  tt'hich  lam 
jiiuvh  oblif^ed  to  him,  and  tvill  see  him  paid,  and  would  be  very  frlad  if  you 
could  spare  one  or  two  your  men  to  join  us,  especially  I'lias.  /  woidd  be 
glad  to  see  him,  and  I  wish  you  could  seiU  me  as  many  guns  you  have,  as 
I  knoto  you  have  no  use  for  them,  if  you  any ;  as  1  mean  now  to  ftght 
the  cruel  rebels  as  well  as  I  can ;  whatever  you  will  ablt  to  senVd  tne,  you 
nnuit  senVd  by  the  bearer.  I  am  your  sincere  friend  and  humble  serH.  Jo- 
SKiMi  Bkant.  /*.  »S'.  I  heard  that  Chemf-valley  people  is  vein/  bold,  and 
intended  to  make  nothing  of  us  ;  they  called  %ts  tviid  geese,  but  I  know  the 
contrary.^^  Tliis  we  suppose  to  he  n  fair  specimen  of  the  composition  of 
tiie  ciii'ef  who  afterwards  translated  the;  Gospel  according  to  John  into  the 
Mohawk  lan^uagi;,  also  the  IJook  of  Common  Prayer  ;  copies  of  which 
aie  in  the  library  of  Ihirvard  college.* 

The  next  event  of  importance  in  which  lirant  was  engaged,  was  the 
destruction  of  Wyoming,t  one  of  the  most  heart-rending  records  in  the 
nnnals  of  the  revolutionary  war.  In  that  horrid  aflair,  about  .MOO  settlers 
were  killed  or  carried  into  captivity  ;  from  the  greater  part  of  whom  no 
intelligence  was  ever  obtained. 

There  were  assendjied  at  the  fort  in  Wyoming  HOS  men.  On  the  3 
July,  177B,  a  coimcil  of  war  was  held  among  them,  upon  the  propriety  of 
marching  in  (|U(>st  of  an  enemy.  While  they  were  liolding  this  council, 
news  was  brought  that  a  party  had  left  Niagara,  to  attack  the  settlements 
upon  the  Susquehannah,  and  the  majority  of  the  people  determined  u|)on 
an  expedition  of  discovery.  Accordingly,  they  issued  forth  the  same  day, 
and  ranged  up  the  river,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Zcbulon  Butler,  who 
was  cousin  to  the  leader  of  the  tories.l  The  Americans  sent  forward  a 
scout,  who  soon  discovered  the  enemies:  the  torieswere  in  possession  of 
a  fort,  and  the  Indians  in  liuta  about  it.^  Every  appearance  was  now  in 
favor  of  the  Americans,  and  the  spies  returned  towards  their  camp  with 
tlu!  important  intelligence.  They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were 
discovered  by  two  Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  the  same  business. 
The  scouts  fired  each  upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respec- 
tive head-quarters.  Both  parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined 
battle  near  a  thick  swamp.  The  Indians  and  tories,  being  the  more  nume- 
rous,||  out-flunked  the  Americans,  and  Brant,  at  the  head  of  his  furious 
warriors,  issuing  from  the  swamp,  turned  their  lefl  flank,  and  creating 
thereby  a  confusion,  which  greatly  favored  his  kind  of  warfare,  and  ena- 
bled him  to  make  dreadful  havoc  among  them. 

The  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by 
Col.  Denison  that  Brant  successfidly  encountered.    Butler,  at  the  same 

*  It  would  seem  from  Mr.  Weld,  (Travels  in  America,  485,)  that  he  translated  those 
works  before  the  war. 

t  This  name  is  said  to  signify  a  field  of  blood,  from  a  great  battle  fought  tiicrc  by  the 
Indians  before  its  settlement  by  the  whites. 

t  Life  Washington,  iii.  536. 

$  This  was  Fort  Wintennoot,  which,  being  garrisoned  by  tories,  was  treacherously 
given  up  on  the  approach  o(  Butler  and  Brant.     Marshall,  ibid.  557. 

Ij  1G(X)  strong,  say  the  histories  of  the  revolution ;  Imt  this  is  believed  to  exceed  their 
number  about  300.    The  Indians  were  supposed  to  be  800. 


fflAP.    v.] 


BRANT 


67 


tiiiK',  wiiH  griiniiif^  soiiio  mlvantu^c  over  tlic  ntlior  lino,  under  his  cousin 
Zihulon,  \vlii«*li,  iiiIiI«mI  to  tin*  rngiiif^  ilinaHttT  in  tli<;  l)>t>,  iM^cnmo  iinmodi- 
atcly  a  llit^iit.  Col.  De.ni,wn\<i  order  to  tidi  l»ack,  by  which  hodcni^nndto 
ninko  an  advautamioiiH  evolution,  was  distorted,  l»y  the  terrified  troops, 
into  an  order  tor  ili^^lit ;  and  nil  wa8  in  a  few  moments  lost.  And  from 
.hidj,'e  Marshall  W(!  add  as  follows  : — "The  troops  fled  towards  the  river, 
wliirh  they  endeavored  to  pass,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  VVilkeshnn'e,  [in 
the  villa<re  of  that  name  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Snsqueliannah.]  Ttie 
enemy  pur-sued  '  with  the  fury  of  devils  ;'  and  of  the  400  who  had  marched 
out  on  this  nnfortunat(!  parley,  otdy  uhout  20  escaped,"  uinong  whom  were 
the  eoinmandin^  officers.* 

The  fort  at  Wyominj(  was  now  closely  besieged,  and  seeing  no  chance 
of  escape,  ('ol.  Ihitler  proposed  a  |»arley  with  Win  friend  and  namesake, 
whiidi  was  assented  to.  The  plact;  of  meeting  was  a|)pointt>d  at  some  dis- 
tance from  the  f)rt,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  ni  considerable  force, 
to  prevent  treachery,  to  the  place  appointed  ;  but  when  they  arrived  there, 
they  found  noltody  with  whom  to  parley.  The  commnixler  of  the  tories 
has  been  branded  with  gross  iufiitny,  for  this  piece  of  treachery  witii  iiis 
kinsman;  for  lie  feigned  fear  from  his  a|)proach,  and  had  retired  as  they 
advanced,  dis|)laying  meanwhile  the  flag  of  truce.  The  unwary  Ameri- 
cans were,  l)y  this  treacherous  stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly 
the  same  manner  as  were  Hutchinson  '".'ul  ly'hcrler,  at  VVickabaug  Pond,  in 
Philifi's  war.  TIkjv  were,  in  a  moiinnt,  n(;arly  surrounded  by  liravVs 
warriors,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury.  The  tories  "were 
not  a  whit  Ixdiind  the  very  chiefesl"  of  them  in  this  bloody  day.  A  rem- 
nant only  regained  the  fort,  out  of  several  hundreds  that  went  forth.  They 
were  now  more  dostdy  besieged  than  before ;  and  the  more  to  insult  the 
vanquished,  a  demand  was  sent  in  to  them  to  surrender,  "accompanied  by 
19<)  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been  slain."  When  the 
best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besii^gcrs,  the  "  infiimous  Buller'^  replied  in 
these  two  words,  "//le  hatchet"  This  was  the  only  tmlh  we  bear  of  his 
uttering.  It  was  the  hatchet,  indeed — a  few  only  fled  to  the  surrounding 
wilderness,  there  to  meet  a  more  lingering  death  by  famine.  These  were 
chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  passed  the  fourth  of  Jubi,\Tl^.,\n  the  before  flourishing  settle- 
ment of  Wyoming,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susqiieliannali.  Barlow 
knew  well,  in  his  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy 
for  the  acts  of  this  memorable  tragedy.    He  says, — 

"  His  snvapc  hordes  ihc  nuirderous  Johnson  loads, 
Files  tliroiigii  the  woods  and  treads  tiic  tangled  weeds, 
Shuns  open  combat,  leaches  where  to  run, 
Skulk,  couch  the  ambush,  aim  the  luuilcr's  gun, 
Wiiirl  the  sly  tomahawk,  the  war-whoop  sing, 
Divide  the  spoils,  and  pack  the  scalps  they  bring." 

Columbiad,  vi.  389,  &c. 

Having  now  got  full  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Thach- 
er,  "aflci-  selecting  a  few  prisoners,  the  remainder  of  the  people,  including 
women  and  children,  were  enclosed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  which 
were  immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  consumed  together.  Another 
fort  was  near  at  hand,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers  ;  on  surren- 
dering without  conditions,  these  were,  to  a  man,  butchered  in  a  barbarous 
manner;  when  the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  children  were  shut 
up  in  the  houses,  and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengeance  in  be- 


*  There  arc  disagreements  in  the  accounts  of  this  afTair. 
history  of  it,  as  printed  iu  ihc  Annuls  of  Tryou  County. 


I  follow  partly  Chapman's 


k 


68 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


hoMiiijj  tlioir  dcHtriictiun  in  ono  f^cnurnl  conflagration."  Tim  Iiouhch  of 
the  tones  were  H|>are«l.  Ah  tliou^li  they  could  not  cximtIho  their  cruelty 
enough  U|)on  hutimn  beingH,  they  iell  upon  the  betiMtH  in  the  field — shoot- 
ing Home,  wounding  and  niungling  othern,  by  cutting  out  meir  tongucH, 
&n:  and  leaving  them  alive.  Well  doen  Campbell  muKe  his  Oneida  chief 
to  Huy,  (who  comeH  oh  a  friend  to  warn  the  Hcttlotnunt  of  thu  approach  of 
tliu  combined  army  of  torien  and  Indiunt),) 

"  '  Hut  this  is  not  a  iiinr,' — lie  started  up, 

And  smote  his  l>roiist  with  woc-dcnouiiring  hand— 

'  Tliis  is  no  time  to  till  lliv  joyous  cup  : 

Tho  ninniinoth  comes — tlie  foe — the  monster  Brandt, 

Willi  nil  his  howling  desolating  hand  ; — 

These  eyes  have  seen  their  Made,  and  hurning  pine, 

Awake  at  onre,  and  silence  hall"  your  land. 

Red  is  the  eup  they  drink  ;  hut  not  with  wino: 

Awake  and  watch  to-night  \  or  see  no  nu)rning  shine. 


'  Srorninij  to  wield  the  hatrhet  for  his  bribe, 
'(iainst  nrnndt  himself 


inij  to 

nrnndt  himself  I  went  to  battle  forth  : 
Acrursei'  Itrandl  I  In'  left  of  all  my  tribe. 
IVor  man,  nor  child,  nor  lliiii!^  of  living  birth  : 
IS'o  I  not  the  <l(i^,  Ihiit  .vatr!ied  my  household  hearth, 
Ksrapod,  that  nii^hl  of  blonil,  upon  our  plaiiis  ! 
All  perished !— I  alone  am  left  on  earth! 
To  whom  nor  'elative  nor  blood  remains. 
No  !— not  a  kindrid  drop  thai  runs  in  liiuimi.  veins  !'  " 

Gerlntde  of  Wijomiiif;. 

The  lories,  as  was  orten  the  case,  were  attired  like  Indians,  and,  from 
erm/ occoiint,  it  appears  that  they  exceeded  them  in  ferocity. 

Dr.  Tharlifr  givt^s  us  the  following  examples  of  horror,  which  were  of 
notoriety  at  the  time,  and  "  promulgated  from  authentic  soiuTes.  One  of 
the  prisoners,  a  i!'ii\)t.  Hndlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his 
body  stuck  full  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  and  a  fire  of  dry  wood  made 
round  him,  when  his  two  com|)anioiis,  Capts.  Bnnson  luid  Diirkte,  were 
tin-own  into  the  same  fire,  and  held  tlown  with  pitchforks,  till  consumed. 
Oik?  Pnrllat  Tern/,  the  s<>m  of  a  man  of  r(!S|»ectablo  character,  having 
joined  the  Iiutiau  jmrty,  several  times  sent  his  liither  word  that  he  hoped 
to  wash  his  hanils  in  hifi  henrCs  blood.  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands, 
murdered  hin  father,  mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  stri|iped  off  their  scalps, 
and  cut  of!"  his  father's  head  !"* 

It  was  u|)on  such  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited 
had  dwelt,  which  caus<'d  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denunciation  with  such 
effect  upon  the  memory  of  lirant.  That  liutler  was  the  far  greater  sav- 
age, none  can  dispute,  and  Mr.  Campbell  has  long  since  acknowledged  his 
too  great  severity  upon  x\w  character  of  the  former.  We  should  explain 
here,  that  a  son  of  Col.  Brant,  a  chief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  Ahyon- 
waetrhs,  called  by  the  I]i)glisii  John  Brant,  was  in  London  in  1822,  and 
furnished  Mr.  Campbell  with  documents,  wliich,  in  the  poet's  own  words, 
"changed  his  opinion  of  his  latin  r."  This  passage  was  contained  in  a 
long  and  interesting  letter  iipen  the  subject,  to  Ahyontoaeghs,  which  aj)- 
peared  at  that  time  in  the  newspapers. 

With  Wyoming  wiiro  destroyed  Wilkesbarre  and  Kingston,  upon  tho 
other  side  of  the  Stisipiehantiali.  Though  W^yoming  is  generally  under- 
stood to  be  the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  the  val- 
ley bearing  that  name,  tliert;  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  de- 
stroyed, as  well  as  Wyoming.t     These  towns  were  settletl  by  emigrants 

*  Th(tchi'rs  .lournal. 

t  The  setlieuu'iil  of  Wyomiiij^  consisted  of  cip;ht  townships,  each  five  miles  square. 
Annual  Rvff.  for  1779,  pui^e  1).  "  Kach  cor.laiiiiui;'  a  square  of  five  miles,"  is  the  lan- 
guage of  liic  Uefjistcrj  but  il  is  thouglil  unlikely  tiiat  these  towns  were  so  small 


Chap.  V] 


BRANT. 


69 


from  CoriiHM'tinit,  niul  whrn  rIoHtroyod  rnntninod  more  tlmn  n  1000  farni- 
licN  Hill  liail  fiirni»lM>(i  tli<-  rontiiicntiil  aniiy  with  rrinrt!  tliuti  a  IO(K)  mnn, 
wlio  were  f,'riicrally  tin"  yoiiiij;  ninl  artivc  part  of  tlir  pn|iiilatit)ii.*  The 
o|)|M)!4it<>  ^i(l<'N  wliifii  tli<;  iiilialiitaiits  took  in  lli<<  ^rcat  rrvoliitioiiiiry  quoH* 
tioii,  crratt'd  tlio  in'<Ht  violt-iit  rancor  in  tlie  bosonm  of  botli  parties,  and 
h«Mir(^  tlif  l)arl)ariti«'H  vvliicli  rnsucd. 

In  NovcinlM-r  following;,  Clit'rry- valley  mot  with  n  fatn  similar  to  Wyo- 
ininj,'.  At  this  time,  limiit  was  rrHirnin;,' to  wiiitt-r-qiiarttTH,  when  ho  was 
met  hy  a  tory  raptain,  and  p*'rsiiad*-d  to  «>ii<;a^c  in  one  (■.xpcdition  more. 
This  was  IVnltcr  Hullrr,  son  of  John,  the  hint  of  Wyoming.  IIo  went  to 
Canada  witli  (ht\j  Johnson,  in  I?/."),  a-s  h:iN  Ix-cn  mrntionod  ;  and  now  Home 
rircnmstancc!  Itronxl't  him  auionfj  tin-  fmntiiT  Hcttlfinents  of  New  York. 
Wimt  his  object  wan,  wc  arc  not  informed  ;  bnt  it  wax,  f!onbtlcHS,  that  of  a 
spy.  However,  he  was  tuUt  ii  up  on  KnH|.icion,  at  least,  and  coidlne.l  in 
jail  at  All>uny  ;  fallinj?  sick,  he  was  removed  tt)  a  privates  dwelling,  from 
wlience  he  soon  found  means  to  escaue.  Joining  iiis  father  at  Niagara, 
he  Hiicc(>eded  in  detaching  a  part  of  his  regiment  upon  an  incursion. 
Meeting  with  Brant,  as  was  just  mentioned,  they  returned  to  the  frontier. 
It  is  said  that  lirnnt  was  at  first  dis|)leased  with  the  project,  understand- 
ing that  Capt.  Halter  had  been  put  in  otlice  over  him  by  his  old  general, 
tVallfr's  father,  but  stifled  his  resentment.  Their  whole  force  was  700 
men,  500  of  vvho.!i  wens  the  warriors  of  lirnnt. 

C'ol.  Ichabod  Jllden,  of  Massachusetts,  was  in  command  ot  Chorry-val- 
ley,  and  to  his  misguided  judgment  is  to  he  attributed  the  disaster  which 
ensued.  But,  like  IValdron  of  Cochecho,  he  was  doomed  to  escape  the 
disgrace.  He  was  early  apprized  of  the  march  of  Brant,  and  when  urged 
to  receive  the  inhabitants  into  the  fort,  observed  that  there  was  no  danger, 
as  ho  woidd  keep  out  scouts  who  woidd  ap|)ri7.e  them  of  the  approach 
of  an  enemy  in  8ea.son  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out; 
one  of  which,  either  forgetting  the  business  they  were  upon,  or  what  was 
equally  reprehensible,  made  a  large  fire  and  lay  down  to  sleep.  BranVs 
warriors  were  not  mi.sled  by  so  huninous  a  beacon,  and  the  whole  were 
made  prisoners.  This  was  on  the  night  of  the  I)  November,  1778.  The 
prisoners  now  in  the  hands  of  Brant  were  obliged  to  give  the  most  exact 
mtelligence  concerning  the  garrison.  On  the  morning  of  ihe  11,  fa- 
vored by  a  thick  and  hazy  otmosphere,  they  approached  the  fort.  Cols. 
Alden  and  Slacia  quartered  ut  the  house  of  a  Mr.  fVells.  A  Mr.  Hamble  was 
fired  upon  as  he  was  coming  from  his  house  to  the  fort,  by  a  scout,  which 
gave  the  first  notice  of  the  enemy.  He  escaped,  and  gave  the  alarm  to 
Col.  Mden,  who,  strange  as  it  may  api)ear,  was  still  incredidous,  and  said 
it  was  notliing  more  than  some  straggling  Indians.  The  last  space  of 
time  was  thus  lost! — and,  in  less  than  half  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place 
were  invested  at  once.  Such  of  the  soldiers  as  were  collected  being  im- 
mediately all  killed  or  taken,  the  poor  inhabitants  fell  an  easy  prey.  Col. 
Alden  was  among  the  first  victims.  Like  Chopart,  in  the  massacre  at 
Natchez,  he  fled  from  his  house,  and  was  pursued  by  an  Indian  with  his 
hatchet,  at  whom  the  colonel  endeavored  several  times  to  discharge  his 
pistol  ;  but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  facing  about  for  this  purpose, 
the  Indian  was  sufficiently  near  to  throw  his  tomahawk  with  deadly  ef- 
fect. He  did  so.  Col.  Mden  fell  upon  his  face,  and  his  scalp  was  in  a 
moment  borne  off  in  triumph.  "A  tory  boasted  that  he  killed  Mr.  fVella 
while  at  prayer."  His  daughter,  a  young  lady  of  great  amiableness,  fled 
from  the  house  to  a  \n\e  of  wood  for  slielter;  but  an  Indian  pursued  her, 
who  coming  near,  composedly  wiped  his  long  knife,  already  bloody,  upon 
his  Icggins,  then  returning  it  to  his  belt,  seized  her  by  the  arm,  and  with  a 


t  Marshall,  iii.  655. 


e 


70 


BRANT. 


[Book  V, 


Ai'-  ^ 


blow  of  his  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could  speak  some  In- 
dian, and  begged  her  murderer  to  spare  her  life,  and  a  tory  interceded, 
who  stood  near,  urging  that  she  was  his  sister;  but  he  would  hear  to  nei- 
ther. Other  transactions  in  this  affair,  of  still  greater  horror,  we  mijst 
pass  ill  silence. 

Between  30  and  40  prisonera  were  carried  off;  but  the  fort,  contain- 
ing about  200  soldiers,  was  not  taken,  although  several  trials  were  made 
uj>on  it. 

Braiit  was  the  only  person  engaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  wc  hear 
any  acts  of  clemency  ;  one  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  a  poor  wo- 
man and  her  children,  who,  but  for  liim,  would  have  met  the  tomahawk. 
He  inquired  for  Capt.  JWKean,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  men- 
tioned,) saying  he  had  now  come  to  accept  his  challenge.  Being  answered 
that  "  Capt  jyVKean  would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy,"  he  replied, 
"  I  know  it.  He  is  a  brave  man,  and  I  would  have  given  more  to  have 
taken  him  than  any  other  man  in  Cherry-valley  ;  but  I  would  not  have 
hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 

Brant  had  seen  and  heard  so  much  ol'  "iiat  is  called  civilized  warfare, 
that  he  was  afraid  of  the  traduction  of  iiis  character,  and  always  said  that, 
in  his  councils,  he  had  tried  to  make  his  wariiors  humane;  and  to  his 
honor  it  is  said,  (but  in  proportion  as  his  character  is  raised,  that  of  the 
white  man  must  sink,)  that  where  he  had  the  chief  command,  few  bar- 
barities were  committed. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  Butler  fell  upon  Cherry- valley,  some  of  the 
tories  who  had  friends  there,  requested  liberty  to  go  in  secretly  and  ad- 
vise them  to  retire.  Butler,  though  some  of  his  own  friends  were  among 
the  inhabitants,  refused,  saying,  "that  there  were  so  many  families  con- 
nected, that  the  one  would  inform  the  others,  and  all  would  escape.  He 
thus  sacrificed  his  friends,  for  the  sake  of  punishing  his  enemies."  This, 
whether  reported  by  Brant  to  magnify  his  own  humanity,  by  a  contrast 
with  the  depravity  of  his  associate,  is  not  known,  but  it  may  have  been 
the  fact. 

Various  incursions  into  the  Indian  country  by  Gen.  Sullivan,  and  oth- 
ers, much  damped  the  spirits  of  the  Indians,  although  few  of  them  were 
either  killed  or  taken.  When  thT  armies  approached  their  settlements, 
they  fled  into  swamps  and  mountains  ;  yet  they  suffered  extremely  from 
the  loss  of  all  their  crops.  It  was  said  that  this  summji,  (^''79,)  100,000 
bushels  of  their  corn  was  destroyed.  As  soon  as  it  was  knc  n  that  Sul- 
livan was  advancing  into  the  country.  Brant  &  Butler,  with  600  Indians, 
and  Johnson,  with  200  tories,  took  a  position  on  his  route,  to  cut  liim  off. 
Sullivan  came  upon  them,  August  29,  at  a  place  called  Newtoion,  where 
they  had  entrenched  themselves,  and  immediately  attacked  them.  The  bat- 
tle lasted  about  two  hours,  when,  by  a  successful  movement  of  Gen.  Poor, 
at  the  head  of  his  New  Hampshire  regiment,  BranVs  warriors  were 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  ihe  whole  were  put  to  flight.*  Few  were 
killed,  and  they  made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the 
expedition.t  The  historian  adds,  "  They  utterly  destroyed  40  villages,  and 
left  no  single  trace  of  vegetation  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground."|  All 
their  cattle  were  either  killed  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  had  be- 

*  Nine  only  of  the  Indians  were  killed  ;  of  the  Americans,  four.  It  is  said  to  be  ow- 
ing to  the  sagacity  of  Brant,  that  his  whole  force  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Americans.     Annals  Tryon  Co.  125. 

t  Botta,  Hist.  Rev.  ii.  206. 

t  Ibid.  Some  of  the  officers  thought  it  too  degrading  to  the  army  to  be  employed  in 
destroying  fruit-trees,  and  remonstrated  to  Gen.  Sullwan  against  the  order.  lie  replied, 
"  The  Indians  shall  see  that  there  is  malice  enough  in  our  hearts  to  dejlroy  every  thing 
that  contributes  to  their  support."     Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  21. 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT. 


71 


^,  some  of  the 


fore  taken  from  the  Americans.  "  None  of  the  bounties  of  nature,  none 
of  the  products  of  human  industry,  escaped  the  fury  of  the  Americans."* 
Upon  tiiis  business  the  same  author  w'^os^  that  "the  officers  charged 
with  the  execution  of  these  devastatio  .  were  themselves  ashamed  of 
them ;  some  even  ventured  to  remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed 
to  exercise  the  vocation  of  banditti."  Gen.  Poor,  doubtless,  was  the  effi- 
cient man  in  this  expedition,  but  the  ostentation  of  Sullivan  gained  him 
the  Aonor  /  of  it.  Thus  were  the  Five  Nations  chastised  for  acting  as 
they  had  l)een  taught  by  the  white  people ;  yea,  by  the  Americans 
themselves.! 

The  following  summer,  (23  July,  1779,)  Col.  Brant,  with  60  of  his  war- 
riore  and  27  white  men,  came  suddenly  upon  Minisink,  in  Orange  county, 
New  York,  where  they  killed  sundry  of  the  inhabitants  and  made  others 
captives.  They  burnt  ten  houses,  twelve  barns,  a  garrison  and  two  mills, 
and  then  commenced  their  retreat.  The  militia  from  Goshen  and  places 
adjacent,  to  the  number  of  149,  collected,  pursued  and  came  up  with  them, 
when  a  most  bloody  battle  was  fought.  The  Indians  were  finally  victori- 
ous, and  30  only,  out  of  the  149  whites,  esctiped.  Some  were  carried  into 
captivity,  and  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  sufficiently  cautious,  they 
fell  into  an  ambush,  and  so  fought  at  great  disadvantage.f 

In  1821,  a  county  meeting  was  held,  by  which  it  was  voted  that  the 
bones  of  the  slain  should  be  collected,  and  deposited  under  a  suitable 
monument,  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  be  erected.§  In  1822,  the  com- 
mittee appointed  to  collect  the  bones  "  which  had  been  exposed  to  the 
suns  and  snows  for  43  years,"  had  found  those  of  44  peraons,  which  were, 
with  much  formality,  publicly  interred. || 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  Brant  surprised  Harpersfield,  with  a  company 
of  his  warriore,  and  a  few  tories.  He  took  19  prisoners,  and  killed  seve- 
ral othere.  On  2  August  following,  he  fell  upon  Canajoharrie,  with 
about  400  mixed  warriors, killed  16  people,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chief- 
ly women  and  children  ;  they  killed  and  drove  away,  at  the  same  time, 
about  300  cattle  and  hoi-ses,  burnt  5J3  houses,  and  as  many  barns,  besides 
out-houses,  a  new  and  elegant  church,  a  grist-mill  and  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  there  were  many  other  warlike  scenes  in  which  Brant  was 
engaged  personally,  but  we  have  already  dwelt  longer  upon  them  than  we 
intended. 

European  writers,  for  a  long  time,  contended  that  the  N.  American 
Indians  had,  naturally,  no  beards.1l  A  Mr.  JSVCausland  took  the  trouble 
of  writing  to  Brant,  after  the  revolution,  to  get  the  truth  of  the  matter. 
The  following  is  Bra.iVs  letter  to  his  inquiry: — '■^Niagara,  19  April,  1783. 
The  men  of  the  Six  J^ations  have  all  beards  by  nature ;  as  have  likeivise 
all  other  Indian  nations  of  JVbr//i  America,  lohtch  I  have  seen.  Some  In- 
dians allow  a  part  of  the  beard  upon  the  chin  and  upper  lip  to  grotv,  and  a 
few  of  the  Mohawks  shave  with  razors,  in  the  same  manner  as  Europemis ; 
out  the  generality  pluck  out  the  hairs  of  the  beard  by  the  roots,  as  soon  as 
they  begin  to  appear ;  and  as  they  continue  this  practice  all  their  lives,  they 
appear  to  have  no  beard,  or,  at  most,  only  afew  straggling  hairs,  which  they 
mve  neglected  to  pluck  out.     I  am,  however,  of  "^pinion,  that  if  the  Indians 

*  Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  207. 

t  Sec  tlie  speech  of  Dig-tree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-town,  to  which  nothing  need  be 
added  by  way  of  commenUiry  upon  such  affairs. 

X  Gordon's  America,  iii.  22. 

<!i  Spafford's  Gaz.  328.  ||  Holmes's  Amer.  Annals,  ii.  302. 

IT  Even  tiie  great  luminary  Voltaire  fell  into  this  error.  He  says,  "  Les  Iroquois,  les 
Htirons,  et  tons  les  penplssjusqu'A  la  Florida,  parvrent  olivAtres  et  sans  ancitn  poit  sur 
le  corps  except/*  la  t^le."  That  is,  all  from  the  G0°  of  N.  latitude.  Voyez  CEuvret 
computes,  iv,  708,  ed.  Paris,  1817, 8vo.     Sec  also  Raynal,  viii.  210. 


72 


BRANT. 


fDooK  V. 


ti-:': 


t 

II!   ■ 


were  to  shave^  they  would  never  have  beards  altogether  so  thick  as  the 
Europeans ;  and  there  are  some  to  be  met  with  tvho  have  actual! j  very  little 
beard.*  Jos.  Bkant  Thayendaneoa." 

A  dniighterof  Col.  BroTit  married  a  Frenchman,  who,  in  June,  1789, 
waa  killed  by  a  party  of  Indians,  while  peaceably  travelling  up  the  Wa- 
bash Iliver.  He  was  in  company  with  nine  others,  four  of  whom  were 
killed  and  three  wounded.  When  the  hostile  i)arty  came  up  to  llieni,  and 
discovered  the  son-in-law  of  iJmni,  they  assisted  in  drawing  the  arrows 
from  the  wounded,  and  then  went  ofi'.f 

When  the  Indians  upon  the  southern  and  western  frontier  were  show- 
ing themselves  hostile,  in  1791,  Col.  Brant  used  his  exertions  to  prevent 
hostilities,  by  visiting  such  tribes  as  appeared  hostile.  His  name  appears 
in  many  important  transactions  of  those  times.  The  boundary  line  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  had  not  been  satisfactorily 
established,  which  was  the  cause  of  much  trouble.  A  gentleman  in 
Canada  wrote  to  another  in  the  state  of  New  York,  under  date  of  2  Au- 
gust, 1791,  wherein  Col.  Brant  is  thus  mentioned:  "Capt.  Joseph  Brant, 
alter  having  attended  for  some  time  the  councils  of  the  western  Indians 
at  the  Miami  River,  set  off'  a  few  days  ago  for  Quebec,  attended  with 
several  of  the  chiefs  from  that  quarter;  as  they  avowedly  go  to  ask  Lord 
Dorchester's  advice,  and  as  we  well  know  his  and  governn-nt's  strong 
desire  for  peace,  we  would  gladly  hope  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  bring- 
ing on  an  accommodation." 

In  1792,  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  is  thus  publicly  noticed  in  the  Ga- 
zette of  that  city  : — "  Capt.  Joseph  Brant,  the  principal  warrior  chief 
of  the  Six  Nations,  arrived  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  evening  last,  (June 
20.)  It  is  said  his  errand  is  a  visit  to  a  number  of  his  acquaintance  re- 
sidmg  here,  and  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  United  States.** 
He  left  there  about  the  beginning  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excursion 
among  the  western  tribes,  which  still  remained  hostile. 

When  Gen.  Wayne  was  marching  into  the  Indian  country,  in  1793, 
many  of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  heard  that  his  army  consisted  of 
8000  men.  Learning,  also,  that  commissioners  accompanied  the  army, 
authorized  to  treat  of  per»ce,  and  wishing  to  know  the  strength  of  the 
Americans,  thirty  chiefs  of  different  t -ibes  were  despatched  upon  this  im- 
portant business.  Col.  Brant  was  one  of  these  30  Indian  ambassadors, 
if  the  Americans  would  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  they  wished  peace. 
The  whole  cause  of  Gen.  Wayne^s  war  appears  to  have  been  about  the 
knds  lying  west  of  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  Rivers,  We  have  no  doubt 
Brant  secretly,  if  not  openly,  advocated  the  establishment  of  this  bound- 
ary ;  yes,  and  we  must  acknowledge  that  if  he  did,  it  was  from  the  best 
of  reasons.  We  know  that  Tecumseh  labored  incessantly  for  this  bound- 
ary. Rightly  did  they  conceive  of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolling 
westward,  southward  and  northward.  Truly,  they  must  have  been  blind 
not  to  have  seen  that  it  was  about  to  engulf  them  forever !  When  they 
had  met  the  commissioners,  and  found  them  inflexible  in  their  determina- 
tion. Brant,  with  most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  gave  up  the  point 
as  hopeless,  preferring  peace,  on  any  terms,  to  war.  But  the  Wyandots, 
Delawares,  Shawanees  and  Miamis  would  not  agree  to  it. 

IMention  will  be  found  in  the  account  of  Farmers-brother  of  a  great 
council  held  by  the  chiefs  of  most  of  the  western  nations,  at  Niagara,  in 
April,  1793.  In  this  council  it  was  agreed  that  peace  should  be  main- 
tained ;  and  "they  unanimously  agreed  to  meet  the  Americans  in  a  grand 
council,  to  be  holden  the  June  following,  upon  the  soutli  side  of  Lake 


*  This  is  •lie  case  with  many  of  the  whites. 
t  Carey's  Muaoum,  vi.  178. 


[Hook  V. 

lick  as  the 
J  very  lilUc, 

JANEGA." 

June,  1789, 
jp  iIh;  Wa- 
vhoni  were; 
)  tlifiii,  and 
the  arrows 

were  show- 
s  to  prevent 
inie  appears 
iry  line  be- 
mtisfactorily 
intleinan   in 
ite  of  2  Au- 
Bsep/i  Brant, 
em  Indians 
ttended  with 
to  ask  Lord 
K'nt's  strong 
uns  of  bring- 

id  in  the  Ga- 
farrior  chief 
ig  last,  (June 
jaintance  re- 
nited  States." 
ice  excursion 

itry,  in  1793, 
J  consisted  of 
;d  the  army, 
englh  of  the 
upon  this  im- 
ainbassadors. 
vished  peace, 
en  about  the 
ive  no  doubt 
■  this  bound- 
Trom  the  best 
.  this  bound- 
lation  rolling 
e  been  blind 
When  they 
ir  determina- 
up  the  point 
le  Wyandots, 

Ir  of  a  great 

It  Niagara,  in 
lid  be  main- 
Ins  in  a  grand 
side  of  Lake 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT. 


78 


Erie  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  peace  more  permanent  and  ex- 
tensive, they  liave  appointed  Brant,  who  is  now  their  king  of  kings,  to 
go  and  convene  all  those  U'ibes  who  live  to  the  nortii-west  of  Lake  (5ntu- 
rio.  He  accordingly,  the  day  afte>-,  set  out  for  that  purpose."  The  Indians 
did  not  assemble  until  July,  from  the  diihculty  of  their  journeys  and  oth- 
er causes,  which  is  generally  the  case  with  meetings  of  this  kind.  The 
council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  Col.  Brant  set  out  from  Niagara  ff  r 
that  place  in  May.  Before  leaving,  he  had  fi-equent  conversations  with  a 
gentleman  of  respectability,  to  whom  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  mat  no 
peace  could  take  place,  until  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  should  tnake  the 
boundary  between  the  Americans  and  the  nsd  men.  He  still  expressed 
good  feelings  towards  the  United  States,  and  hoped  that  they  would  see  it 
to  be  their  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundary,  as  he  firmly  believed  war 
would  ensue  should  they  refuse.  He  even  said,  that,  in  case  they  would 
not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  boundary,  he  should  take  part  against 
them.  It  was  not  agreed  to ;  but  we  do  not  hear  that  the  old  chief  was 
actually  engaged  in  the  hostilities  that  followed. 

How  much  the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  In- 
dians, it  is  diflicult  to  determine  ;*  but  men  like  Pontiac,  Brant  and  Te- 
cumseh  could  easily  see  tlirough  such  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a  f(!w 
unprincipled  speculators,  as  M'Kee,  Girty  and  Elliot.  They  had,  doubt- 
less, conceived  that  if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary, 
it  would  be  an  ea.sy  matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country 
from  thence  to  the  lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They 
knew  well  that  if  the  Indians  pofssessed  this  tract  of  country,  it  would  be 
uo  diflicult  matter  to  [)urchase  it  from  them  by  means  of  a  few  trifling  ar- 
ticles, comparatively  of  no  consideration,  and  that  worst  of  calamities,  ar- 
dent t,,)irits !  In  this  they  were  disappointed,  and,  with  the  battle  of 
Presque  Isle,  resigned  their  hopes,  at  least  for  a  season.  They  urged 
upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  have  been  well  assured  of —their  de- 
struction ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brant, 
but  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  be  much  lessened  on  Iwing  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Every  successful  warrior,  at  least 
in  his  day,  is  denounced  by  the  vanquished  as  a  barbarian.  JVapoleon 
was  thus  branded  by  all  the  world — we  ask  no  excuse  for  our  chief  on  this 
score — all  wars  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them  are  bar- 
barians! This  we  know  to  be  strong  language ;  but  we  are  prepared  to 
prove  our  assertion.  When  mankiud  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  im- 
proved to  that  extent  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining, — when 
the  causes  of  avarice  and  dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  mind, 
by  taking  away  the  means  which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then, 
will  wars  and  a  multitude  of  attending  calamities  cease. 

*  We  will  hear  a  ^reat  writer  and  traveller  upon  this  subject,  whose  means  of  forming 
a  correct  judgment,  It  is  presumed,  will  not  be  questioned.  '•  Je  remar(|uerai  a  cello 
occasion  sans  m'i'tendre  davantaee  sur  cc  sujel,  que  toute  la  politque  do  TAngleterre 
avec  les  Indicns  est  absolument  Jans  les  mains  des  agens,  qui  seuls  en  entendcnt  la 
langiie  ;  et  (|ui  seuls  sont  les  distribiiteurs  des  prcsens  ;"  &,c.  Voijaire  duns  les  Klu/.:- 
unis  en  1795,  etc.  Par  La  Rochefnnrauld-I.aincourt,  ii.  78.  The  duke  v\as  at  New- 
ark, U.  C  at  this  time,  where  he  witnessed  a  business  assemblage  of  Indians.  After  a 
dance,  which  they  held  before  their  audience  with  the  governor  of  Canada,  the  duke 
says  that,  "  I'endant  ces  jcux,  Tagenl  s'est  approche  du  general  avcc  un  des  chefs,  el 
lui  a  dit  que  sa  nation  de  Tuscorora  Ic  ronsultait  pour  savoir  si  cllc  irait  a  un  consei! 
tenu  par  les  Indiens  Oiieydas  a  Onondago  jiour  vetidre  leurs  tcrres  de  reserve,  que 
I'Ktat  de  New  Yorrk  desirait  uihelcr.  I.e  gouverneur  a  repondu  tres-vaguement  a  celt 
question  ;  l'n;^ent  a  traduit  conune  il  a  voulu  cctte  reponse  ;  mais  il  a  repliquo  au  gou- 
verneur de  la  part  des  Indiens  niii  coinme  ils  cro^vai^'il  Clre  plus  agri'ablos  au  roy  d'An- 
glclerre  eii  u'y  allant  pas ;  ils  u'iraient  pas."     Ibid.  77. 


74 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


As  a  sample  of  the  stories  circulating  about  Col.  Brant,  while  the  affairs 
of  Wyoming  and  Cherry- valley  were  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all,  we 
extract  from  fVeliVs  Travels  the  following : — * 

"  With  a  considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  JohnstonJ'*  "  A  skirmish  f^ok  place  with  a  body  of 
American  troops ;  the  action  was  warm,  and  Brant  was  shot  by  a  musket 
ball  in  his  hee) ;  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  an  offi- 
cer with  about  CO  men  were  taken  prisoners.  The  officer,  after  having 
delivered  up  his  sword,  had  entered  mto  conversation  with  Col.  Johnston^ 
who  commanded  the  British  troops,  and  they  were  talking  together  in  the 
most  friendly  manner,  when  Brant,  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid 
the  American  officer  lifeless  on  the  ground  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk. 
The  indignation  of  Sir  John  Johnston,  as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was 
roused  by  such  an  act  of  treachery,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  warmest 
terms.  Brant  listened  to  him  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finislitd, 
told  him,  that  he  was  soiry  for  his  displeasure,  bvi  that,  indeed,  his  hed  was 
extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and  he  could  not  help  revenging  himself  on 
the  only  chief  of  the  party  that  he  sato  taken." 

Upon  this  passage  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon  Countyf  observes : 
"I  have  heard  a  story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  was  killed  to  prevent  his  being  retaken  by  the  Americans,  who 
were  in  pursuit."  This  we  should  pronounce  veryrfw-similar  to  the  story 
told  by  Mr.  fVeld.  But  there  was,  no  doubt,  some  circumstance  out  of 
which  a  story  has  grown,  the  truth  of  which,  we  apprehend,  is  now  past 
finding  out. 

Col.  Brant  was  married,  in  the  winter  of  1779,  to  a  daughter  of  Col. 
Croghan  by  an  Indian  woman.  He  had  lived  with  her  some  time,  ad  libi- 
tum, according  to  the  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time,  being  present  at 
the  wedding  of  a  Miss  Moore,  at  Niagara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  trom 
Cherry-valley,)  insisted  on  being  married  himself;  and  thus  hip  consort's 
name  was  no  longer  Miss  Croghan,  but  Mrs.  Brant.  The  ceremony  was 
performed  by  his  companion  in  arms.  Col.  John  Butler,  who,  although  he 
had  left  his  country,  yet  carried  so  much  of  his  magistrate's  commission 
with  him,  as  to  solemnize  marriages  according  to  law. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  famous  ally  a  valuable  tract  of  land  situ- 
ated upon  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  finally  settled  and 
lived  after  the  English  fashion.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform 
to  this  mode  of  life,  but  would  adhere  to  the  custom  of  the  Indians,  and 
on  the  death  of  her  husband,  which  happened  24  Nov.  1807,  she  repaired 
to  Grand  River,  there  to  spend  her  days  in  a  wigwam,  with  some  of  her 
children,  while  she  left  behind  others  in  a  commodious  dwelling.^  A  son, 
of  whom  we  have  spoken,  with  a  sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of 
their  father,  and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  family.  This  son, 
whose  name  is  John,  is  a  man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  Eng- 
land in  1822,  as  has  been  mentioned,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has 
been  returned  a  member  of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Upper  Canada.  His 
place  of  residence  was  in  the  county  of  Haldiman,  in  Brantford,  so  called, 
probably,  in  honor  of  the  old  chief  §  Several  other  places  are  mentioned 
as  having  been  the  residence  of  Brant — Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (which  is 
about  36  miles  south-west  from  the  present  site  of  Cooperstown,)  and 
Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  places  before  the  Mohawks  removed  to 
Canada,  which  was  soon  after  the  war  of  the  revolution  was  ended.  They 


*  Paffe  486,  octavo  ed.  London,  1800. 

t  In  the  Appendix,  page  IG.  X  Buchanan's  Sketches,  i.  36. 

\  Mr.  Campbell's  Annals  of  Tryon  County  has  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  in- 
formation throughout  ti.<s  account,  especially  of  the  revolutionary  period. 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT. 


75 


made  their  principal  residence  upon  Grand  River,  which  falls  into  Lake 
Erie  on  the  north  side,  about  GO  miles  from  the  town  of  Newark,  or  Ni- 
agara. At  one  time,  he  had  no  less  than  30  or  40  negroes,  who  took  care 
of  his  horses  and  lands.  "  These  poor  creatures,"  says  Mr.  fVeld,  "  are 
kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not  attempt  to  make  their 
escape,  for  he  has  assured  them,  that  if  they  did  so,  he  would  follow  them 
himself,  though  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and  would  tomahawk 
them  wherever  he  met  them.  They  know  his  disposition  too  well  not  to 
think  that  he  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word."  The  same  author  says 
that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half  pay  as  captain, 
amounted  to  £500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  chief,  in  1795,  may  be  formed  from 
the  circumstance,  that  a  gentleman  considered  himself  a  loser  to  the 
amount  of  £100,  at  least,  by  not  being  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season 
to  attend  to  some  law  case  for  him.  Contrary  winds  had  prevented  his 
arrival,  and  the  business  had  been  given  to  another.* 

"  Whenever  tlie  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so,  Brant 
declares  it  to  be  iiis  intention  to  sit  down  to  the  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a  great  admirer,  and  to 
translate  from  the  original,  into  the  Mohawk  language,  more  of  the  New 
Testament ;  yet  this  same  man,  shortly  before  we  arrived  at  Niagara, 
killed  his  own  son,  with  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a  drunk- 
en, good-for-nothing  fellow,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  de- 
stroying his  father.  One  evening,  he  absolutely  entered  the  apartment  of 
his  father,  and  had  begun  to  grapple  with  him,  perhaps  with  a  view  to  put 
his  unnatural  threats  in  execution,  when  Brant  drew  a  short  sword,  and 
felled  him  to  the  ground.  He  speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  without  any  of  that  emotion  which  another  person  than  on 
Indian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.  He  consoles  himself  for  the  oct,  by 
thinking  that  he  has  benefited  tlie  nation,  by  ridding  it  of  a  rascal."f 

With  regard  to  the  dress  of  the  sachem,  there  has  been  some  cop.radic- 
tion.  Mr.  fVdd,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  he  wore  his  hair  in  the 
Indian  fashion,  as  he  also  did  his  cloth3s ;  except  that,  instead  of  the 
blanket,  he  wore  a  kind  of  hunting  frock.  This  was  in  1796.  But  it  was 
reported,  that,  in  1792,  Brant  having  waited  on  Lord  Dorchester^  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  upon  some  business,  his  lordship  told  him,  that  as  he 
was  an  officer  in  the  British  service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian 
dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English  captain ;  and  that,  if  he  persisted  in 
wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop  his  pay.  It  is  added  that  there- 
upon he  changed  his  dress.:^ 

When  Col.  Brant  arrived  at  any  principal  city,  his  arrival  was  publicly 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have 
given  some  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more : — 

"  New  York,  June  20,  1792.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a  visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this 
quarter,  Capt  Joseph  Brandt,  of  the  British  army,  the  famous  Mohawk 
chief,  who  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  the 
military  leader  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  are  informed  that  he  intends  to 
visit  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the 
U.  States,"§  Gen.  Washington,  which  he  did.  We  have  before  mentioned 
his  visit  to  that  city. 

The  very  respectoble  travellerlj  Rochefoucauld  thus  notices  our  chief: 
"  At  24  miles  from  this  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  upon  Grand  River,  is 


*  WeW,  Travels,  487. 
t  Ibid.  4S9. 

}  American  Apollo,  297. 
Duke  de  Laincomi,  Travels,  ii.  81,  before  cited,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 


X  Apollo  for  1792. 


k? 

»?;' 


76 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


ail  establishment  which  I  had  been  curious  to  visit.  It  is  that  of  Coi. 
Brant.  But  the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  assured  that  I  should 
see  little  else  than  what  I  had  already  seen  among  those  people,  I  gave 
over  my  intention.  Col.  Brant  is  an  Indian  who  took  part  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  having  been  in  England,  was  <  "iniissioncd  by  the  king,  and  po- 
litely treated  by  every  one.  His  manners  are  half  European.  He  is  ac- 
companied by  two  negro  servants,  and  is  in  appearance  like  an  English- 
man. He  has  a  garden  and  farm  under  cultivation  ;  dresses  almost  entirely 
like  an  European,  and  has  great  influence  over  the  Indians.  He  is  at 
present  [1795]  at  Miami,  holding  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  in  com- 
pany with  the  Indians  of  the  west.  He  is  equally  respected  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, who  extol  so  much  his  character,  that  I  regret  much  not  to  have 
seen  him."* 

The  great  respect  in  which  Bravt  was  held  in  England  will  be  very  ap- 
parent from  a  perusal  of  tlie  following  letter,t  dated  12  December,  1785 : 
"  Monday  last.  Col.  Joseph  Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks, 
arrived  in  this  city,  [Salisbury,]  from  America,  and  after  dining  with  Col. 
de  Peister,  at  the  head-quarters  here,  proceeded  inunediately  on  his  jouk"- 
ney  to  London.  This  extraordinary  pereonage  is  said  to  have  presided  at 
the  late  grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nation  in 
America,  and  to'»e  by  them  appointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief  command 
in  the  war  which  they  now  meditate  against  the  United  States  of  Ameri- 
ca. He  took  his  departure  for  England  immediately  as  that  assembly 
broke  up;  and  it  is  conjectured  that  his  embassy  to  the  British  court  is  of 
great  importance.  This  country  owes  much  to  thu  services  of  Col.  Brant 
during  the  late  war  in  America.  He  was  educated  at  Philadelphia,  [at  the 
Moor's  charity  school  in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,]  is  a  very  shrewd,  intel- 
ligent person,  possesses  great  courage  and  abilities  as  a  warrior,  and  is  in- 
violably attached  to  tlie  English  nation." 

It  has  been  denied  thai  Brant  was  in  any  way  engaged  in  the  massa- 
cres at  Wyoming,  hut  it  seems  hardly  possible  that  so  many  should  have 
been  deceived  at  that  time  ;  and,  moreover,  we  do  not  find  that  it  was  de- 
nied until  almost  everyone  of  that  age  had  left  the  stage  of  action.  Those 
who  deny  that  he  was  at  Wyoming  should,  at  least,  prove  an  alibi,  or 
they  cannot  expect  to  be  believed.J 


*  This  French  traveller  seems  to  have  been  in  advance  of 'history,  in  as  far  as  he  thus 
early  sets  in  their  proper  light  the  characters  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming,  After  speak- 
ing of  the  influence  of  Indian  agents  over  those  people^  as  we  have  extracted  in  a  pre- 
vious note,  he  thus  consigns  to  Col.  Butler  the  place  which  he  is  doubtless  to  hold  in  ail 
after  time  in  the  annals  of  his  country : — "  L'agent  anglais  dont  il  est  ici  oueston,  est  le 
Colonel  Bhttler,  fameux  par  ses  incendies,  ses  pillages  et  ses  meurtres  Jans  la  guerre 
d'Am^rique.  II  est  lui-meme  Americain  d'aupr^s  de  Wilkesbarre  ;  [one  of  the  towns 
in  the  valley  of  Wyoming ;]  son  pr^tendu  loyalisme  qu'il  a  su  se  faire  payer  de  brevets 
et  de  traitemens,  lui  a  fait  commettre  plus  de  barbaries,  plus  d'infamies  contre  sa  pati'ic, 
qu'a  qui  que  ce  soit.  II  conduisait  les  Indiens,  leur  indiquait  les  fcrines,  les  maisons  k 
bruler,  les  victimes  k  scarpeler,  les  enfnns  k  dechii  3r.  L'Anpleterre  a  recompense  son 
loyalisme  de  6000  acres  de  terre  pour  lui,  d'une  quantity  pareille  pour  ses  enfans,  d'une 
pension  de  deux  k  trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  d'une  place  d'agent  aupr^s  des  Indiens, 
ui  lui  en  vaut  cinq  csnts  autres,  avec  la  facility  de  puiser  a  volontfe  dans  les  magdsins 
e  presens."    Rochefoucauld,  ut  supra,  (ii.  78-9.) 

t  There  is  no  name  to  this  letter;  but  it  was  written  in  Sa/sbury,  Eng.  and  ihencesent 
to  London,  where  it  was  published. 

t  In  a  late  criminai  trial  which  has  much  agitated  New  England,  reasonable  people 
said,  the  defendant,  out  of  respect  to  public  opmion,  ought  to  make  il  appear  where  he 
was  at  the  time  a  murder  was  committed,  although  in  law  he  was  not  bound  so  to  do. 
An  advocate  for  his  innocence  told  the  writer,  that  "  he  was  not  obliged  to  tell  where  he 
was,"  and  it  was  nobody's  busin'  »  ;  and,  therefore,  we  were  bound,  according  to  law, 
to  believe  him  innocent.  This  we  offer  as  a  parallel  case  to  the  one  in  hand.  But  it 
happens  we  are  not  "  bound  by  luw"  to  believe  our  chief  eniirely  innocent  of  the  blood 
shea  at  Wyoming. 


I 


[Book  V. 

hat  of  Coi. 
lat  I  ehouid 
pie,  I  gave 
h  the  Eng- 
ng,  and  po- 
He  ia  ac- 
an  English- 
fiost  entirely 
I.     He  is  at 
tes,  in  com- 
the  Anieri- 
not  to  have 

1  be  very  ap- 
;niher,  1785 : 
B  Moliawks, 
ng  with  Col. 
on  his  jouk"- 
B  presided  at 
in  nation  in 
ief  command 
es  of  Ameri- 
iiat  assembly 
ih  court  ia  of 
ofCol.  Bran« 
elphia,  [at  the 
shrewd,  intel- 
•or,  and  ia  in- 

in  the  massa- 

shouid  have 

Ihat  it  was  de- 

.ction.  Those 

e  an  alibi,  or 


las  far  as  he  thus 
ARer  speak- 
iracted  in  a  pre- 
>ss  to  hold  in  all 
.i  queston,  est  le 
s  Jans  la  guerre 
)ne  of  the  towns 
hayer  do  brevets 
Icontre  sa  patiie, 
V  les  maisons  k 
[recompense  son 
[es  enfans,  d'une 
r^s  des  Indiens, 
IS  les  magdsins 

[.  and  thence  sent 

lasonable  people 
toppear  where  he 
fbound  so  to  do. 
I  to  tell  where  he 
tcording  to  law, 
in  hand.  But  it 
lent  of  the  blood 


CHAr.  VI] 


RED-JACKET. 


77 


Brant  wea  said  to  have  been  G5  years  old  at  hLs  death  A  daughter  of 
hia  inarried  fVm.  J.  Ker,  Esq.  of  Niagara,  and  he  hnd  several  other  chil- 
dren besides  those  we  have  mentioned.  The  son  who  visited  England  in 
1822,  and  another  named  Jacob,  entered  Moor'a  school  at  Hanover,  N.  H. 
in  1801,  under  the  care  c"  Dr.  fVheelock.  The  former  son,  John,  died 
about  two  years  since,  in  the  winter  of  1831. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Facta  in  the  history  of  the  Seneca  nation — Sagoyewatha,  or  Red-Jack- 
et— His  famous  speech  to  a  missionary — His  intervieto  vnth  Col.  Snell- 
ing — British  invade  his  country — Resolves  to  repel  them — His  speech 
upon  the  event — Gov.  Clinlon^s  account  of  him — nitchcrafl  affair — Com- 
plains of  encroachments — One  of  his  people  put  to  death  for  being  a 
toitch — He  defends  the  executioner — His  interview  with  Lafayette — Coun- 
cil at  Canandaigua — Farmers-brother — Red-jacket  visits  Philadelphia — 
His  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  of  Agxvelondongwas, 
or  Good  Peter — N'arralive  of  his  capture  during  the  revolutionary  war — 
Farmers-brother,  or  Honayawus — Visits  Philadelphia — Peter- 
JAQUETTE — Visits  Fraucc — Account  of  his  death — Memorable  speech  of 
FarmePs-brother — His  letter  to  the  secretary  of  tear — .Notice  of  several 
other  Seneca  ch!  ff — Koyingquautah,  or  Young-kino — Juskakaka,  or 
Little-billy — Achiout,  or  Half-town — Kiandogewa,  or  Big- 
tree — Gyantwaia,  or  Corn-plant — Address  of  the  three  latter  to 
President  JVashington — Grant  of  land  to  Big-tree — His  visit  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  death — Further  account  cf  Corn-plant — His  oivn  account  of 
himself— Interesting  events  in  his  life — His  sons. 

The  Senecas  were  the  most  important  tribe  among  the  Iroquois,  or 
Five  Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  Weiser,  they  were  the  fourth  na- 
tion that  ioined  that  confederacy.  He  calls  them*  "  leuoirtowanois  or 
Sinikerc,'*  and  says,  "  they  are  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Onondagos, 
brothers ;"  and  that  their  title  in  councils  is  Onughkaurydaaug.  The 
French  call  them  l^onnonthouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  counciU 
house,  the  name  of  which,  according  to  Colden,  is  Sinondowans.f     Other 

f)articulars  of  this  nation  will  be  related  as  we  proceed  in  detailing  the 
ives  of  its  chiefs.    Among  these,  perhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

Sagoyewatha,\  called  by  the  whites,  Red-jacket.  His  place  of  residence 
was,  for  many  years  previous  to  his  death,  (which  happened  20  Januaiy 
1830,  at  his  own  house,)  about  four  miles  from  Buffalo,  and  one  mile  north 
of  the  road  that  leads  through  the  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the 
Seneca  nation,  called  the  Reservation.  His  house  was  a  log  cabin,  situ- 
ated in  a  retired  place.  Some  of  his  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacket 
would  never  hear  to  any  thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered 
of  superior  wisdom  in  council,  and  of  a  noble  and  digtiitied  behavior 
which  would  have  honored  any  man.  But,  like  nearly  all  his  race,  ho 
could  not  withstand  the  temptation  of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with 
his  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less  worthy  notice.    Formerly,  scarce  u 

*  American  Mag.  t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  42. 

^  The  common  method  of  spelling.     Gov.  ClirUon  writes,  Saguoalia.    Written  to  the 
treaty  of  "  Konondaigua,"  (Nov.  ITO'l,)  Sosrffooyaioautliau ;  to  that  of  Buffalo  Creek, 
(June,  1802,)  Sooffooyawautau  ;  to  tliat  of  Moscow,  (Sept.   1823,)    Sagouata,      It   is 
said  to  signify  "  One  who  keeps  awake,"  or  simply,  Keeper-awake. 
7* 


78 


lED-JACKET. 


[Rook  V, 


traveller  passed  near  his  place  of  residence,  who  would  not  go  ont  of  his 
way  to  see  this  wonderful  inar,  and  to  hear  his  profound  ohservations. 

In  the  year  1805,  a  ci:uncii  were  held  at  Rutlalo,  in  the  state  of  Now 
York,  at  which  were  present  many  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  and  wnrriors,  as- 
sembled at  the  request  of  a  missionary,  Mr.  Cram,  from  Massachusetts. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech,  about 
which  so  much  hoc  been  said  and  written,  and  which  we  propose  to  give 
here  at  length,  and  correctly,  as  some  omissions  and  errors  were  contained 
in  it  as  published  at  the  time.  It  may  be  taken  us  genuine,  at  least  as 
nearly  so  as  the  Indian  language  can  be  translated,  in  which  it  was  deliv- 
ered, for  Red-jacket  would  not  speak  in  English,  although  he  understood 
it.  The  missionary  first  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  ex- 
plained the  object  for  which  he  had  called  them  together;  namely,  to  in- 
form them  that  he  wos  sent  by  the  missionary  society  of  Boston  to  instruct 
them  "  how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit,"  and  not  to  get  away  their  lands 
and  money  ;  that  there  was  but  one  religion,  and  unless  they  embraced  it 
they  could  not  be  happy  ;  that  they  had  lived  in  du-kness  and  great  er- 
rors all  their  lives ;  he  wished  that,  if  they  had  any  objections  to  his  reli- 
gion, they  would  Ftate  them  ;  that  he  had  visited  some  smaller  tribes,  who 
waited  their  decision  before  tliey  would  consent  to  receive  him,  as  they 
were  their  "  older  brothers." 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indians  conferred  together 
about  two  hours,  by  themselves,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red- 
jacket,  which  follows: —  • 

"lYiend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should 
meet  together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine 
day  for  our  council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and 
caused  it  to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us  ;  our  eyes  an;  opened,  that  we 
see  clearly;  our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  dis- 
tinc'ly  the  words  that  you  have  spoken  ;  for  all  these  favors  we  thank  the 
Great  Spirit,  and  him  only. 

"  Brother,  this  council  fire  wos  kindled  by  you ;  it  was  at  your  request 
that  we  came  together  at  this  time ;  we  have  listened  with  attention  to 
what  you  have  said;  ycu  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely;  this 
gives  us  great  joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you, 
and  can  speak  what  we  think ;  all  have  heard  your  voice,  and  all  speak  to 
you  as  one  man  ;  our  minds  are  agreed.  * 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave 
this  place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one,  as  you  are  a  great  distance 
from  home,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  detain  you  ;  but  we  will  fii-st  look  back 
a  little,  ard  tell  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have 
heard  frf  m  the  white  people. 

"  Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say.  There  was  a  time  when  our  forefathers 
owned  this  gi-eat  island.*  Their  seats  extended  from  the  rising  to  the 
setting  Sim.  The  Great  Spirit  had  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  He 
liad  created  the  buflfalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made 
the  bear,  and  the  beaver,  and  their  skins  served  us  for  clothing.  He  had 
scattered  them  over  the  cotmtry,  and  taught  us  how  to  take  tliem.  He 
had  caused  the  earth  to  produce  corn  for  bread.  All  this  he  had  done  for 
his  red  children  because  he  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disputes  about 
hunting  grounds,  they  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of 
nuich  blood :  but  an  evil  day  came  u])on  us ;  your  forefathers  crossed  the 
great  waters,  and  landed  on  this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ;  they 
found  friends,  and  not  enemies ;  they  told  us  they  had  fled  from  their  own 
country  for  fear  of  wicked  men,  and  come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion. 


*  A  general  opinion  among  all  the  Indians  tliat  this  country  was  an  island. 


Cmr.  VI.l 


RED-JACKET 


79 


They  asked  for  a  small  seat ;  we  took  pity  on  them,  granted  their  request, 
and  they  nnt  down  amount  us  ;  we  gave  them  corn  and  meat ;  they  gave 
us  poison*  i  i  teturn.  The  white  people  had  now  found  our  country, 
tidings  were  carried  back,  and  more  came  amongst  us ;  yet  we  did  not 
ftar  them,  we  took  them  to  be  friends;  they  called  us  brothers;  we  be- 
lieved them,  and  gave  them  a  larger  seat.  At  length,  their  numbers  had 
greatly  increased ;  they  wanted  more  land ;  they  wanted  our  country. 
Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  bp(!ame  uneasy.  Wars  took  place ; 
Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  and  many  of  our  people  were 
destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  liquora  among  us :  it  was  strong  and 
powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"  Brother,  our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ;  you 
have  now  become  a  great  people,  and  we  have  scarcely  a  place  leU  to 
spread  our  blankets  ;  you  have  -ot  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ;  you 
want  to  force  your  religion  upon  ./a. 

"  Brother,  continue  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  sent  to  instruct  us 
how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not 
take  hold  of  the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be  un- 
happy hereafter  ;  you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ;  how  do  we 
know  this  to  be  true  ?  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a 
book ;  if  it  was  intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the  Great 
Spirit  given  it  to  us,  and  not  only  lO  us,  but  why  did  he  not  give  to  our 
forefatitevs  the  knowledge  of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  understanding 
it  rightly  J*  We  only  know  what  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  we  know 
when  to  believe,  being  so  often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

*'  Brother,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great 
Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  people  differ  so 
much  about  it .''  why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  ? 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  understand  these  things  ;  we  are  told  that  your  re- 
ligion was  given  to  your  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  to  son.  We  also  have  a  religion  which  was  given  to  our  forefa- 
thers, and  has  been  handed  <^or,n  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  that 
way.  It  teacheth  t«  to  be  thankful  for  all  the  favors  tve  receive ;  to  love  each 
other,  and  to  he  united ;  we  never  quarrel  about  religion. 

"  JBrother,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all ;  but  he  has  made  a  great 
difference  between  his  white  and  red  children  ;  he  vns  given  us  a  differ- 
ent complexion,  and  different  customs ;  to  you  he  ha  •  given  the  arts  ;  to 
thesb  he  has  not  opened  our  eyes ;  we  know  these  thing.,  to  be  true.  Since 
he  has  made  so  great  a  difference  between  us  in  other  things,  why  may 
we  not  conclude  that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion  according  to  our 
understanding ;  the  Great  Spirit  does  right ;  he  knows  what  is  best  for  his 
children  ;  we  are  satisfied. 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you ; 
we  only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or  our  money,  but 
to  enlighten  our  minds.  I  will  now  tell  you  that  I  have  been  at  your 
meetings,  and  saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meeting.  I  cannot  tell 
what  this  money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose  it  was  for  your  minister, 
and  if  we  should  conform  to  your  way  o/*hinking,  perhaps  you  may  want 
some  from  us. 

"  Brother,  we  are  told  that  you  have  been  preaching  to  white  people  in 
this  place ;  these  people  are  our  neighbors  ;  we  are  acquainted  with  them, 
wft  will  wait  a  little  while  and  see  what  effect  your  preaching  has  upon 
them.  If  we  find  it  dees  them  good,  makes  them  honest,  and  less  dis- 
posed to  cheat  Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 


Spirituous  liquor  is  alluded  to,  it  is  supposed. 


80 


RED-JACKET. 


[BooE  V. 


nnswor  to  your  talk,  and  thiH  is  all 
«?oiiif^  to  part,  we  will  come  and 
'  Spirit  will  protect  you  on  your 


"  Brother,  you  have  now  heard  ou* 
wo  have  to  say  at  prrsent.     As  wt 
take  you  by  the  hand,  and  hope  the 
journey,  and  return  you  safe  to  your  i. .       «.' 

In  one  version  of  this  speech  wo  find  the  ibllowing  passagr,  which, 
though  very  well  agreeing  with  Red-jackefs  Hi>ntiinent8,  we  cannot  aver  to 
lie  genuine.  It  may  he  mentioned,  that  the  Indians  cannot  well  conceive 
how  they  have  any  participation  in  the  guilt  of  the  crucifixion  ;  inasmuch 
08  they  do  not  believe  themselves  c f  the  same  origin  as  the  whites;  and 
there  being  no  dispute  but  that  they  committed  tliat  act.  What  our  chief 
is  rej)orted  to  have  said  is  as  follows : — 

^^lirother,  if  you  white  men  murdered  the  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit,  we  In- 
dians had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  it  is  none  of  our  affair.  If  he  had 
come  among  us,  we  would  not  have  killed  him ;  we  would  nave  treated  him 
well.     Y'ou  must  make  amends  for  that  crime  yourselves.^^ 

The  chiefs  and  others  then  drew  near  the' missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand;  but  he  would  not  receive  them,  and  hastily  rising  from  his  seat, 
said,  "  that  there  was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  tho 
works  of  the  DevU,  and,  therefore,  could  not  join  hands  with  them." 
Upon  this  being  interpreted  to  them,  "  they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a  peace- 
able manner." 

Red-jacket  took  part  with  the  Americans  in  tho  war  of  1812,  but  was 
not  dintinguished  for  that  prodigality  of  life  which  marked  the  charac- 
ter of  Tecumseh,  and  many  others,  but,  on  all  occasions,  was  cool  and 
collected,  lie  had  become  attached  to  Col.  Snelling  during  the  war,  and 
when  he  heard  that  that  officer  was  ordered  to  a  distant  station,  he  went 
to  take  his  farewell  of  him.     At  tliat  interview,  he  said, 

"  Brother,  I  hear  you  are  going  to  a  place  called  Governor's  Islond.  7 
hope  you  toill  he  a  governor  yourself.  I  understand  that  you  white  people 
thxnk  children  a  blessing.  I  hope  you  may  have  a  thousand.  And,  above 
all,  I  hope,  wherever  you  go,  yo%i  may  never  Jind  whiskey  more  than  two  shil- 
lings a  quart."* 

Grand  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  just  above  the  famous  Niagara  Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Senecas.  When  it  was  rumored  that  the  British  had  taken 
possession  of  it,  in  their  last  war  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  assem- 
bled his  j)eople,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  agent.  After  having 
stated  to  him  the  information,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  profound 
speech : — 

"  Brother,  you  have  told  us  that  toe  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  that  has 
taken  place  between  you  and  the  British.  But  toe  find  the  war  has  come  to 
our  doors.  Our  property  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  In- 
dian friends.  Jt  is  necessary  now  for  u*  to  take  up  the  business,  defend  our 
property,  and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  If  we  sit  still  upon  our  seats,  and 
take  no  means  of  redress,  the  British  (according  to  the  customs  of  you  white 
people)  wUl  hold  it  by  conquest.  And  shotdd  you  conquer  the  Canada^,  you 
ivill  claim  it  upon  the  same  principles,  as  [though]  conquered  from  the  Brit- 
ish. We,  therefore,  request  permission  to  go  toith,  our  warriors,  and  drive 
off  those  had  people,  and  take  possession  of  our  lands."  Whereupon,  such 
of  tho  Senecas  as  had  an  inclination,  were  permitted  to  join  the  American 
army. 

Gov.  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  his  most  valuable  discourse  before  the  Histor- 
ical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  Red-jacket ;— "  Within  a  few  yeare, 
an  extraordinary  orator  has  risen  among  the  Senecas ;  his  real  name  is 
Saguoaha.  Without  the  advantages  of  illustrious  descent,  and  with  no  ex- 
traordinary talents  for  war,  he  has  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  the  na- 


N.  E.  Galaxy,  13  July,  1833. 


Chap.  VI.J 


UI'.r)-JA('KKT. 


81 


le  American 


tion  hy  tho  forrv,  of  his  oloqiiniirj!."  lieii-jnckd  liiiviiig,  by  somo  nn'miH, 
l()8t  lliucoiifKlfMicooriiiHCoiiiitryincn,  in  onlt'r, uh  it  is  i-i>|)<)rtf(l,  to  rclriuvi'  it 
n^uiii,  prttvuiltMi  ii|u)ii  liis  lirotlicr  toannuiiiici!  Iiiinsclt'a  |)i-<i[)lu>(,  coiiiiniH- 
HJoiu'd  by  tli<;  (ir<>(U  Spirit  to  rt'tltMMii  tli<;  iiiis(;ritl)io  conditioii  oCliis  country- 
int!n.  It  rt.>(|uir<;(l  iiotliing  hut  an  achoit  andsUiHiil  rt-asoiicr  to  ptisuncU;  the 
ij^tiorant  nniltitiuU*,  giv<Mi  to  thu  ^roHsrst  sn|)t>rstition,  of  his  intalhhihty  in 
tlui  prct(«n(i(!(l  nrt  or  niyHft-ry.  If  >;oo(l  vyv.r  canio  out  of  «!vii,  it  did  nt  thin 
tinif!.  TlieOnondajras  wore,  at  that  period,  the;  most  drunken  and  proMi^^atn 
of  all  tln!  Iroqiioin,  Tliny  were  now  so  far  prevailed  upon  as  almost  entirely 
to  ahstain  from  ard(;nt  spirits,  hec-ame  solxir  and  industrious,  and  oi)servc(l 
nnd  p-'spented  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good  effect  was  notconfnied  to 
tho  Onondngas,  hut  shod  itshenign  intiuenco  through  the  nations  adjacent, 
liutas  this  reform  wa.s  l)egun  in  hy|)ocrisy,  it  necessarily  ended  with  ita 
}iypocriticai  author.  The  greatest  clu'ck,  perhaps,  which  can  ho  tlirown 
in  the  way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  In  this  case,  like  witch- 
craft among  us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  hy  its  own  operations.  Ma- 
ny wore  (huiounced  os  witches,  and  sotiie  would  have  l)eeu  executed  but 
for  the  interference  of  their  whitt;  neigldtors.  Red-jacket  was  denounced 
in  u  great  council  of  Indians,  held  at  Butfalo  Creek,  as  tiie  chief  author 
of  their  troid>lc8.  Ho  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  iiis  eloquonco 
saved  his  life,  and  greatly  incriiased  his  reputation.  His  defence  was  near 
three  hours  long.  And,  in  the  language  of  (Jovernor  Clinton,  "  the  iron 
brow  of  superstition  relented  under  tlie  magic  of  his  eloquence  :  he  de- 
clared the  prophet  [his  brotlier]  an  inqjostor  and  a  cheat ;  he  prevailed ; 
the  Indians  divided,  and  a  small  majority  ap|)eared  in  his  favor.  Perhaps 
the  annals  of  history  cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuous  instance  of  the 
triumph  and  power  of  oratory,  in  a  barbarous  nation,  devoted  to  supersti- 
tion, and  looking  up  to  the  accuser  as  a  delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty. 
I  am  well  aware  that  the  speech  of  Logan  will  be  triumphantly  quoted 
against  me;  and  that  it  will  be  said, that  the  most  splendid  •-  'hibition  of 
Indian  eloquence  may  be  found  out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Na  jus.  I  fully 
subscribe  to  the  eulogium  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  he  says,  1  may  chal- 
lenge the  whole  orations  of  Demosthenes  and  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  em- 
inent orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  more  eminent,  to  produce  a  single 
passage  superior  to  the  speech  of  Logan.^  But  let  it  be  remembered  that 
Logan  was  a  Mingo  chief,"  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant,  if  not  already  arrived,  when  the  name  of 
Red-jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  ossemblies,  to  give  weight  to 
the  mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  the  debate  on  the  Indian  bill,  in 
1830,  in  Congress,  Mr.  Crockett,  of  Tennessee,  said,  "I  an«  forcibly  re- 
minded of  the  remark  made  by  the  famous  Red-jacket,  in  the  rotunda  of 
this  building,  when  he  was  shown  the  pannel  which  represented  in  sculp- 
ture the  first  landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  presenting  to 
them  an  ear  of  com,  in  token  of  fri<mlly  welcome.  The  aged  Indian 
said,  '■That  ivas  good.''  He  said  he  1  new  they  came  from  the  Great 
Spirit,  and  he  was  willing  to  share  the  soil  with  his  brothers.  But  when 
he  turned  round  to  view  another  pannel,  representing  Penn's  treaty,  he 
said,  ^M!  all's  gone  nott;.'  There  was  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  this  short 
saying." 

Nothing  seems  more  to  have  troubled  the  peace  of  Red-jacket  than  the 
intrusion  of  missionaries  among  his  people.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  the  manner  in  which  particular  creeds  have  been  forced  upon  the  In- 
dians in  general,  we  have  nothing  to  do,  but  we  will  refer  the  reader  to 
Mr.  Buchanan's  Sketches,*  where,  in  our  opinion,  every  sectaiian  will 
glean  some  useful  hints  upon  that  head. 


*  Vol.  i.  chap.  ix. 


UfM)-JA("Ki;T. 


[Book  V. 


Rfd-jnrkit  and  li'iHraiinril,  in  IH'^I,  ninil<>  a  formal  rotnpliiint  totli«!  jfov- 
crnor  of  Nt!W  Y«)rk,  of  th(3  arhitniiy  condiict  of  mohk!  tniclMTH  aiMon^  Ii'ih 
|H>o[)lf,  and  of  tlitMr  iindui!  intliiciic*!  generally.  Connidfrin;;  it  lo  con- 
tain a  most  important  and  valiiubU;  |m;cu  of  intbrrnation,  wu  will  give  it 
entin! : — 

"  llrotlirr  Parish,  I  addrcHH  myself  to  you,  and  through  yon  to  iIm;  gov- 
ernor. The  chiefn  of  Onondufra  have  accompunird  you  to  Allmny,  to  d(» 
buHincsH  with  the  goviTiior;  I  also  was  to  havi;  been  with  you,  hut  1  ani 
sorry  to  Hay  that  had  health  liaH  put  it  out  of  my  power.  i''or  thin  you 
must  not  think  hard  ofm(>.  1  am  not  to  hiame  for  it.  It  is  the  will  of  thu 
(jirent  Spirit  that  it  Hhould  he  ho.  The  object  of  tin;  OnondagaH  is  to  |)ur- 
ehaye  our  lands  at  Tonnewanta.  TIiIh  and  all  other  buHmoHH  that  they 
may  have  to  do  at  Albany,  must  be  trauHacted  in  the  presence  of  the  gov- 
ernor, lit!  will  see  that  the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may 
have  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  what  shall  be  done  ;  and  when  our  sanc- 
tion shall  be  wanted  to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  1  nnich 
regret  that,  at  this  time,  the  state  of  my  health  should  have  prevented  me 
from  accompanying  you  to  Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  nation  that  1 
should  state  to  the  governor  some  circumstances  which  show  tliat  the 
chain  of  friendship  between  tis  and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and 
wants  brightening.  I  proceed  now,  however,  to  lay  them  before  you  by 
letter,  that  you  may  mentioti  them  to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He 
is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all,  and  the  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will 
not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged  with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which 
we  would  call  the  attention  of  the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  arc 
daily  committed  by  the  white  people  upon  the  most  valuable  timber  on 
our  reservatiors.  This  has  been  a  subject  of  complaint  with  ns  for  many 
years;  but  now,  and  particularly  at  this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  become 
an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the  immediate  interposition  of  the  govern- 
or in  our  behalf.  Our  next  subject  of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts 
of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  white  people,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and 
using  them  whenever  they  please,  and  without  our  leave.  These  are  evils 
which  seem  to  increase  upon  us  with  the  increase  of  our  white  neighbors, 
and  they  call  loudly  for  redress.  Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure 
of  the  whites  upon  us,  and  our  unavoidable  communication  with  them,  is 
the  frequency  with  which  our  chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown 
into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for  the  most  trifling  causes.  This  is  very  galling  to 
our  feelings,  and  ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  grat- 
ify their  bad  passions,  our  white  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice.  In 
our  hunting  and  fishing,  too,  we  are  greatly  interrupted  by  the  whites. 
Our  venison  is  stolen  frotn  the  trees,  where  we  have  hung  it  to  be  re- 
claimed after  the  chase.  Our  himting  camps  have  been  fired  into,  and  we 
have  been  warned  that  we  shall  no  longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer 
in  those  forests  which  were  so  lately  all  our  own.  The  fish,  which,  in  the 
Buffalo  and  Tonnewanta  Creeks,  used  to  supply  ns  with  food,  are  now, 
by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the  white  people,  prevented  from 
multiplying,  and  we  are  almost  entirely  deprived  of  that  accustomed  sus- 
tenance. Our  great  father,  the  president,  has  recommended  to  our  young 
men  to  be  industrious,  to  plough  and  to  sow.  This  we  have  done,  and 
we  are  thankful  for  the  advice,  and  for  the  means  he  has  afforded  us  of 
carrying  it  into  effect.  We  are  happier  in  consequence  of  it.  But  another 
thing  recommended  to  us,  has  created  great  confusion  among  iis,  and  is  mak- 
ing us  a  quarrelsome  and  divided  people ;  and  that  is,  the  introduction  of 
preachers  into  our  nation.  These  black  coats  contrive  to  get  the  consent 
of  some  of  the  Indians  to  preach  among  us,  and  wherever  this  is  the  case, 
confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow,  and  the  encroachments  of  the 
wlutcs  upon  our  lands  are  the  invariable  consequence.     The  governor 


(Hook  V. 

t  lo{\v.  gov- 
H  uiiinri^;  liiM 
1^'  it  (u  coii- 
!  >vill  give  it 

I  to  tlio  gov- 
tllmiiy,  to  do 
II,  liiit  1  um 
*'or  this  you 
e  will  of  the 
raH  ia  to  |>iir- 
sH  tliat  tlify 

)  of  till!  gov- 

particB  iiiuy 

II  our  sniic- 
n.  I  niiicli 
reventf'd  me 
nation  tliat  I 
ow  tliat  the 
ing  out,  and 
forp  you  by 
nulress.  He 
that  he  will 
ec.t  towhicli 
ions  that  arc 
e  timber  on 
118  for  many 
has  become 

'the  govern- 

quent  thefts 

)f  taking  and 

ese  an*  evils 

e  neighbors, 

he  pressure 

ith  theii),  is 

are  thrown 

y  galling  to 

ich,  to  grat- 

ractice.     In 

the  whites. 

to  be  re- 

into,  and  we 

sue  the  deer 

vhich,  in  the 

d,  are  now, 

'ented  from 

stomed  sus- 

0  our  young 

done,  and 

srded  us  of 

But  another 

and  is  mak- 

oduction  of 

the  consent 

is  the  case, 

lents  of  the 

,e  governor 


Chap.  VI] 


RKD-JACKET. 


83 


nuwt  not  tliink  hnn!  of  nio  for  Hpeaking  thus  of  the  prenrherH.  I  have 
olxtitrved  tlifir  progivsH,  anil  wlini  I  look  Ixirk  to  Hec  what  Ikin  taken 
place  of  old,  I  piTceive  thai  whenever  they  came  among  the  Indians,  they 
were  the  t()rcriinners  of  their  disjiersion  ;  that  they  alwayH  excitiul  enini- 
ties  and  miarrels  uinoiig  them  ;  that  they  introdiired  the  white  peopli;  on 
tiieir  lanilH,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  and  plundered  of  their  property  ; 
and  that  the  Indians  w<!re  sure  to  dwindle  and  deerease,  and  be  driven 
bark,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  preaehcrs  that  came  among  thi!::. 
Kach  nation  haii  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  IndiaiiH  have 
theirs,  given  to  them  by  the  Great  Hpirit,  under  which  they  were  happy. 
It  was  not  intended  that  they  should  embrace  the  religion  of  the  whites, 
and  be  destroyed  by  the  attempt  to  make  them  think  difl'erently  on  that 
subject  from  their  fathers.*  It  is  true,  these  preachers  have  got  the  con- 
sent of  Home  of  the  chiefs  to  stay  and  pn.'ach  among  us,  but  I  and  my 
friends  know  this  to  be  wrong,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  removed;  be-  . 
aides,  we  have  been  threatened  by  Mr.  Hyde,  who  catne  among  us  as  a 
school-master  and  a  teacher  of  our  children,  Init  has  now  become  a  black 
coat,  and  refused  to  teach  them  any  more,  that  unless  we  listen  to  his 
preaching  and  become  Christians,  we  will  be  turned  off  our  lands.  We 
wish  to  know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to  be  so,  and  if  he  has  no  right 
to  say  BO,  we  think  he  ought  to  be  turned  off  our  lands,  and  not  allowi^d 
to  plague  us  any  moro.  We  shall  never  be  at  peace  while  he  is  among  us. 
Let  them  be  removed,  and  we  will  be  happv  and  contented  among  our- 
selves. We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and  hope  that  he  will  at- 
tend to  our  complaints,  and  speedily  give  us  redress. 

Red-jacket." 

"This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jacket,  and  interpreted  by  Henry 
Obeal,}  in  the  presence  of  the  following  Indians :  Rtd-jackeVa  son,  Corn- 
planter,  John-cobb,  Peter,  Younf^-kin^s-brother,  Tom-the-infant,  [Onnong- 
gaiheko,]  Blue-sky,  [Toujyocauna,]  John -sky,  Jemmy-johnson,  Marcus,  Big- 
Jire,  Captain-jemmy?^ 

The  success  this  petition  met  with,  it  is  presumed,  was  full  and  satis- 
factory to  him,  in  respect  to  one  particular ;  for  no  ministers  are  now  ad- 
mitted upon  the  reservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1821,  a  man  of  Red-mckeVs  tribe  fell  into  a  languish- 
ment  and  died.  His  complaint  was  unlknown,  and  some  circumstances 
attended  his  illness  which  caused  his  friends  to  believe  that  he  was  be- 
witched. The  woman  that  attended  him  was  fixed  upon  as  the  witch,  and 
by  the  law,  or  custom,  of  the  nation,  she  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  A 
chief  by  the  name  of  Tom-jemmy,  called  by  his  own  people  Soo-nong-gise, 
executed  the  decree  by  cutting  her  throat.  The  Americans  took  up  the 
matter,  seized  Tom-jemmy,  and  threw  him  into  prison.l  Some  time  afler, 
when  his  trial  came  on,  Ked-jacket  appeared  in  court  as  an  evidence.  The 
counsel  for  the  prisoner  denied  that  the  court  had  any  jurisdiction  over 
the  case,  and  afler  it  was  carried  through  three  terms,  Soo-nong-gise  was 
finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  and  the  other  witnesses  testified  that  the  wo- 
man was  a  witch,  and  that  she  had  been  tried,  condemned  and  executed 
in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been  established  from  time  imme- 
morial; long  before  the  English  came  into  the  country.  The  witch  doc- 
trine of  the  Senecas  was  much  ridiculed  by  some  of  the  Americans,  to 
which  Red-jacket  thus  aptly  alludes  in  a  speech  which  he  made  while  upon 
the  stand : — 

*  A  happy  illuslralion  of  the  force  of  education. 

t  Son  of  Complanter,  or  Corn-plant. 

X  Information  of  a  gentleman  (  W.  J.  Snelling,  Esq.)  who  was  on  the  spot,  and  saw 
him  brought  to  Buffalo.  This  was  the  next  day  after  Ihc  murder,  and  the  blood  was 
yet  upon  his  hands. 


84 


RED  JACKET. 


[Book  V. 


"  ff'hat !  do  you  denounce  us  as  fools  and  bigots,  because  we  still  continue 
to  believe  that  which  you  yoursdves  sedulously  inculcated  tivo  centuries  ago'} 
Your  divines  have  thundered  this  doctrine  from  the  pulpit,  your  judges  have 
pronounced  it  from  the  bench,  your  courts  of  justice  have  sanctioned  it  with 
the  formalities  of  law,  and  you  would  noio  punish  our  unfortunate  brother  for 
adhtrence  to  the  superstitions  of  his  fathers !  Go  to  Salem  !  Look  at  the 
records  of  your  government,  and  you  will  find  hundreds  executed  for  the  very 
crime  which  has  called  forth  the  sentence  of  condemnation  upon  this  woman, 
and  drawn  down  the  arm  of  vengeance  upon  her.  What  have  our  brothers 
done  more  than  the  rulers  of  your  people  have  done  ?  and  tvhat  crime  has  this 
man  committed  by  executing,  in  a  summary  way,  the  laws  of  his  country,  and 
the  injunctions  of  his  God?"  Before  Red-jackd  was  admitted  to  give  evi- 
deiice  in  tlie  case,  he  was  asked  if  lie  believed  in  future  rewards  and  pun- 
ishirticni-.,  and  tlic  existence  of  God.  With  a  piercing  look  into  the  face 
.  of  his  interrogator,  and  witii  no  little  indignation  of  expression,  he  re- 
plied: "  Yes!  Much  more  than  the  white  men,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  their 
actions"  U;)on  the  a|)pearance  of  Red-jacket  upon  this  occasion,  one  ob- 
serves: "There  is  not,  perhajjs,  in  nature,  u  more  expressive  eye  than 
that  of  Red-jacket ;  when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible  ; 
and  when  he  chooses  to  display  his  unrivalled  talent  for  irony,  his  keen 
sarcastic  glance  is  irresistible."* 

When  Lafayette,  in  1825,  was  at  Buffalo,  among  the  persons  of  distinc- 
tion who  called  upon  him,  was  Red-jacket.  Of  the  old  chief,  M.  Levas- 
seur  observes  :f  This  extraordinary  man,  although  much  worn  down  by 
time  and  intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a  surprising  degree,  the  exercise 
of  all  his  faculties.  He  had  ever  remembered  Lafayette  since  1784,  at 
"which  time  he,  with  others,  met  a  great  council  of  alfthe  Indian  nations 
at  Fort  Schuyler,  when  the  interest  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  ene- 
mies, was  regulated  with  the  United  States.  He  asked  the  general  if  he 
recollected  that  meeting.  He  replied  that  he  had  not  forgotten  that  great 
event,  and  asked  Red-jacket  if  he  knew  what  had  become  of  the  young 
chief,  who,  in  that  cotmcii,  opposed  with  such  eloquence  the  "burying 
of  the  tomahawk."  /?erf-jacA:e<  replied,  "//e  i*  before  you."  His  speech 
was  a  master-piece,  and  every  warrior  who  heard  him  was  carried  away 
with  his  eloquence.  He  urged  a  continuation  of  the  war  against  the 
Americans,  having  joined  against  them  in  the  revolution.  The  general 
ob»3rved  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that  meeting. 
"Ah  !"  said  Red-jacket,  "time  has  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as  it  has 
upon  me.    It  has  left  to  you  a  fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover  your 

head  ;    while  to  me behold !"    and  taking  a  handkerchief 

from  his  head,  with  an  air  of  much  feeling,  showed  his  head,  which  was 
almost  entirely  bald.J 

At  this  interview,  was  fully  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated. 
Levasseur  continues:  Red-jacket  obstinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language 
but  that  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  all  others;  al- 
though it  is  easy  to  discern  that  he  perfectly  understands  the  English ; 
and  refused,  nevertheless,  to  ref)ly  to  the  general  before  his  inteii)reter  had 
translated  liis  questions  into  the  Seneca  language.  The  general  spoke  a 
few   words  in   Indian,  which   he   had   learned   in  his  youth,  at  which 


*  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  vol.  xx.  359,  411. 

t  In  his  Ln/dijette  en  Amerique,  lome  ii.  437-8. 

I  "  Ijes  assistitnts  ne  pnrenl  s'empecher  de  sourire  de  la  simpHciU  de  VIndicn,  qui  sem- 
blait  ignorer  I'art  de  reparer  les  injures  du  temps ;  mais  on  se  garda  bien  de  dHruire  son 
erreur ;  et  peiit-etre  Ht-nn  bien,  car  il  eftt  pu  confondre  line  pernique  avec  une  cherelure 
scnlpee,  et  concevoir  I'idi^e  de  recrarnir  sa  tete  aiix  depens  de  la  tite  d'unede  sesvoisons." 
Ibid.  This  pleasantry  of  Mons.  Levasseur  ■w(\\x\(\  better  have  suited  the  age  of  the  rev- 
olution j  but  even  then  not  so  well  the  character  of  Red-jacket. 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET. 


85 


Red-jacket  was  highly  pleased,  and  which  augmented  much  his  high  opin- 
ion of  Lafayette. 

The  author  of  the  following  passage  is  unknown  to  us ;  but  presimiing 
it  to  be  authentic,  we  quote  it.  "  More  than  30  years*  have  rolled  away 
since  a  treaty  was  held  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Ca- 
nandaiguaf  Lake.  The  witnesses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  pow- 
ers of  native  oratory.  Two  days  had  passed  away  in  negotiation  w  ith 
the  Indians  for  a  cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract  was  supposed  to 
be  nearly  completed,  when  Red-jacket  arose.  With  the  grace  and  dignity 
of  a  Roman  senator,  he  drew  his  blanket  around  him,  and,  widi  a  pierc- 
ing eye,  surveyed  the  multitude.  All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed 
to  break  the  silence,  save  the  gentle  rusthng  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose 
shade  they  were  gathered.  Atler  a  long  and  solemn,  but  not  unmeaning 
pause,  he  commenced  his  speech  in  a  low  voice  and  sententious  style. 
Rising  gradually  vvitii  the  subject,  he  depicted  the  primitive  simplicity  and 
happiness  of  his  nation,  and  the  wrongs  they  had  sustained  from  the 
usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a  bold  but  faithful  pencil,  that  every 
auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  or  melted  into  tears.  The  effect 
was  inexpressible.  But  ere  the  emotions  of  admiration  and  sympathy  had 
subsided,  the  white  men  became  alarmed.  They  were  in  the  heart  of  an 
Indian  country — surrounded  by  more  than  ten  times  their  number,  who 
were  inflamed  by  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries,  and  excited  to  indig- 
nation by  the  eloquence  of  a  favorite  chief.  Appalled  and  terrified,  the 
white  men  cast  a  cheerless  gaze  upon  the  hordes  around  them.  A  nod 
from  the  chiefs  might  be  the  onset  of  destruction.  At  this  portentous 
moment,  Farmers-brother  interposed.  He  replied  not  to  his  brother  chief, 
but,  with  a  sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  he  caused  a  cessation  of  the  cotmcil, 
introduced  good  cheer,  commended  the  eloquence  of  Red-jacket,  and,  be- 
fore the  meeting  had  reassembled,  with  the  aid  of  other  'irudent  chiefs,  he 
had  moderated  the  fury  of  his  nation  to  a  more  salutary  review  of  the 
question  before  them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the 
Western  District,  at  this  day,  owes  no  small  portion  of  its  power  and  influ- 
ence to  the  counsels  of  a  savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  for  genius, 
heroism,  virtue,  or  any  other  quality  that  can  adorn  the  bavvble  of  a  dia- 
dem, not  only  George  the  IV.  and  Louis  le  Desiri,  but  the  German  empe- 
ror and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike  dwindle  into  insignificance."  We  can 
add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacket  was  of  the  number  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  1792,  vm  will 
be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jaqueite ;  at  which  time  he  was 
welcomed  by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  that  city,  and  addressed  by 
him,  in  behalf  of  the  commonwealth,  in  the  council  chamber.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  governor's  speech :  "  Brothers ! 
I  know  the  kindness  with  which  you  treat  the  strangers  that  visit  your 
country ;  and  it  is  my  sincere  wish,  that,  when  you  return  to  your  fami- 
lies, you  may  be  able  to  assure  them,  that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and 
hospitality  are  also  practised  by  the  citizens  of  Peimsylvania."  He  had 
before  observed  that  the  government  had  furnisiied  eveiy  thing  to  make 
them  comfortable  during  their  stay  at  Phila(lol|)liia.  This  was  upon  the 
28  March,  1792,  and  on  2  April  following,  tlioy  met  again,  when  Red- 
jacket  spoke  in  answer  to  the  governor  as  follows : — 

"  Brother,  Onas|:  Governor,  open  unprcjudictul  ears  to  what  we  have  to 

*  Tliis  writer,  I  concludn,  wrotn  in  1822.  I  copy  it  from  Miscellanies  selected fro'".  the 
Public  Journals,  by  Mr.  Buckingham. 

t  Siffiiifying,  in  the  Seneca  laiio;iiag'o,  a  town  setoff.  The  lake  received  its  name 
from  the  town  upon  its  shore. — i^pajford's  Gni. 

I  Onas  was  tlie  name  the  Iiitliaiis  gave  William  I'enn.  and  they  continue  tlie  same 
Dame  to  all  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania. 

8 


86 


RED-JACKET. 


[Book  V. 


pay.  Some  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and  what  you  said  gave  us  great 
pleasure.  This  day  the  Great  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  again,  in 
this  council  chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  immediate 
answer  to  your  address,  will  make  no  improper  impression  upon  your 
mind.  We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your  kind  welcome 
and  friendly  address  has  not  had  a  proper  effect  upon  our  hearts.  We 
iiKsure  you  it  is  f«r  otherwise.  In  your  address  to  us  the  other  day,  in 
this  anc  ient  council  chamber,  where  our  forefathers  have  often  conversed 
together,  several  things  struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you 
told  us  this  was  the  place  in  which  our  forefathers  often  met  on  peaceable 
terms,  it  gave  us  sensible  pleasure,  and  more  joy  than  we  could  express. 
Though  we  have  no  writings  like  you,  yet  we  remember  often  to  have 
heard  of  the  friendship  that  existed  between  our  fiithers  and  youre.  The 
picture*  to  which  you  drew  our  attention,  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  the 
li"iendly  conferences  that  used  to  be  held  between  the  former  governors 
of  Pennsylvania  and  our  tribes,  and  showed  the  love  which  your  fore- 
fathers had  of  peace,  and  the  friendly  disposition  of  our  people.  It  is  still 
our  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  between  our  tribes  and  you, 
and  it  would  be  well  if  the  same  spirit  existed  among  the  Indians  to  the 
westward,  and  through  every  part  of  the  United  States.  You  particularly 
expressed  that  you  were  well  pleased  to  find  that  we  differed  in  disposi- 
tion from  the  Indians  westward.  Your  disposition  is  that  for  which  the 
ancient  Onas  Governors  were  remarkable.  As  you  love  peace,  so  do  we 
also ;  and  we  wish  it  could  be  extended  to  the  most  distant  part  of  this 
great  country.  We  agreed  in  council,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments 
I  have  expressed,  should  be  communicated  to  you,  before  the  delegates 
of  the  Five  Nations,  and  to  tell  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city, 
and  the  good  sentiments  contained  in  your  address,  have  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  our  hearts,  have  given  us  great  joy,  and  from  the  heart  I  tell  you 
so.    This  is  all  I  have  to  say." 

When  Red-jacket  had  finished,  another  chief,  called  ^gtvelondongtoas, 
(and  sometimes  Good-peter,^)  addressed  the  assembly.  His  speech  is 
much  in  the  style  of  Red-jackeVs,  and  was  chiefly  a  repetition,  in  other 
words,  of  it.  It  was  short,  and  contained  this  passage :  "  What  is  there 
more  desirable  than  that  we,  who  live  within  hearing  of  each  other,should 
unite  for  the  common  good  ?  This  is  my  wish.  It  is  the  wish  of  my  na- 
tion, although  I  am  sorry  I  can't  say  so  of  every  individual  in  it ;  for 
there  are  differences  of  opinions  among  us,  as  well  as  among  our  white 
brethren." 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  Dominie  Peter,  we  will  so  far  digress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  him.  He  was  one  of  those  who  took 
part  againrfi  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  when  hostilities 
commenced,  he  retired  and  joined  the  remote  tribes  towards  Canada.  Col. 
John  Harper  (one  of  the  family  from  whom  Harpersfield,  N.  Y.  takes  its 
name)  was  sfationed  at  the  fort  at  Schorrie,  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  maple  sugar,  when 
all  were  upon  the  lookout  to  avoid  surprise  by  the  Indians,  Col.  Harper 
left  the  garrison  and  proceeded  through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield 
thence  by  an  Indian  ])ath  to  Cherry-valley.  In  his  way,  as  he  was  tui 
ing  the  point  of  a  hill,  he  saw  a  company  of  Indians,  who,  at  the  sanie 
time,  saw  him.  He  dt..3d  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  could  expect  no  other 
than  to  be  shot  down  i»i  such  attempt.  He,  therefore,  determined  to  ad- 
vance and  meet  them  without  discovering  fear.  Concealing  his  regimen- 
tals as  well  as  he  could  with  his  great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  meet 
them.     Before  they  met  him,  he  discovered  that  Peter  was  their  chief, 

*  A  fine  picture  representing  Peitn's  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
t  And  oAcn  Domine-peter.    2  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  74. 


Chap.  Vl] 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


87 


^ave  us  great 
you  again,  in 
n  immediate 


ual  in  it;  for 


with  whom  he  had  formerly  traded  much  at  Oquago,  but  who  did  not 
know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  speak,  as  tliey  met,  and  his  words 
were,  "  How  do  you  do,  brothers  ?"  The  cliief  answered,  "  Well. — How  do 
you  do,  brother ")  HTiich  way  are  you  bound  f  The  colonel  replied, "  On 
a  secret  expedition.  And  which  way  are  you  bound,  brothers  ?"  They  an- 
swered without  hesitation  or  distrust,  thinking,  no  doubt,  they  had  fallen 
in  with  one  of  the  king's  men,  '^Doion  the  Susquehannah,  to  cut  off  the 
Johnstone  settlement."  This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains,  consisted  of 
a  few  Scotch  families,  and  their  minister's  name  was  Johnstone  ;  hence 
the  naine  of  the  settlement.  The  colonel  next  asked  them  where  they 
lodged  that  night,  and  they  told  him,  "  At  the  mouth  of  Scheneva's  Creek." 
After  shaking  hands,  they  separated.  As  soon  as  they  were  out  of  sight. 
Harper  made  a  circuit  through  the  woods  with  all  speed,  and  soon  ar- 
rived at  the  head  bf  Charlotte  River,  where  were  several  men  making 
sugar.  This  place  was  about  ten  miles  from  Decatur  Hill,  where  he  met 
the  Indians.  He  ordered  them  to  take  each  a  rope  and  provisions  in  their 
packs,  and  assenible  at  Evan's  Place,  where  he  would  soon  meet  them  : 
thence  he  returned  to  Harpei-sfield,  and  collected  the  men  there,  which, 
including  tlie  others  and  himself,  made  15,  just  equal  to  Peter^s  force. 
When  they  arrived  at  Evan's  Place,  upon  the  Charlotte,  Harper  made 
known  his  project.  They  set  off,  and  before  day  the  next  morning,  came 
into  the  neighborhood  of  the  Indians'  camp.  From  a  small  eminence, 
just  at  dawn  of  day,  their  fire  was  seen  burning,  and  Peter,  amidst  his 
warriors,  lying  upon  the  ground.  All  were  fast  asleep.  Harper  and  his 
companions  each  crept  silently  up,  with  their  ropes  iu  their  hands,  man 
to  man  ;  and  each,  standing  in  a  position  to  grasp  his  adversary,  waited  for 
the  word  to  be  given  by  their  leader.  The  colonel  jogged  his  Indian,  and, 
as  he  was  waking,  said  to  him,  "  Come,  it  is  time  for  men  of  business  to  be 
on  their  way."  This  was  the  watchword ;  and  no  sotmer  was  it  pronounced, 
than  each  Indian  felt  the  warm  grasp  of  his  foe.  The  struggle  was  des- 
perate, though  short,  and  resulted  in  the  capture  of  every  one  of  the  party. 
When  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  distinguish  countenances,  Peter,  observ- 
ing Col.  Harper,  said,  "  Ha !  Col.  Harper !  JVow  I  know  you ! — fVhy  did  I 
not  know  you  yesterday  ?"  The  colonel  observed,  "  Some  policy  in  war, 
Peter.^^  I'o  which  Peter  replied,  "Ah!  me  find  em  so  now."  These  cap- 
tives were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to  the  commanding  offi- 
cer.   By  this  capital  exploit  no  doubt  many  lives  were  saved.* 

But  to  return  to  Sagoyewatha. 

We  have  observed  that  he  was  in  the  war  of  1812.  In  one  battle  he 
was  particularly  named  as  having  distinguished  himself.  Farmers-brother 
was  his  equal  in  conuDand,  and,  with  several  others,  was  also  honorably 
mentioned.  When  they  resolved  to  take  up  the  hatchet,  they  did  not 
wish  to  be  under  the  United  States'  officers,  but  desired  to  retaliate  in  their 
own  way  upon  their  invaders.  This,  as  far  as  practicable,  was  ac- 
ceded to. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  Farmer' s-brother,  is  often  mention- 
ed in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.     His  native  name  was  Ho-na-ya-wus. 

In  1792,  Farmers-brother  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  among  those 
who  attended  the  burial  of  Mr.  Peter  Jaq%iette,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  28  March,  of  that  year:  "  On  Monday  last,  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  an  address  delivered  by  the 
governor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a  general  acknowledgment  for  the 
cordial  reception  which  they  had  experienced,  but  postponed  their  formal 
answer  until  another  opportunity.     The  room  in  which  they  assembled 

*  Annals  of  Tryou  Co.  8vo.  N.  York,  1831. 


88 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


[Book  V. 


was  mentioned  as  the  ancient  council  chamber,  in  which  their  ancestors 
and  ours  had  oflon  met  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  ;  and  this  cir- 
cumstance, together  with  the  presence  of  a  great  part  of  the  beauty  of  the 
city,  had  an  evident  effect  upon  the  feelings  of  the  Indians,  and  seemed 
particularly  to  embarrass  the  elocution  of  the  Farmers-brother."  This 
last  clause  does  not  correspond  with  our  ideas  of  the  great  chief. 

Through  his  whole  life,  Farmers-brother  seems  to  have  been  a  peacema- 
ker. In  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  there  was  a  great  council  held  at 
Niagara,  consisting  of  the  chiefs  of  a  great  many  nations,  dwelling  upon 
the  shores  of  the  western  lakes.  At  this  time,  maiiy  long  and  laborious 
speeches  were  made,  some  for  and  others  against  the  conduct  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slates.  Farmers-brother  shone  conspicuous  at  this  time.  His  speech 
was  nearly  three  hours  long,  and  the  final  determination  of  the  council 
was  peace.  We  know  of  no  speeches  being  preserved  at  this  tin;e.  but 
if  there  could  have  been,  doubtless  much  true  history  might  have  been 
collected  from  them.  He  seems  not  only  to  have  been  esteemed  by  the 
Americans,  but  also  by  the  English.* 

Of  Peter  Jaqtiette,  whom  we  have  several  times  incidentally  mentioned, 
we  will  give  some  account  before  proceeding  with  Honayaious.  He  was 
one  of  the  principal  sachems  of  the  Oneidas.  This  chief  died  in  Phila- 
delphia, 19  March,  1792.  He  had  been  taken  to  France  by  Gen.  Lafay- 
ette, at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  where  he  received  an  educa- 
tion. Mr.  Jaquette,  having  died  on  Monday,  was  interred  on  the  following 
Wednesday.  "  His  funeral  was  attended  from  Oelcr's  hotel  to  the  Pres- 
byterian burying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  The  corpse  was  preceded 
by  a  detachment  of  the  light  infantry  of  the  city,  with  arms  reversed, 
drums  muffled,  music  playing  a  solemn  dirge.  The  corpse  was  followed 
by  six  of  the  chiefs  as  mourners,  succeeded  by  all  the  warrioi-s ;  the  rev- 
erend clergy  of  all  denominations ;  secretary  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen 
of  the  war  department ;  officer  of  the  federal  army,  and  of  the  militia  ; 
and  a  number  of  citizens."f 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  Farmers-brother  was  delivered 
in  a  council  at  Genesee  River,  in  1798,  and,  after  being  interpreted,  was 
signed  by  the  chiefs  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  New  York.  It 
follows : — 

"  Brothers,  as  you  are  once  more  assembled  in  council  for  the  purpose 
of  doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  countiy,  we,  your  broth- 
ers, the  sachems,  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation,  request  you 
to  open  your  ears  and  give  attention  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — Yon  will 
recollect  the  late  contest  between  you  and  your  father,  the  great  king  of 
Engla"d.  This  contest  threw  the  inhabitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a 
great  tumult  and  commotion,  like  a  raging  wliriwind  which  tears  uj)  the 
trees,  and  tosses  to  and  fro  the  leaves,  so  tliat  no  one  knows  from  whence 
they  come,  or  where  they  will  fall. — This  vvhi  *lwind  was  so  directed  b  • 
the  Great  Spirit  above,  as  to  throw  into  our  arms  two  of  your  infant  chil- 
dren, Jasper  Parrish  and  Horatio  Jones.l  Wo  adopted  them  into  our 
families,  and  made  them  our  children.  We  loved  them  and  nourished 
them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years.  At  length  the  Great  Spirit  spoke 
to  the  ichirhvind,  and  it  was  still.      A  clear  'and  uninterrupted  sky  ap- 


*"Le  village  de  Buffalo  est  liabito  par  las  Senecas.  Le  chef  de  cette  iiation  est 
Brothers-farmer,  estime  par  toutes  les  tribus  comme  grand  guerrier  et  grand  politiqup, 
et  fort  caresse  k  ce  litre  par  les  agens  anglais  et  les  agcns  Americains.  Buffalo  est  le 
chef  lieu  de  la  nation  Seneca."  Rocliefoucatild,  Voyage  dans  VAm^rique  en  1795,  G,  and 
7,  t.  i.  299. 

t  Pennsylvania  Gazette. 

X  Taken  prisoners  at  the  destruction  of  Wyoming  by  the  tones  and  Indians  under 
Butler  and  Brant. 


:w^^ 


Chap.  VI.] 


FARMER8-nROTHER. 


e!l» 


i  Indians  under 


peared.  The  path  of  peace  was  opened,  and  the  chain  of  friendsliipwaH 
once  more  made  bright.  Then  these  our  adopted  children  left  us,  to  seek 
their  relations ;  we  wished  them  to  remain  among  us,  and  promised,  if 
they  would  return  and  live  in  our  coimtry,  to  give  each  of  them  a  seat  of 
land  for  them  and  their  children  to  sit  down  upon. — They  have  returned, 
and  have,  for  several  years  past,  been  serviceable  to  us  as  interpreters. 
We  still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to  ful- 
fil the  promise  we  made  them,  and  reward  them  for  their  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  up  our  minds  to  give  them  a  seat  of  two  square 
miles  of  land,  lying  on  the  outlets  of  Lake  Erie,  about  three  miles  below 
Black-iock,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  creok  known  by  the  name  of 
Scoy^vmutydescreek,  running  one  mile  from  the  River  Niagara  up  said 
creek,  thence  northerly  as  the  river  runs  two  miles,  thence  westerly  one 
mile  to  the  river,  thence  up  the  river  as  the  river  runs,  two  miles,  to  the 
place  of  beginning,  so  as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — We  have  now 
made  known  to  you  our  minds.  We  expect  and  earnestly  request  that 
you  will  permit  our  friends  to  receive  this  our  gift,  and  will  make  the 
same  good  to  them,  according  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — 
Why  should  you  hesitate  to  make  our  minds  easy  with  regard  to  this  our 
request  ?  To  you  it  is  but  a  little  thing ;  and  have  you  not  complied  with 
the  request  and  confirmed  the  gifts  of  our  brothers,  the  Oneidas,  the 
Onondagns  and  Cayugas  to  their  interproters  ?  And  shall  we  ask  and  not 
be  heard  ?  We  send  you  this  our  speech,  to  which  we  expect  your  an- 
swer before  the  breaking  up  our  great  council  fire." 

A  gentleman*  who  visited  Buflalo  in  1810,  observes  that  Farmers- 
brother  was  never  known  to  drink  ardent  spirits,  and  although  then  94  years 
old,  walked  perfectly  upright,  and  was  remarkably  straight  and  well 
formed  ;  very  grave,  and  answered  his  inquiries  with  great  preci.sion,  but 
through  his  interpreter,  Mr.  Parrish,  before  named.  His  accoimt  of  the 
mounds  in  that  region  will  not  give  satisfaction.  He  told  Dr.  King  that 
they  were  thrown  up  against  the  incursions  of  the  French,  and  that  the 
implements  found  in  them  were  taken  from  them ;  a  great  army  '^f  French 
having  been  overthrown  and  mostly  cut  off*,  the  Indians  became  possessed 
of  their  accoutrements,  which,  being  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buried  with 
their  owners. 

He  was  a  great  warrior,  and  although  "  eighty  snows  in  years"  wheji 
the  war  of  1812  began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Ameri- 
cans. He  did  not  live  till  its  close,  but  died  at  the  Seneca  village,  just 
after  the  battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was  interred  with  miUtary  honors  by 
the  fifth  regiment  of  U.  S.  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a  medal  presented 
him  by  Gren.  Washington.  In  the  revolution,  he  fought  successfully 
against  the  Americans.  Perhaps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lips  of  ntnii 
a  more  sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speech  given  above,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  is 
worth  repeating :  "  The  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  whirlwind,  and  it  lean 

stui:' 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Sene- 
cas,  develope  some  other  interesting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

"  To  the  Honorable  William  Eustis,  secretary  at  war. 

"The  sachems  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians,  un- 
derstanding you  are  the  person  appointed  by  the  great  council  of  your 
nation  to  manage  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians 
with  whom  you  ar''  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  thi.s 

*  Dr.  William  King,  the  celebrated  electrician,  who  gives  the  autlior  tlus  information 
verbally. 


» 


PO 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


[Book  V. 


time,  as  children  to  a  father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble  which  we  have 
ou  our  minds. 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  think  it  best  to  multiply  words :  we  will,  therefore, 
tell  you  what  our  complaint  is. — Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say :  Some 
years  since,  we  held  a  treaty  at  Bigtree,  near  the  Genesee  River.  This 
treaty  was  called  by  our  great  father,  the  president  of  the  United  States. 
He  sent  an  agent,  Col.  JVadsworth,  to  attend  this  treaty,  for  the  purpose  of 
advising  us  in  the  business,  and  seeing  that  we  had  justice  done  us.  At 
this  treaty,  we  sold  to  Robert  Morris  the  greatest  ])art  of  our  country ;  the 
sum  he  gave  us  was  100,000  dollars.  The  commissioners  who  were  ap- 
pointed on  your  part,  advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  of  our 
great  father,  the  president  of  the  United  States.  lie  told  us  our  father 
loved  his  red  children,  and  would  take  care  of  our  money,  and  plant  it  in 
a  field  where  it  would  bear  seed  forever,  as  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters 
run.  Our  money  has  heretofore  been  of  great  service  to  us  ;  it  has  helped 
us  to  support  our  old  people,  and  our  women  and  children ;  but  we  are 
told  the  field  where  our  money  was  planted  is  become  barren. — Brother, 
we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing  busuiess.  Tliis  thing  is  very 
heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our  white  brethren  of  the  United 
States  by  the  hand  ;  but  this  weight  lies  heavy ;  we  hope  you  will  remove 
it. — We  have  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our  brothers  towards  the  set- 
ting sun.  We  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done ;  but  you  must  not 
blame  us  ;  we  have  had  no  hand  in  this  bad  business.  They  have  had  bad 
people  among  them.  It  is  your  enemies  have  done  this. — We  have  per- 
suaded our  agent  to  take  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  He  knows  our 
situations,  and  will  speak  our  minds. 

Farmer's  Brother,  [Honayawus,]  his  X  mark. 
Little  Billy,  [Gishkaka,]  "    X     " 

Young  King,  [Koyingquautah,]        "    X     " 
Pollard,  [Kaounaootvand,]  "    X     " 

Chief-warrior,  [Lunuchsheway]       "    X     '' 
Two-guns,  "    X     " 

John  Sky,  "    x     " 

Parrot-nose,  [Soocooiva,]  "    X     " 

John  Pierce,  [Teskaiy,]  "    X     " 

Strong,  [Kahalsta,]  "    x     " 

Wheelbarrow,  "    x     " 

Jack-berry,  "    x     " 

Twenty  canoes,  [Cachaiimvasse,]     "    x     " 
Bie-KETTLE,  [Sessewa9]  "    x     " 

Half-town,  [Jlchioiit,]  "    x     " 

Keyandeande,  "    X     " 

Captain-cold,  "    x     " 

Esq.  Blinkney,  "    x     " 

Capt.  Johnson,  [Talwinaha,]  "    X     " 

"  N.  B.  The  foregoing  speech  was  delivered  in  council  by  Farmers- 
Brother,  at  Buffalo  Creek,  19  Dec.  1811,  and  subscribed  to  in  my  presence 
by  the  chiefs  whose  names  are  annexed. 

Erastus  Granger." 

Eight  thousand  dollars*  was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of 
the  above. 

Ldttle-billy,  or  Gishkaka,  is  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a 
preceding  chapter,  and  called  by  Washington,  Jtiskakaka. 

Young-king,  the  third  signer  of  the  above  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 

*  "  In  lieu  of  the  divideiu)  on  the  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  the  U.  States, 
iu  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation,  in  the  bank  of  the  U.  States," 


Chap.  VI.]       HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— BIG-TREE. 


91 


poken  in  a 


for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war  witli  England,  and  by  an  act  of  con- 
gress WHS  to  be  paid  yearly,  in  quarterly  puynieiits,  200  dollars,  during 
life.  The  act  states  that  it  was  "  a  compensation  for  the  brave  and  meri- 
torious services  which  he  rendered"  in  that  war,  "  and  as  a  provision  for 
the  wound  and  disability  which  he  received  in  the  performance  of  those 
services."    This  was  in  the  spring  of  IBKJ. 

Of  Pollard,  or  Capt.  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  say 
more. 

Jack-berry  was  sometii.es  interpreter  for  Red-jacket. 

Half-town  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  aHuirs  of  the  Senecas,  but  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  documents,  in  connection  with  Corn-plant, 
or  Corn-planter,  and  Big-tree,  we  had  designed  to  speak  of  the  three  col- 
lectively. 

VVe  find  among  the  acts  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature,  of  1791,  one 
"  for  granting  800  dollars  to  Corn-planter,  Ualf-toum  and  Big-tree,  Seneca 
chiefs,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation."  At  this  time  much  was  ap- 
prehended from  an  Indian  war.  Settlei-s  were  intruding  themselves  upon 
their  country,  and  all  experience  has  shown  that  Avhenever  the  whites  have 
gone  among  them,  troubles  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  movement  of  the 
Indians  was  looked  upon  with  jealousy  by  them  at  this  period.  Half-town 
was  the  "  white  man's  fi-iend,"  and  communicated  to  the  garrisons  in  his 
country  every  suspicious  movement  of  tribes  of  whom  doubts  were  en- 
tertained. It  is  evident  that  hostile  bands,  for  a  long  time,  hovered  about 
the  post  at  Venango,  and,  but  for  the  vigilance  of  Half-toion,  and  other 
friendly  chiefs,  it  would  have  been  cut  off.  In  April  this  year,  (1791,) 
Corn-plant  and  Half-town  had  upwards  of  100  warriors  in  and  about  the 
garrison,  and  kept  runners  out  continually,  "  being  determined  to  protect 
it  at  all  events."  Their  spies  made  frequent  discoveries  of  war  parties. 
On  the  12  August,  1791,  Half-town  and  N'eto-arroto  gave  information  at 
Fort  Franklin,  that  a  sloop  full  of  Indians  had  been  seen  on  Lake  Erie, 
sailing  for  Presque  Isle  ;  and  their  object  was  supposed  to  be  Fort  Frank- 
lin ;  but  the  conjecture  proved  groundless. 

The  Indian  name  of  Half-toton  was  Achiout.  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Harmer,  in  1789,  where,  with  23  others,  he  executed  a  treaty  with  the  IJ. 
States.  The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  latter  were  Gen.  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  fVolcut,  Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  Let.  Among  the 
signers  on  the  part  of  the  Senecas  were  also  Big-tree,  or  Kiandogexoa, 
Corn-planter,  or  Gyantwaia,  besides  several  others  whose  names  are  famil- 
iar in  history.  Big-tree  was  often  called  Great-tree,  which,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Five  Nations,  \vas  JVihorontagotva,*  which  also  was  the  name 
of  the  Oneida  nation.f  Big-tree  was  with  Gen.  Washington  during  the 
summer  of  1778,  but  returned  to  the  Indian  nations  in  the  autumn.  He 
j)roceeded  to  the  Senecas,  and  used  his  eloquence  to  dissuade  them  from 
fighting  under  Brant  against  the  Americans.  The  Oneidas  were  friendly 
at  this  time,  and  Big-tree  was  received  among  them  with  hospitality,  in 
his  way,  upon  this  mission.  Having  staid  longer  than  was  expected 
among  the  Senecas,  the  Oneidas  sent  a  messenger  to  him  to  know  the 
reason.  He  returned  answer  that  when  he  arrived  among  his  nation,  he 
found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their  villages,  Kanadaseago  and  Jennessee, 
crowded  with  warriors  from  remote  tribes ;  that  they  at  firet  seemed  in- 
clined to  hearken  to  his  wishes,  but  soon  learning  by  a  spy  that  the 
Americans  were  about  to  invade  their  country,  all  flew  to  arms,  and  Big- 
tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  "  determined  to  chastise,''''  he  said,  "  the  enemy 
that  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetrating  their  country.'^    But  we  do  not 


the  U.  Slates, 


*  Or  Kiandotrewa,  Kniirntho:rlib:.  &c. 

t  Hcnson's  Memoir,  before  the  N.  Y.  Ilist.  Soc.  page  20. 


Also  Ainer.  Mag;aziue. 


» 


98 


HALF-TOWN— CORN-rLANT— BIG-TREE. 


[Book  V. 


learn  that  he  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  hostile  attitude,  and  doubtless 
returned  soon  after. 

In  the  year  1790,  Big-tree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-toion  appeared  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, and,  by  their  interpreter,  coniinunicated  to  President  Washing- 
ton as  follows : — 

"  Father :  The  voice  of  the  Seneca  nations  s{>eaks  to  you ;  the  great 
counsellor,  in  whosi  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the  thirteen  fires  [13  li.  S.] 
have  placed  t\w\v  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we, 
therefore,  entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention  ;  for  we  ai-c  able  to  speak 
of  things  which  are  to  us  very  great. 

"When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called 

{•ou  xhctoion  destroyer;  to  this  day, when  your  name  is  heard, our  women 
ook  behind  iliem  and  turn  pale,  and  our  children  cling  close  to  the  necks 
of  their  mothers." 

"  When  our  chiefs  returned  from  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our 
council  what  had  lieen  done  there,  our  nation  was  surj)rised  to  heur  how 
great  a  country  you  had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your 
paying  to  us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that  your  hearts  were  yet 
swelled  with  resentment  against  us  for  what  had  happened  during  the 
war,  but  that  one  day  you  would  consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We 
asked  each  other,  IVhat  have  we  done  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

"  Father :  when  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately,  the  wise  men  as- 
sembled at  them  told  us  that  you  were  all  brothers;  the  children  of  one 
great  father,  who  regarded  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  called 
us  brothers,  and  invited  lis  to  his  protection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  great  water  where  the  sun  first  rises ;  and  that  he  was  a  king 
whose  power  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  as  bright 
as  the  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invi- 
tation, and  promised  to  obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises, 
they  faithfully  perform.  When  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  he 
commanded  us  to  assist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  obey- 
ing him,  we  did  no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise."  "  We 
were  deceived;  but  your  people  teaching  (iS  to  confide  in  that  king, 
had  helped  to  deceive  us ;  and  we  now  appeal  to  your  breast.  /*  all  the 
blame  ours  ? 

"  Father :  when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  in- 
vitation which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and 
talk  with  you  concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told 
us  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing ;  and  you  demanded  from  us  a  great 
country,  as  the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  oflTered  to  us:  as  if  our 
toant  of  strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power, 
and  were  unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that 
country.  What  they  agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger 
against  us  must  by  this  titne  be  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is 
not  increased,  nor  your  power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider 
calmly — JVere  the  terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners  reasonable  and 

just  r 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solemn  promise  of  the  commis- 
sioners, that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  what 
was  left  to  them,  and  then  ask,  "Z>oes  this  promise  bind  you  V^  And  that 
no  sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  than  commissioners 
from  Pennsylvania  came  to  purchase  of  them  what  was  included  within 
the  lines  of  their  state.  These  they  informed  that  they  did  not  wish  to 
sell,  but  being  further  urged,  consented  to  sell  a  part.  But  the  commis- 
sioners said  that  "</ip?/  must  have  the  tvhole  ;"  for  it  was  already  ceded  to 
them  by  the  king  of  i^ngland,  at  the  peace  following  the  revolution.  But 
Btill,  as  their  ancestors  had  always  paid  the  Indians  for  land,  they  were 


Chap.  VI.] 


HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— IlIG-TRKE. 


98 


willing  to  pny  them  for  it.  ik-ing  not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold. 
Soon  afler  this,  they  empowered  a  person  to  let  out  part  of  their  land,  who 
said  Congre.sa  had  sent  him  for  the  purpo.se,  hut  who,  it  seems,  fraudu- 
lently procured  a  deed  instead  of  a  power  to  lease- ;  for  there  soon  came 
another  person  claiming  all  tiieir  coimtry  northward  of  the  line  of  Penn- 
sylvania, saying  that  he  purchased  it  of  the  other,  and  for  which  he  had 
paid  20,000  dollars  to  him,  and  20,000  more  to  tlu;  United  States,  lie 
now  demanded  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threatened  immediate 
war.  Knowing  their  weak  situation,  they  held  a  council,  and  took  the  ad- 
vice of  a  wiiite  man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but  who,  as  it 
proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  receive  some  of  the  land 
for  his  ag(!ncy.  He,  therefore,  told  them  they  must  comply.  "  Astonished 
at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,"  they  say,  "with  hearts  aching  with 
com|)assion  for  our  woujen  and  children,  we  were  thus  compelled  to  give 
up  all  our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Gen- 
esee River,  up  to  the  great  forks,  and  cast  ol  a  south  line  drawn  up  from 
that  fork  to  the  line  of  Penn.sylvania."  For  this  he  agreed  to  give  them 
10,000  dollai-s  down,  and  1000  dollars  a  year  forever.  Instead  of  that,  he 
paid  them  2500  dollars,  and  some  time  after  offered  500  dollars  more,  in- 
sisting that  that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yearly. 
They  add, 

"  Father :  you  have  said  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  clos- 
ing it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing.  Are  you  determined  to  crush  us  ? 
If  you  are,  tell  us  so ;  that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your 
clrldren,  and  have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.  In  this 
cas ',  one  chief  has  said,  he  would  ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain. 
Another,  who  will  not  think  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or  his 
brother,  has  said  he  will  retire  to  the  Chataughque,  eat  of  the  fatal  root, 
and  sleej)  with  his  fathei-s  in  peace." 

"  All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations. 
No  part  of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give 
it  to  you." 

"  Hear  us  once  more.  At  Fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those 
of  our  people  who  should  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try 
them  and  punish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men 
accordingly.  But  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  low- 
est of  your  people  took  them  from  your  magistrate,  and  put  them  imme- 
diately to  death.  It  is  just  to  punish  the  murder  with  death,  but  the  Sen- 
ecas  will  not  deliver  up  their  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of 
their  own  nation." 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated,  and  all  in  a  strain 
which,  we  should  think,  would  have  drawn  forth  immediate  relief.  In  his 
answer,  President  Washington  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his 
situation  ;  and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest  throughout :  still  there  is 
something  like  evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an 
omission  of  notice  to  others.  His  answer,  nevertheless,  gave  them  much 
encouragement.  He  assured  them  that  the  lands  obtained  from  them  by 
fraud  was  not  sanctioned  by  the  government,  and  that  the  whole  transac- 
tion was  declared  null  and  void ;  and  that  the  persons  who  murdered 
their  people  should  be  dealt  with  as  though  they  had  murdered  white 
men,  and  that  all  possible  means  would  be  used  for  ihcir  apprehension, 
and  rewards  should  continue  to  be  offered  to  effect  it.  But  we  have  not 
learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended.  The  land  conveyed  by  treaty, 
the  president  inibrmed  them,  he  had  no  authority  to  concern  with,  as  that 
act  was  before    is  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although  appearing  to  be  a  joint  production,  is  be- 
lieved to  have  been  dictated  by  Corn-planter.    It,  however,  was  no  doubt 


'W 


01 


CORN-PI-ANT. 


fHooK  V 


tlie  sontimrnts  of  tlio  whole  nation,  as  woll  na  those  of  himself,  Ilalf-lown 
und  fh'ir-tree. 

In  17i»l,aM  net  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  "to  empower  the 
governor  to  grant  a  patent  to  liiff-lree,  a  Seneca  ehief,  for  a  certain  island 
in  the  Alleghany  River." 

He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Claires  army,  and  was  heard  to  say 
aftc^rwards,  that  he  would  hare  two  scnlpa  for  Gen.  Ihttler\<i,  who  fi-il  anil 
was  scalped  in  that  fight.  John  Deckard,  another  Seneca  ehief,  rej)(!ate<l 
the  same  words. 

Being  on  a  mission  to  Philadel|)hia,  in  April,  175)2,  he  was  taken  sick 
at  his  lodgings,  and  died  after  abont  120  hours'  ilhiess.  Three  days  after,  be- 
ing Sunday,  the  2tid,  he  was  buried  with  all  requisite  attention.  The 
river  Big-tree  was  probably  named  from  the  circiunstance  of  this  chief 
having  lived  upon  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  his  descend- 
ants, or  others  of  his  tribe,  as  we  have  seen  it  subscribed  to  several  instru- 
ments within  a  kw  yeare. 

Although  Corn-planter  be  but  half  Indian,  we  would  not  throw  him 
out  of  oiu'  book  on  that  account,  and  will,  therefore,  proceed  again  with 
liis  memoirs.  His  Indian  name,  as  w(;  have  before  noted,  Avns  Kiandoge- 
wa  ;  and  most  of  our  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself, 
and  is  contained  in  a  letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylva- 
nia ;  and,  although  written  by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real 
production  of  Corn-planter.  It  was  dated  "  Alleghany  River,  2d  mo.  2d, 
1822,"  and  is  as  follows: — 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  at 
this  time,  and  inform  him  the  j)lace  where  I  was  from — which  was  at 
Conowaugus,*  on  the  Genesee  River. 

"  When  I  was  a  child,  I  played  with  the  butterfly,  the  grasshopper  and 
the  frogs ;  and  as  1  grew  up,  I  began  to  pay  some  attention  and  play  with 
the  Indian  boys  in  the  neighborhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  be- 
ing a  different  color  from  theirs,  and  spoke  about  it.  I  inquired  of  my 
moiher  the  cause,  and  she  told  me  that  my  father  was  a  residenter  in  Al- 
bany.! I  still  eat  my  victuals  otit  of  a  bark  dish.  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young 
man,  and  married  me  a  wife,  and  I  had  no  kettle  or  gim.  I  then  knew 
where  my  father  lived,  and  went  to  see  bim,  and  found  he  was  a  white 
man,  and  spoke  the  English  language.  He  gave  me  victuals  whilst  I  was 
at  his  house,  but  when  I  started  to  retmni  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision 
to  eat  on  the  way.  He  gave  me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell 
me  that  the  United  States  were  about  to  rebel  against  the  government  of 
England. 

"  I  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  known  to  me  that  I  have 
been  wicked ;  and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionary  war  in  Amer- 
ica. The  cause  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was 
that  many  of  them  were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxi- 
cated. Great  Britain  requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  the  conflict  against 
the  Americans,  and  promised  the  Indians  land  and  liquor.  I  myself 
was  opposed  to  joining  in  the  conflict,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  dif- 
ficulty that  existed  between  the  two  parties.  I  have  now  informed  you 
how  it  happened  that  the  Indians  look  a  part  in  the  revolution,  and  will 
relate  to  you  some  circumstonces  that  occurred  after  the  close  of  the  war. 
Gen.  Putnam,  who  was  then  at  Philadelphia,  told  me  there  was  to  be  a 
council  at  Fort  Stanwix ;  and  the  Indians  requested  me  to  attend  on  be- 


*  This  was  the  Iroquois  term  to  designate  a  place  of  Christian  Indians  j  hence  many 
places  bear  it.     It  is  the  same  as  Ca7iff}mewaga. 
t  It  is  said  (Ainer.  Reg.  ii.  228)  that  he  was  an  Irishman. 


Chap.  VI] 


CORN-PLANT. 


95 


half  of  the  Six  Nations ;  which  I  did,  and  there  met  with  three  commiB- 
sioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the  council.  They  told  me  they 
would  inform  me  of  th«  (rauso  of  the  revolution  which  I  requested  them 
to  do  minutely.  They  then  said  that  it  had  origuiatcd  on  account  of  the 
heavy  taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  British  govern- 
ment, which  had  been  for  fifty  yeai-s  increasing  upon  them ;  that  the 
Americans  had  grown  weary  thereof,  and  refused  to  pay,  which  afl'rontcd 
thn  king.  There  had  likewise  a  dithculty  taken  place  about  some  tea, 
which  tliey  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  hud  been  one  of  the  causes  that 
nmny  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now  being 
afti-onted,  the  war  conunenced,  and  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our 
country,  (ieneral  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
that,  by  the  lute  war,  the  Americans  hud  gained  two  objects:  they  had 
established  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some 
land  to  live  u[)on  ;  the  division  line  of  which,  from  (ireat  Britain,  run 
through  the  lakes.  I  then  s|)okc,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for 
the  Indians  to  live  on,  and  General  Piilnnm  said  that  it  should  Imj  granted, 
and  I  should  have  land  in  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  Indians.  Gen. 
Putnam  then  encouraged  me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  pacify  the  Indians 
generally;  and,  as  he  considered  it  an  arduous  task  to  perl"' imi,  wished 
to  know  what  I  wanted  for  pay  therefor.  I  replied  to  liim,  that  I  would 
use  my  endeavors  to  do  us  he  had  requested,  with  the  Indiana,  and  for 
pay  thereof,  I  would  take  land.  I  told  him  not  t(>  pay  me  money  or  dry 
goods,  but  land.  And  for  having  attended  thereto,  1  received  the  tract 
of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was  ))resented  to  me  by  Governor 
Mi/lin.  I  told  General  Putnam  that  I  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which  he  assented  to.  I 
niso  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting  in  the  woods, 
and  making  fires,  which  he  likevv'ise  assented  to. 

"The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council,  has  been 
broken  by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now  intend  acquainting  the 
governor  with.  Some  white  people  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should 
hunt  any  more,  v.hilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white 
people  who  reside  near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs, 
and  they  have  obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has  been 
also  broken  by  the  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to  destroy  all  the 
wolves,  which  was  not  spoken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by 
General  Putnam,  but  has  originated  lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White  people 
wish  to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  no*  pay  them  honestly,  according 
to  their  agreement.  In  another  resy)ect,  it  lias  also  been  broken  by  white 
people,  who  reside  near  my  dwelling;  for  when  I  plant  melons  and 
vines  in  my  field,  they  take  them  as  their  own.  It  has  been  broken  again 
by  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pine  trees  from  us. 
We  have  very  few  pine  trees  on  our  land,  in  the  state  of  New  York ; 
and  white  people  and  Indians  often  get  into  dispute  respecting  them. 
There  is  also  a  great  quantity  of  whiskey  brought  near  our  resert-ation 
by  white  people,  and  the  Indians  obtain  it  and  become  drunken  Another 
circumstance  has  taken  place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the 
interference  of  the  governor. 

"  The  white  people,  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me,  some  time 
ago,  to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ;  which  I  objected  to,  as  I  had  never  been 
called  upon  for  that  purpose  before  ;  and  having  refused  to  pay,  the 
white  people  became  irritated,  cfilled  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length 
brought  four  guns  with  them  and  seized  our  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  pay, 
and  was  not  willing  to  let  the  cattle  go.  After  a  time  of  dispute,  they  re- 
turned home,  and  I  understood  the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the 


96 


CORN  PLANT. 


[nooK  V. 


ffollpction  of  thn  tnx.  I  went  to  Wnrrrn,  nnd,  to  nvort  tho  iniptMidiri^ 
(litliciilly,  WON  (ll)li^l'(l  to  ^ivr  my  iioto  tor  tin;  tax,  tlio  ntrioiiiit  of  wliicli 
wiw  4;{  (lollarH  aiui  7!)  (•»(iIh.  It  Ih  iny  ilfsirt!  tliat  tla;  govcriior  will  v\ 
fiiipt  iiK!  from  |iayiriK  tax*>N  for  my  land  to  wliito  |)fO|)lu  ;  nnd  aim)  caii.sn 
that  tlio  money  I  am  now  ohiif^'cd  to  pay,  may  ho  rcfnnded  to  me,  aH  I 
niu  very  poor.  Tim  governor  \n  the  person  who  attends  to  thr>  sitiialion 
of  the  people,  and  I  wish  him  to  Neiid  a  person  to  Alleghany,  that  I  may 
inform  him  of  the  parti(Mdars  of  our  Hitiiation,  and  hv  he  aiithuri/ed  to 
instruct  tht!  white  people  in  what  maimer  to  eondiict  themselves  towards 
tiio  Indians. 

"'I'he  ^overnment  has  told  us  that  wlien  any  ditfieidtieH  arose  between 
the  Indians  and  wiiite  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed. 
We  are  now  in  a  trying  situation,  and  1  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  per- 
son, authorized  to  attend  th(>relv ,  the  tore  jtart  of  next  summer,  about  the 
time  that  grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

"  The  governor  formerly  rerjucisU'd  m<;  to  pay  attention  to  the  In<lianH, 
and  takt!  care  of  them.  VVe  ar«>  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  1  believe 
Indians  eaimot  exist,  tudijss  the  governor  should  eomply  with  n)y  request, 
nnd  send  a  person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  nnd  tiie  white  people, 
tilt!  ap|)roaehmg  sumnu^r.     I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whether  the  govermnent  of  I'emisylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  what 
order  they  took,  upon  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  Hut 
that  an  inde[)endent  triho  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a  neighbu.-ing 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme ;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
oidy  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a  remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation 
and  <lamagc. 

Corn-plant  was  very  early  distingifished  for  iiis  wisdom  in  council,  not- 
withstanding he  contirnied  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784,  live  years 
aft(rr,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Hariner,  giving  up  an  immense  tract  of  the-r 
<M)untry,  and  for  wliicli  his  nation  very  much  reproached  him,  and  even 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  and  other  chiefs  conmiitted  this  act  tor  tho 
best  of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  part  with  England  in  the 
revolution,  when  the  king's  power  tell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were 
reduced  to  the  misend)le  alternative  of  giving  up  so  inuch  of  their  coun- 
try as  the  Americans  required,  or  tlie  whole  of  it.  In  1790,  Corn-vlant, 
Half-tuwn  and  Big-tree^  made  a  most  pathetic  n|)peal  to  Congress  tor  an 
amelioration  of  their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former  treaties, 
in  which  the  following  memorable  passage  occnrs: — 

"  Father :  wcwill  not  conceal  ti'om  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preserved  the  Corn-plant  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they 
ask  continually, '  Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren atler  th  'in,  are  to  lie  down  uj)on  ?  You  told  us  that  the  line  drawn 
from  Pennsy'vania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  tbrever  on  the  east, 
and  the  line  running  trom  Beaver  Creek  to  Pennsylvania,  would  mark  it 
on  the  west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  not  so ;  for,  first  one,  and  then  another, 
come  and  take  it  away  by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  })rom- 
ised  to  secure  it  to  us.'  lie  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  When 
the  Sim  goes  down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God,  and  earlier  than  the 
sun  appears,  again  uj)on  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during 
the  night.  For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  desperate  by  tho  inju- 
ries they  sustain,  it  is  God  only  that  cai!  preserve  him.  He  loves  peace, 
and  all  he  had  in  store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by 
your  ])eople,  lest  they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  repay  themselvea 
The  whole  season,  which  others  have  employed  in  providing  for  their 


*  Buchanan's  Sketches. 


[Hnoit  V. 


Chap.  VIl 


CORN-PI.ANT. 


irii|><>nilin^ 

oi"  wliicii 
lor  will  fiX 

uIho  oiuimi? 

lO  IIK',  IIH    [ 

k;  Hitiiatiun 
tliut  I  Miny 
tliori/.fd  to 
rvH  tuwurdH 

HO  between 
n  reiiiovod. 
Hciul  a  p(!r- 
r,  uboiit  tlio 

tlie  IndiaiiB, 
lat  I  Ix'lievo 
my  re(|iicst, 
bite  people, 

'at all,  wlint 
t  state.  But 
neij,'hl)u.ing 
ai-n  that  not 
tlie  vexation 

council,  not- 

]4,  five  yeans 

iract  of  ther 

ni,  and  even 

act  for  the 

pland  in  tho 

nations  were 

their  coun- 

Corn-plant, 

jrress  for  an 

uer  treaties, 

nd  not  men, 
ni.  P'orthey 
id  their  cliil- 
line  drawn 
on  the  east, 
uld  mark  it 
len  another, 
ell  us  prom- 
iwer.  When 
ier  than  the 
ction  during 
)y  th3  inju- 
[loves  peace, 
robbed  by 
themselves, 
g  for  their 


fiunilicH,  he  ban  Hpent  in  cndcavora  to  preserve  peace ;  and  thi«  moment 
bis  wife  and  children  are  lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  AxnI.*' 

In  President  If tt»Atn^o»r«  answer,  we  are  gratified  by  his  particular  no- 
lice  of  thifl  chief.  H«  says,  "The  ni(!rits  of  the  Com-plani,  and  hi* 
fricnilHhip  for  the  United  Htates,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be 
forgotten  ;  and,  oh  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I  have  directed 
the  secretary  of  war  to  make  him  a  present  ut'two  hundred  midjyiy  dol- 
lars, either  m  money  or  goods,  as  the  C'om-pUtnt  shall  likt!  best." 

There  wos,  in  1781),  a  treaty  held  at  Morietto,  between  the  Indions  and 
Americans,  which  terminated  "to  the  entire  sutisfuction  of  all  concerne<l. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  entertainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  Iwhaved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day.  After  din- 
ner, we  were  served  with  good  wine,  and  Com-plnntrr,  one  of  the  first 
chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  a  very  great  warrior,  took  u^)  his  glass 
and  said, '  /  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  this  opportunity  of  smoking  the  pipt 
of  friendship  and  love.  May  we  plant  our  oum  vines — be  the  fathers  of  our 
oten  children — and  maintain  them.''  "* 

In  17*.)0,  an  act  passed  tho  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  f()r  "granting 
800  dollars  to  Com-plaiUer,  Half-town  and  Big-tree,  in  trust  for  the  Sene- 
ca nation,  and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned."  In  Feb.  1791,  Com- 
plant  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous 
expedition  to  undertake  the  pacification  of  tho  western  tribes,  that  had 
already  shown  themselves  hostile.  The  mission  terminated  unfavorably, 
from  msurmountable  difticultics.f  There  were  many,  at  this  time^  as  m 
all  Indian  wara,  who  entertained  doubts  of  tho  fidehty  of  such  Irjdiana 
as  pretended  friendship.  Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion  ;  but,  as  his 
conduct  showed,  it  was  entirely  without  foundation.  In  the  midst  of  tbe«*e 
imputations,  a  letter  written  at  Fort  Franklin  says,  "  I  have  only  to  ob- 
serve that  the  Corn-plant  has  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  Is  as 
friendly  as  one  of  our  own  people.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care, 
*for,^  said  he,  •  you  toill  soon  have  a  chance  to  let  the  world  know  whether 
you  are  a  soldier  or  not.''  When  he  went  off,  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and 
ten  warriors  to  remain  here,  and  scout  about  the  garrison,  and  let  tue 
know  if  the  |-%id  Indians  should  either  advance  against  me,  or  any  of  the 
frontiers  of  the  United  States.  He  thinks  the  people  at  Pittsburgh  shouTd 
keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  fbr  he  says,  by  and  by,  be  tbink^s 
the  tad  Indians  will  come  from  that  way." 

In  1792,  the  following  advertisement  appeared,  signed  bv  Corn-plant  : 
"  My  people  having  been  charged  with  committing  depredations  on  the 
frontier  inhabitants  near  Pittsburgh,  I  hereby  contradict  the  assertion,  as 
it  is  certainly  without  foundation,  and  pledge  myself  to  those  inhabitants, 
that  they  may  rest  perfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas 
residing  on  the  Alleghany  waters,  and  that  my  people  have  been  and  stiil 
are  friendly  to  the  U.  States." 

About  the  time  Corn-plant  loft  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to 
the  hostile  tribes,  as  three  of  his  people  were  travelling  through  a  w'ttle- 
ment  upon  the  Genesee,  they  stopped  at  a  house  to  light  their  pijK.'s. 
There  happened  to  be  several  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the  foremost 
Indian  stooped  to  light  his  pipe,  killed  iiim  with  an  axe.  One  of  tho  oth- 
ers was  badly  wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  tlje 
house.  They  were  not  pursued,  and  the  other,  r<  boy,  escaped  inihurt. 
(The  poor  wounded  man,  when  nearly  well  of  the  wound,  was  bitten  by 
a  snake,  which  caused  his  immediate  death.)     When  Corn-plant  knew 

*  Carey's  Museum,  v.  'H.5. 

t "  Causes  of  the  existing  Hoslililies,"  &c.  ilrawu  up  by  the  sec'y  of  war,  Gen.  Kiufj, 
is  1791. 

9 


98 


cor::  PLANT. 


[Book  V 


what  had  happened,  he  charged  his  warriors  to  remain  quiet,  and  not  to 
seek  revenge,  and  was  heard  only  to  say,  "  It  is  hard,  when  I  and  my  peo- 
ple are  trying  to  make  peace  for  the  ivhttes,  thai  we  should  receive  sxtch  re- 
ward. I  can  govern  my  young  men  and  warriors  better  than  the  thirteen 
Jires  can  theirsJ^  How  is  it  that  this  man  should  practise  upon  the  max- 
ims of  Confucius.,  of  whom  he  never  heard  ?  {Do  ye  to  others  as  ye  would 
that  they  should  do  unto  you ;)  and  the  monster  in  human  form,  ni  a  gos- 
pel lai'd,  taught  them  from  his  youth,  should  show,  by  his  actions,  his 
utter  contempt  of  them,  and  even  of  the  divine  mandate  ? 

In  181G,  the  Rev.  Timothy  Mden,  then  president  of  Alleghany  col- 
lege, in  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  visited  the  Seneca  nation.  At  this  time. 
Corn-plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Connewango  with 
the  Alleghany,  upon  the  banks  of  the  latter,  «  on  a  piece  of  first-rate  bot- 
tom land,  a  little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania."  Here  was  his  vil- 
lage,* which  exhibited  signs  of  industrious  inhabitants.  He  then  owned 
1300  acres  of  land,  600  of  which  comprehended  his  town.  "  It  was  grate- 
ful to  notice,"  observes  Mr.  Alden,  "  the  present  agricultural  habits  of  the 
place,  from  the  numerous  enclosures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oats.  We 
also  saw  a  number  of  oxen,  cows  and  horses  ;  and  many  logs  designed 
for  the  saw-mill  and  the  Pittsburgh  market."  Corn-plant  had,  for  some 
time,  been  very  much  in  favor  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with 
joy  such  as  professed  it.  When  he  was  apprized  of  Mr.  Alden's  arrival, 
he  hastened  to  welcome  him  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  him.  And  not- 
withstanding his  high  station  as  a  chief,  having  many  men  under  his  com- 
mand, he  chose  rather,  "  in  the  ancient  patriarchal  style,"  to  serve  his 
visitors  himself;  he,  therefore,  took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the 
field,  cut  and  brought  oats  for  them. 

The  Western  Missionary  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Com-planVs  "urgent 
request,"  established  a  school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 
success. 

Corn-plant  receives  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States,  of  250  dol- 
lars, besides  his  proportion  of  9000  divided  equally  among  every  member 
of  the  nation. 

Gos-kuJc-ke-wa-na-kon-ne-di-yu.,  commonly  called  the  Prophet,  was 
brother  to  Corn-plant,  and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  little  note, 
and  died  previous  to  IBlG.f  Corn-plant,  we  believe,  is  yet  living,  and, 
like  all  other  unenlightened  people,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he 
said  the  Good  Spirit  had  told  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the 
whites,  or  even  to  preserve  any  mementoes  or  relics  they  had  from  time 
to  time  given  liim ;  whereupon,  among  other  things,  he  burnt  up  his  belt 
and  broke  his  elegant  sword.  He  often  mentions  his  having  been  at  Brad- 
docVs  defeat.  Henry  Obeale,  his  son,  he  sent  to  be  educated  among  the 
whites.  He  became  a  drunkard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now 
discarded  by  his  father.  Corn-plant  lias  other  sons,  but  he  says  no  more 
of  them  shall  be  educated  among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  "  It  entirely  spoil 
Indian^'''  And  although  he  countenances  Christianity,  he  does  not  do  it, 
it  is  tliought,  fi'om  a  belief  of  it,  but  probably  from  the  same  motives  as 
too  many  whites  do.}: 

Teaslaegee,  or  Charles  Corn-planter,  was  a  party  to  the  treaty  of  Mos- 
cow, N.  Y.  in  1823.  He  was  probably  a  son  of  Koeeniwahk,  or  Gyanitoaia. 

We  find  this  notice  of  Corn-plant  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  1791 : 
"  The  Indians  in  this  quarter  [Fort  Pitt]  have  been  very  peaceable  for 
some  time,  but  down  the  Ohio  they  are  continually  doing  mischief.  There 

*  Formerly  called  Obaletmvn.  See  Pa.  Gaz.  1792,  and  Stanbunj's  Jour, 
t  Amer.  Register  for  1S16,  vol.  ii.  226,  &c. 

i  Verbal  account  of  E.  T.  Foote,  Esq.  of  Chatauque  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  much 
valuable  iufortnation  upon  matters  of  this  kind. 


Chap.  VII] 


TECUMSEH. 


99 


are  many  conjectures  in  this  country  about  Col.  Proctor's  business  in  the 
Indian  country,  as  it  is  known  ho  has  left  Fort  Franklin,  at  French  Creek, 
in  company  with  the  Corn-planter  and  many  of  his  people." 

Col.  Proctor  was  sent  to  aid  Com-plattt  in  his  intended  mission  to  the 
hostile  tribes. 


rs  no  more 


ssesscs  much 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tecumseh — His  great  exertions  to  prevent  the  whites  from  overrunning  his 
country — His  expedition  on  Hacker's  Creek — Cooperation  of  his  brother, 
the  Prophet — Rise  of  the  difficulties  between  Tecumseh  and  Gov.  Harri- 
son— Speech  of  the  foiTtier  in  a  council  at  Vincennes — Fearful  occurrence 
in  that  council — Winnemak — Tecumseh  visited  by  Gov.  Harrison  at  his 
camp — Determination  of  war  the  result  of  the  interview  on  both  sides — 
Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief— Determines,  in  the  event  of  war,  to 
prevent  barbarities — Baitle  of  "tippecanoe — Battle  of  the  Thames,  and 
death  of  Tecumseh — Description  of  his  person — Important  events  in  his 
life — PuKEESHENO,ya/Aer  of  Tecumseh — His  death — Particidar  account 
o/'Ellskwatawa,  or  the  Prophet — Account  of  Kovyn-HKA^D — Capture 
and  massacre  of  Gen.  Winchester's  army  at  the  River  Raisin — Myeerah 
or  the  Crane,  commxynly  called  V/alk-in-the-Water — Teyoninhoke- 
RAWEw,  or  John  Norton — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpa- 
TONGA,  or  Bio-elk — Petalesharo — Metea. 

Tecumseh,  by  birth  a  Shawanee,  and  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  born  about  1770,  and,  like  his  great 
prototype,  Povnetacom,  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to  have  made  his 
aversion  to  civilization  appear  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character ;  and  it 
is  not  presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red 
sash  and  other  badges  of  ofice,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the 
whites ;  but  he  employed  them,  more  probably,  as  a  means  of  inspiring 
his  countrymen  with  that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was 
80  necessary  in  the  work  of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undertaken. 

The  first  exploit  in  which  we  find  Tecumseh  engaged  was  upon  a 
branch  of  Hacker's  Creek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a  small  band  of  warriors, 
he  came  upon  the  family  of  John  Waggoner,  about  dusk.  They  found 
Waggoner  a  short  distance  from  his  liouse,  sitting  iipon  a  log,  resting 
himself  after  the  fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directed  his  men  to  cap- 
ture the  family,  while  himself  was  engaged  with  Waggoner.  To  make 
sure  work,  he  took  deliberate  aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ;  but  fortunately  ho 
did  not  even  wound  him,  though  the  ball  passed  next  to  his  skin.  Wag- 
goner threw  himself  off  the  log,  and  ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh 
followed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground, 
Waggoner  made  good  his  escape.  Meanw-iile  his  men  succeeded  in 
carrying  off  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  barbarously  murdered. 
Among  these  were  Mre.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her  children.  Several  of 
the  children  remained  a  long  time  with  tho  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and 
conspicuous  in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in 
1795.  He  was  brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Prophet,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to 
prevent  his  falling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His 
principal  place  of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence  of  the  Tippecanoe 
with  the  Wabash,  upon  the  north  bank  of  the  latter.    This  tract  of  coun- 


» 


100 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V. 


try  was  none  of  his,  but  naa  been  possessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet^ 
in  1808,  with  a  motley  band  of  about  a  1000  young  warriors  from  among 
the  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Wyandots,  Potowatomies,  Ottowas,  Kikka- 
poos  and  Chippeways.  The  Miamies  were  very  much  opposed  to  this 
intrusion  into  their  country,  but  were  not  powerful  enough  to  repel  it, 
and  many  of  their  chiefs  were  put  to  death  in  the  most  barbarous  man- 
ner, for  remonstrating  against  their  conduct.  The  maladministration  of 
the  Prophet,  however,  in  a  short  time,  very  much  reduced  his  numbers, 
so  that,  in  about  a  year,  his  followers  consisted  of  but  about  300,  ar.d  these 
in  the  most  miserable  state  of  existence.  Their  habits  had  Ijeen  such  as 
to  bring  famine  upon  them ;  and  but  for  the  provisions  furnished  by  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  from  Vincennes,  starvation  would  doubtless  have  ensued.* 
At  this  juncture,  Tecumseh  made  his  appearance  among  them ;  and  al- 
though in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  chief,  yet  it  was  known  that  he 
directed  every  thing  afterwards,  although  in  the  name  of  the  PropheL 
His  exertions  now  became  immense,  to  engage  every  tribe  upon  the  con- 
tin  ;?nt  in  a  confederacy,  with  the  open  and  avowed  object  of  arresting  the 
progress  of  the  whites. 

It  will  be  hard  to  find  excuse  for  all  the  proceedings  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States  and  its  agents  towards  the  Indians  at  any  time.  The 
consciousness  of  power  goes  a  great  way  with  almost  all  men. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government,  Governor  Harrison  pur- 
chased of  the  Delawares,  Miamies,  and  Potowatomies,  a  large  tract  of 
country  on  both  sides  of  the  Wabash,  and  extending  up  the  river  60  miles 
above  Vincennes.  This  was  in  1809,  about  a  year  after  the  Prophet  set- 
tled with  his  colony  upon  the  Wabash,  as  above  stated.  Tecumseh  was 
absent  at  this  time,  and  his  brother,  the  Prophet,  was  not  considered  as 
having  any  claim  to  the  country,  being  there  without  the  consent  of  the 
Miamies.  Tecumseh  did  not  view  it  in  this  light,  and  at  his  return  was 
exceedingly  vexed  with  those  chiefs  who  had  made  the  conveyance; 
many  of  whom,  it  is  asserted,  he  threatened  with  death.  Tecumseh^s  dis- 
pleasure and  dissatisfaction  reached  Gov.  Harrison,  who  despatched  a 
messenger  to  him,  to  state  <>'  that  any  claims  he  might  have  to  the  lands 
which  had  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the  treaty ;  that  he  might 
come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if  they  were  found  to 
be  solid,  that  the  land  would  either  be  given  up,  or  an  ample  compensa- 
tion made  for  it."t  This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  not  in  a  strain  calcu- 
lated to  soothe  a  mighty  mind,  when  once  justly  irritated,  as  was  that  of 
Tecumseh,  at  least  as  he  conceived.  However,  upon  the  12  August, 
1810,  (a  day  which  cannot  fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  fate  of  his 
great  archetype,  Philip,  of  Pokanoket,)  he  met  the  governor  in  council  at 
Vincennes,  with  many  of  his  warriore ;  at  which  time  he  spoke  to  him  as 
follows : — 

"  It  is  true  I  am  a  Shawanee.  My  forefathers  were  warriors.  Their 
son  is  a  wairior.  From  them  I  only  take  my  existence ;  from  my  tribe 
I  take  nothing.  I  am  the  maker  of  my  own  fortune ;  and  oh !  that  I 
could  make  that  of  my  red  people,  and  of  my  country,  as  great  as  the 
conceptions  of  my  mind,  when  I  think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe. 
I  would  not  then  come  to  Gov.  Harrison,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  treaty, 
and  ■>  obliterate  the  landmark  ;  but  I  would  say  to  him.  Sir,  you  have 
liberty  to  return  to  your  own  country.  The  being  within,  communing 
with  past  ages,  tells  me,  that  once,  nor  until  lately,  there  was  no  white 
man  on  this  continent.  That  it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of 
the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by  the  Great  Spirit  that  made  them,  to 
keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  productions,  and  to  fill  it  with  the  same 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison. 


t  SFAftt. 


Chap.  VII] 


TECUMSEH, 


101 


race.  Once  a  happy  race.  Since  made  miserable  by  the  white  people, 
who  are  never  contented,  but  always  encroaching.  The  way,  and  the 
only  way  to  check  and  to  stop  this  evil,  is,  for  all  the  red  men  to  unite  in 
claiming  a  common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was  at  first,  and 
should  be  yet ;  for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belongs  to  all,  for  the  use  of  each. 
That  no  part  has  a  right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less  to  strangers; 
those  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The  white  people  have 
no  right  to  take  the  land  from  the  Indians,  because  they  had  it  hrst ;  it  is 
theirs.  They  may  sell,  but  all  must  join.  Any  sale  not  made  by  all  is 
not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a  part  only.  Part  do 
not  know  how  to  sell.  It  requires  all  to  make  a  bargain  for  all.  All  red 
men  have  equal  rights  to  the  unoccupied  land.  The  right  of  occupancy 
is  as  good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  cannot  be  two  occupations 
in  the  same  place.  The  first  excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting 
or  travelling  ;  for  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as  they  may 
follow  each  other  all  day ;  but  the  camp  is  stationary,  and  that  is  occu- 
pancy. It  belongs  to  the  first  who  sits  down  on  his  blanket  or  skins, 
which  he  has  thrown  upon  the  ground,  and  till  he  leaves  it  no  other  has 
a  right."* 

How  near  this  is  to  the  original  is  unknown  to  us,  but  it  appears  too 
much  Americanized  to  correspond  with  our  notions  ofTecumseh;  never- 
theless it  may  give  the  tme  meaning.  One  important  paragraph  ought  to 
be  added,  which  we  do  not  find  in  the  author  from  which  we  have  ex- 
tracted the  above ;  which  was,  "  that  the  Americans  had  driven  them 
from  the  sea-coasts,  and  that  they  would  shortly  push  them  into  the  lakes, 
and  that  they  were  determined  to  make  a  stand  where  they  were."f  This 
language  forcibly  reminds  us  of  what  the  'ancient  Britons  said  of  their 
enemies,  when  they  besought  aid  of  tlfe  Romans.  "  The  barbarians  (said 
they)  drive  us  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea  beats  us  back  upon  them  ;  between 
these  extremes  we  are  exposed,  either  to  be  slain  with  the  sword,  or 
drowned  in  the  waves."| 

Tecumseh,  having  thus  explained  his  reasons  against  the  validity  of  the 
purchase,  took  his  seat  amidst  his  warriors.  Governor  Harrison,  in  his 
reply,  said,  "that  the  white  people,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  continent, 
had  found  the  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  country  on  the  Wa- 
bash, and  at  that  time  the  Shawanese  were  residents  of  Greorgia,  from 
which  they  were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  That  the  lands  had  been  pur- 
chased from  the  Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and  original  owners  of  \t. 
That  it  was  ridiculous  to  ast^ert  that  all  the  Indians  were  one  nation ;  fbr 
if  such  had  been  the  intent'on  of  the  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not  have  put 
six  different  tongues  into  their  heads,  hut  have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a 
language  that  all  could  understand.  That  the  Miamief-  found  it  for  their 
interest  to  sell  a  part  of  their  lands,  and  receive  for  them  a  further  an- 
nuity, the  benefit  of  which  they  had  long  experienced,  from  the  punctu- 
ality with  which  the  seventeen  fires  [the  seventeen  United  States]  com- 
plied with  their  engagements ;  and  that  the  Shawanese  had  no  right  to 
come  from  a  distant  country  and  control  the  Miamies  in  the  disposal  of 
tlieir  own  property."  The  governor  then  took  his  seat,  and  tlie  inter- 
preter proceeded  to  explain  to  Tecumseh  what  he  had  said,  who,  when 
he  had  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrupted  him,  and  exclaimed,  "It  is 
all  false ;"  at  the  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal,  they  seized 
their  war  clubs  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  from  the  green  grass  on  which 
they  had  been  sitting.  The  governor  now  thought  himself  in  imminent 
danger,  and,  freeing  himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  his  sword  and  pre- 
pared to  defend  himself.     He  was  attended  by  some  officers  of  his  gov.> 


*  Hist.  Kentucky. 
9* 


t  Mem.  Harrison. 


t  Sellers  Englaud, 


'•    » 


102 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V. 


eminent,  and  many  citizens,  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all 
unartned ;  most  of  whom,  however,  seized  upon  some  weapon,  such  as 
stones  and  clubs.  Tecumseh  continued  to  make  gestures  and  speak  with 
great  emotion  ;  and  a  guard  of  12  armed  men  stationed  in  the  rear  were 
ordered  up.  For  a  few  minutes,  it  was  expected  blood  would  be  shed. 
Major  G.  R.  Floyde,  who  stood  near  the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and 
fVinntviak  cocked  his  pistol,  which  he  had  ready  primed  ;  he  said  Tecum- 
seh had  threatened  his  life  for  having  signed  the  treaty  and  sale  of  the 
disputed  land.  A  Mr.  Winas,  the  Methodist  minister,  ran  to  the  gov- 
ernor's hou'je,  and  taking  a  gun,  stood  in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecumseh  had  said,  the  governor  rej)lied  to 
him,  that  "he  was  a  bad  man — that  he  would  have  no  further  talk  with 
him — that  he  must  return  to  his  camp,  and  set  out  for  his  home  imme- 
diately." Thus  ended  the  conference.  Tecumseh  did  not  leave  the  neigh- 
borhood, but,  the  next  morning,  having  reflected  upon  the  impropriety 
of  his  conduct,  sent  to  the  governor  to  have  the  council  renewed,  and 
apologized  for  the  affiront  offered;  to  which  the  governor,  after  some 
time,  consented,  having  taken  the  precaution  to  have  two  additional  tom- 
panies  of  armed  men  in  readiness,  in  case  of  insult. 

Having  met  a  second  time,  Tecumseh  was  asked  whether  he  had  any 
other  groimds,  than  those  he  had  stated,  by  which  he  could  lay  claim  to 
the  land  in  question ;  to  which  he  replied,  "  No  other."  Ilere,  then, 
was  an  end  of  all  argument.  The  indignant  sotd  of  Tecumseh  could  nut 
but  be  enraged  at  the  idea  of  an  "equivalent  for  a  countiy,"  or,  what 
meant  the  same  thing,  a  compensation  for  land,  which,  often  repeated,  as 
it  had  been,  would  soon  amount  to  a  country!  "The  behavior  of  Tecum- 
seh, at  this  interview,  was  very  different  from  what  it  was  the  day  before. 
His  deportment  was  dignified  and%;ollected,  and  he  showed  not  the  least 
disposition  to  be  insolent.  He  denied  having  any  intention  of  attacking 
the  governor,  but  said  he  had  been  advised  by  white  men"*  to  do  as  he 
had  done ;  that  two  white  men  had  visited  him  at  his  place  of  residence, 
and  told  him  that  half  the  white  people  were  opposed  to  Governor  Ham- 
son,  and  willing  to  relinquish  the  land,  and  told  him  to  advise  the  tribes 
not  to  receive  pay  for  it ;  for  that  the  governor  would  be  soon  put  out  of 
office,  and  a  "good  man"  sent  in  his  place,  who  would  give  up  the  land 
to  the  Indians.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent  the 
survey  of  the  land :  he  replied  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  the 
old  boundary.  Then  arose  a  Wyandot,  a  Kikkapoo,  a  Pottowattomie,  an 
Ottowas,  and  a  Winnebago  chief,  each  declaring  his  determination  to  stand 
by  Tecumseh,  whom  they  had  chosen  tiieir  chief.  After  the  governor  had 
info-  aied  Tecumseh  that  his  words  should  be  truly  repo.'.ted  to  the  presi- 
dent, alleging,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew  the  land  would  not  be  re- 
linquished, and  that  it  would  be  maintained  by  the  sword,  tlie  council 
closed. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  prolong  the  interview,  and  thought  that, 
l)ossibly,  Tecumseh  might  appear  more  submissive,  should  'ie  meet  him 
in  his  own  tent.  Accordingly  he  took  with  him  an  interpr;ter,  and  visit- 
ed the  chief  in  his  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  with 
kindness  and  attention,  and  Tecumseh  conversed  with  him  a  considerable 
time.  On  being  asked  by  the  governor,  if  his  determiiiPtion  really  was 
as  he  had  expressed  himself  in  the  council,  he  said,  "  Yes  ;"  and  added, 
"  that  it  was  with  great  reluctance  he  would  make  war  with  the  United 
States — against  whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  but  their  purchasing 
the  Indians'  land ;  that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  be  their  friend,  and 
if  he  (the  governor)  would  prevail  upon  the  president  to  give  up  the  lands 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison, 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMPEH. 


108 


lately  purchased,  and  agree  never  to  make  another  treaty,  without  the 
consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he  would  he  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them 
in  all  their  wars  with  the  English,"  whom  he  knew  were  always  treat- 
ing the  Indians  like  dogs,  clapping  their  hands,  and  hallooing  slu-boy; 
that  he  would  much  rather  join  the  seventeen  fires :  but  if  they  would  not 
give  up  said  lands,  and  comply  with  his  request  in  other  respects,  he  would 
join  the  English.  When  the  governor  told  him  there  was  no  probability 
that  the  president  would  comply,  he  said,  "Well,  as  the  great  chief  is  to 
determine  the  matter,  I  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  put  sense  enough  into 
his  head,  to  induce  him  to  direct  you  to  give  up  this  land.  It  is  true,  he 
is  so  far  off,  he  will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still  in  his 
town,  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I  will  have  to  fight  it  out." 
He  had  said  before,  when  asked  if  it  were  his  de*'  .iiination  to  make 
war  unless  his  terms  were  complied  with,  "/t  is  my  determination;  nor 
xoUl  I  give  rest  to  my  feet,  until  I  have  uni  :ed  all  the  red  men  in  the  like 
resolution." 

Thus  is  exhibited  the  determined  character  of  Tecumseh,  in  which  no 
duplicity  appears,  and  whose  resentment  might  have  been  expected,  when 
questioned,  again  and  again,  upon  tne  same  subject. 

Most  religiously  did  he  proserute  this  plan  ;  and  could  his  extraordinary 
and  wonderful  exertions  be  known,  no  fiction,  it  is  believed,  could  scarce- 
ly surpass  the  reality.  The  tribes  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  those 
about  Lakes  Superior  and  Huron,  were  visited  and  revisited  by  him  pre- 
vious to  the  year  1811.  He  had  raised  in  these  tribes  the  high  expecta- 
tion, that  they  should  be  able  to  drive  the  Americans  to  the  east  of  the 
Ohio.  The  famous  Blue-jacket  was  as  sanguine  as  Tecumseh,  and  was 
Ii^s  abettor  in  uniting  distant  tribes. 

The  following  characteristic  circumstance  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
ings at  Vincennes.  After  Tectimseh  had  made  a  speech  to  governor  Har- 
rison, and  was  about  to  sea^  hiAiself  in  a  chair,  he  observed  that  none  had 
been  placed  for  him.  One  was  immediately  ordered  by  the  governor, 
and,  as  the  interpreter  handed  it  to  him,  he  said, "  Your  father  requests  you 
to  take  a  chair."  ^  My  father  T^  says  Tecumseh,  with  great  indignity  of 
expression,  "  the  sun  is  my  father,  and  the  earth  is  my  mother ;  and  on  her 
bosom  [will  repose ;"  and  immediately  seated  himself  in  the  Indian  man- 
ner, upon  the  ground.* 

The  fight  at  Tippecanoe  followed  soon  after.  This  affair  took  place  in 
the  night  of  Nov.  6,  1811,  in  which  62  Americans  were  killed,  and  126 
wounded.  Tecumseh  was  not  in  this  fight,  but  his  brother,  the  Prophet, 
conducted  or  ordered  the  attack.  During  the  action,  he  was  performing 
conjurations  on  an  eminence  not  far  off',  but  out  of  danger.  His  men 
displayed  great  bravery,  and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison 
lost  some  of  his  bravest  oflScers.  The  late  Colonel  Snelling,  of  Boston, 
then  a  captain,  was  in  this  fight,  and  took  prisoner  with  his  own  hands 
an  Indian  chief,  the  only  Indian  taken  by  the  Americans.  The  name  of 
the  captured  chief  we  do  not  learn,  but,  from  his  fear  of  being  taken  for  a 
Shawanee,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  of  that  tribe.  When  he  was  seized 
by  Capt.  Snelling,  he  ejaculated,  with  hurried  accents,  "  Good  man,  me  no 
Shawanee."j  The  chiefs  fVhite-lion  [Wapamangwa,^  Stone-eater  {Sana- 
mahhonga,)  and  IVinnemak,  were  conspicuous  at  this  tune.  The  latter  had 
been  the  pretended  friend  of  the  governor,  but  now  appeared  his  enemy. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  Governor  Harrison  had 
with  Tecumseh,  the  former  ex|)ressed  a  wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that 
cruelty  to  prisoners  should  not  he  allowed  on  either  sid o.  Tfcumseh  as- 
sured him  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  it ;  and  it  is  be- 


Schoolcraft. 


t  Information  of  his  sou,  IF.  J.  Snelli/ig,  Esq.  of  Boston. 


••    I 


104 


TEv^UMSEH. 


[Book  9. 


•!•:.■ 


Iieved  he  strictly  adhered  to  this  resolution.  Indeed,  we  have  one  ex- 
ample, which  has  never  been  called  in  question,  and  is  worthy  the  gi^at 
mind  of  this  chief.  When  Col.  Dudley  was  cut  off,  and  near  400  of  his 
men,  not  far  from  Fort  Meigs,  by  iiilling  into  an  ambush,  Tecumseh  arrived 
at  the  scene  of  action  when  the  Americans  could  resist  no  longer.  He 
exerted  himself  to  put  a  stop  to  the  massacre  of  the  soldiers,  which  waa 
then  going  on ;  and  meeting  with  a  Chippeway  chief  who  would  not 
desist  by  persuasion  nor  threats,  he  buried  his  tomahawk  in  his  head.* 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  been  in  almost  every  important  battle  with 
the  Americans,  from  the  destruction  of  General  Harmer'a  army  till  his 
death  upon  the  Thames.  He  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Proctor, 
in  the  last  great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course 
of  proceedings,  and  is  said  to  have  remonstrated  against  retreating  before 
the  Americans  in  very  pointed  terms.  Perry's  victory  had  just  given  the 
Americans  the  command  of  Luke  Erie  ;  and  immediately  after,  Proctor 
abandoned  Detroit,  and  marched  his  majesty's  army  up  the  river  Thames, 
accomi)anied  by  General  Tecunxseh,  with  about  1500  warriors.  Harrison 
overtook  them  near  the  Moravian  town,  Oct.  5, 1813,  and,  after  a  bloody 
battle  witii  the  Indians,  routed  and  took  prisoners  nearly  the  whole  Brit- 
ish army ;  Proctor  saving  himself  only  by  flight.  After  withstanding 
almost  the  whole  force  of  the  Americans  for  some  time,  Tecumseh  received 
a  severe  wound  in  the  arm,  but  continued  to  fight  with  desperation,  until 
a  shot  in  the  head  from  an  unknown  hand  laid  him  prostrate  in  the  thick- 
est of  the  fight.f     Of  his  warriors  120  were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

Thus  fell  Tecumseh,  in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  was  about 
five  feet  ten  inches  in  height,  of  a  noble  appearance,  and  a  perfectly  sym- 
metrical form.  "  His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motions  quick — 
his  eyes  }>enetrating— his  visage  stern,  with  an  air  of  hauteur  in  his  coun- 
tenance, which  arose  from  an  elevated  pride  of  soul.  It  did  not  leave 
him  even  in  death."  He  is  thus  spoken  of  by  one  who  knew  him.  His 
dress  on  the  day  of  the  fatal  battle  was  a  deerskin  coat  and  pantaloons. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Shane  served  as  a 
guide  to  Col.  Johnson^s  regiment.  He  informs  us  that  he  knew  Tecumseh 
well,  and  that  he  once  had  had  his  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  proper- 
ly set,  caused  a  considerable  ridge  in  it  always  after.  This  was  published 
in  a  Kentucky  newspaper,  lately,  as  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indian 
killed  by  Col.  Johnson  was  Tecumseh.  From  the  same  paper  it  would 
seem,  that,  even  on  the  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whether  the 
chief  killed  were  Tecumseh,  and  that  a  critical  inquest  was  held  over  his 
body ;  and  although  it  was  decided  to  be  he,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colo- 
nel killed  him,  there  was  a  demur,  even  then.  But,  no  doubt,  many 
were  willing  it  should  so  pass,  thinking  it  a  matter  of  no  consequence,  so 
long  as  Tecumseh,  their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain ;  and, 
perhaps,  too,  so  near  the  event,  many  felt  a  delicacy  in  dissenting  from 
the  report  of  Col.  JohTison's  friends ;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such 
jealousy,  those  came  out  frankly  with  their  opinion,  and  hence  resulted  the 
actual  truth  of  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  should  have  dishonored  themselves,  after 
their  victory,  by  outraging  all  decency  by  acts  of  astonishing  ferocity  and 
barbarity,  upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievous  to  mention^ 
and  cannot  meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.    Pieces  of  hi?  skin  were 


*  James,  i.  ^91— Perkins,  221. 

t  The  story  that  he  fell  in  a  personal  rencounter  with  Col.  Johnson,  must  no  longer 
be  believed.  Facts  arc  entirely  opposed  to  such  a  conclusion.  Indeed,  we  cannot  leaia 
that  the  colonel  ever  claimed  the  honor  of  the  achieven.ent. 


Ch*p.  VII.] 


TECUMSEII. 


105 


taken  away  by  some  of  them  ns  mementoes!*  He  is  said  to  have  home  a 
personal  enmity  to  General  Harrison,  at  this  time,  for  having  just  before 
destroyed  his  family.  The  celebrated  speech,  said  to  have  been  delivered 
by  the  great  "  Shawanese  warrior"  to  General  Proctor,  before  the  battle 
of  the  Thames,  is  believed  by  many  not  to  be  genuine.  It  may  be  seen 
in  every  history  of  the  war,  and  every  periodical  of  that  day,  and  in  not  a 
few  since,  even  to  this.  Therefore  we  omit  it  here.  The  sjwech  of 
Logan,  perhaps,  has  not  circidated  wider.  Another,  in  our  opinion,  more 
worthy  the  mighty  mind  of  Tecumseh,  published  in  a  work  said  to  be 
written  by  one  who  heard  it,t  is  now  generally  (on  the  authority  of  a 
public  journall)  discarded  as  a  Action. 

Among  the  skirmishes  between  the  belligerents,  before  Gen.  Hull  sur- 
rendered the  north-western  army,  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  acted  a  con- 
spicuous part. 

Maiden,  situated  at  the  junction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Erie,  was 
considered  the  Gibraltar  of  Canada,  and  it  was  expected  that  Gen.  HuWs 
first  movements  would  be  to  possess  himself  of  it.  In  a  movement  that 
way,  Col.  jyrjlrthur  came  very  near  being  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Indians 
led  by  Tecumseh.  About  4  miles  from  Maiden,  he  found  a  bridge  in  pos- 
session of  a  body  of  the  enemy ;  and  although  the  bridge  was  can-ied  by 
a  force  under  Col.  Cass,§  in  elfecting  which,  11  of  the  enemy  were  killed, 
yet  it  seems,  that  in  a  "  lew  days  afterwards"  they  were  in  possession  of 
It  again,  and  again  the  Americans  stood  ready  to  repeat  the  attack.  It 
was  in  an  attempt  to  reconnoitre,  that  Col.  M'Arthur  "advanced  somewhat 
too  near  the  enemy,  and  narrowly  escaped  being  cut  off  from  his  men"| 
by  several  Indians  who  had  nearly  prevented  his  retreat. 

Major  Vanhorn  was  detached  from  Aux  Canards,  with  200  men,  to  con- 
voy 150  Ohio  militia  and  some  provisions  from  the  River  Raisin.  In  his 
second  day's  march,  near  Brovvnstown,  he  fell  into  an  ambush  of  70  In- 
dians imder  Tecumseh,  who,  firinrc  upon  him,  killed  20  men ;  among  whom 
were  Captains  M'Culloch,^  Bostler,  Gilcrease**  and  Ubry :  9  more  were 
wounded. 

A  British  writer  upon  the  late  war,tf  afler  having  related  the  battle  of 
the  Thames,  in  which  Tecumseh  fell,  says :  "  It  seems  extraordinary  that 
Gen.  Harrison  should  have  omitted  to  mention,  in  his  letter,  the  death  of 
a  chief,  whose  fall  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down  the  Indian  spirit, 
and  to  give  peace  and  security  to  the  whole  north-western  frontier  of  the 
U.  States.  Tecumseh,  although  he  had  received  a  musket-ball  in  the  left 
arm,  was  still  seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,"  when  he  received  the  mor- 
tal wound  in  the  head,  of  which  he  in  a  few  moments  expired.  The 
error,  which  for  some  time  prevailed,  of  hia  being  shot  by  Col.  Johnson, 
is  copied  into  this  author's  work.  The  following  descriptions,  though  in 
some  respects  erroneous,  are  of  sufficient  value  to  be  preserved. 

Tecumseh  was  endowed  "  with  more  than  the  usual  stoutness,  possess- 
ed all  the  agility  and  perseverance,  of  the  Indian  character.  His  carriage 
was  dignified ;  his  eye  penetrating ;  his  countenance,  which,  even  in 
death,  betrayed  the  indications  of  a  lofty  spirit,  rather  of  the  sterner  cast. 
Had  he  not  possessed  a  certain  austerity  of  manners,  he  could  never  have 


*  We  have  often  heard  it  said,  but  whether  in  truth  we  do  not  aver,  that  there  are 
those  who  still  own  razor  straps  made  of  it. 

t  John  Dunn  Hunter.  \  North  American  Review. 

&  Since  governor  of  Michigvin,  and  now  secretary  of  war. 

rt  Brackenridge,  Hist.  War,  31. 

V  In  this  officer's  pocket,  it  is  said,  w.os  found  a  lette'  written  for  his  wife,  giving  an 
account  of  his  having  killed  an  Indian,  from  whose  he^xd  he  tore  the  scalp  with  nis  teeth. 
This  is  the  process  when  the  hair  is  short. 

**  GUchrUt,  commonly  written.  ft  James,  i.  287,  &c. 


108 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V. 


controlled  the  wayward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  battle. 
He  was  of  a  silent  habit ;  but,when  his  eloquence  became  roused  into 
action  by  the  reiterated  encroachments  of  the  Americans,*  his  strong  in- 
tellect could  supply  him  with  a  flow  of  oratory,  that  enabled  him,  as  he 
governed  in  the  rield,  so  to  prescribe  in  the  council.  Those  who  consider 
that,  in  all  territorial  questions,  the  ablest  diplomatists  of  the  U.  States  are 
sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians,  will  readily  appreciate  the  loss  sustain- 
ed by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their  champion.  The  Indians,  in  general, 
are  full  as  fond  as  other  savages,  of  the  gaudy  decoration  of  their  persons ; 
but  Tecumseh  was  an  exception.  Clothes  and  other  valuable  articles  of 
spoil  had  oflen  been  his ;  yet  he  invariably  wore  a  deerskin  coat  and  pan- 
taloons. He  had  frequently  levied  subsidies  to,  comparatively,  a  large 
amount ;  yet  he  preserved  little  or  nothing  for  himself.  It  was  not  wealth, 
but  glory,  that  was  Tecumseh^s  ruling  passion.  Fatal  day!  when  the 
•Christian  people'  first  penetrated  the  forests,  to  teach  the  arts  of 'civiliza- 
tion' to  the  poor  Indian.  Till  then  water  had  been  his  only  beverage ; 
and  himselt  and  his  race  possessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  his  lips  to  the  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwam,  while 
he  has  a  rag  of  clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum  ;  and  he 
and  his  squaw  and  his  children  wallow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  drunk- 
enness.! Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  with  a  head  to  plan,  and  an  arm 
to  execute,  vengeance  upon  the  oppressors  of  his  country,  we  behold  the 
puny  besotted  wretch,  squatting  on  his  hams,  ready  to  barter  his  country, 
his  children,  or  himself,  for  a  few  gulps  of  that  deleterious  compound, 
which,  far  more  than  the  arms  of  the  United  States,  [Great  Britain  and 
France,]  is  hastening  to  extinguish  all  traces  of  his  name  and  character. 
Tecumaeh^  himself,  in  early  life,  had  been  addicted  to  intemperance ;  but 
no  sooner  did  his  judgment  decide  against,  than  his  resolution  enabled 
him  to  quit,  so  vile  a  habit.  Beyond  one  or  two  glasses  of  wine,  he  never 
afterwards  indulged." 

It  was  said  not  to  be  from  good  will  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would 
not  permit  his  warriors  to  exercise  any  cruelty  upon  them,  when  fallen 
into  their  power,  but  from  principle  alone.  When  Detroit  was  taken  by 
the  British  and  Indians,  Tecumseh  was  in  the  action  at  the  head  of  the 
latter.  After  the  surrender,  Gen.  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow  his 
Indians  to  ill-treat  the  prisoners,  and  to  which  he  replied,  "  JVo !  I  de- 
spise them  too  much  to  meddle  tvith  themJ'^ 

Some  of  the  English  have  said  that  there  were  few  officers  in  the  U. 
States'  service  so  able  to  command  in  the  field  as  Tecumseh.  This  it  will 
not  us  behove  to  question ;  but  it  would  better  have  become  such  speech- 
makers,  if  they  had  added,  "  in  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare."  That  he 
was  a  more  wily  chief  than  Mishikinakwa,  may  be  doubted ;  that  either 
had  natural  abilities  inferior  to  those  of  Gen.  Wayne,  or  Gen.  Brock,  we 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  this  is  no  argument  that  they  could  prac- 
tise European  warfare  as  well  as  those  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his 
intercourse  with  the  whites,  that  TecuTtiseh  must  have  been  more  skilled 
in  their  military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  countrymen,  whether 
predecessors  or  cotemporaries. 

A  military  man,|;  as  we  apprehend,  saya,  "He  [Tecumsehj  was  an  ex- 
cellent judge  of  position  ;  and  not  only  knew,  but  could  pomt  out  the  lo- 
calities of  the  whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed,"  "His  fa- 
cility of  communicating  the  information  he  had  acquired,  was  thus  dis- 
played before  a  concouree  of  spectators.  Previously  to  Gen.  Brock^s  cross- 
ing over  to  Detroit,  he  asked  Tecumseh  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should 

*  As  though  the  English  of  Canada  had  never  been  guilty  of  encroachments! 
t  This  is  not  true.  X  Mr.  James,  ut  supra. 


[Book 


V. 


Chap.  VII.] 


PROPHET. 


107 


1  to  liattle. 
•ouaed  into 
B  strong  in- 

him,  as  he 
ho  consider 
J.  States  are 
loss  sustain- 
i,  in  general, 
leir  persons; 
e  articles  of 
oat  and  pan- 
vely,  a  large 
IS  not  wealth, 
y!  when  the 
s  of '  civjliza- 
nly  beverage ; 
vages.    Now, 
rigwam,  while 

rum ;  and  he 
beastly  drunk- 
en, and  an  arm 

we  behold  the 
;er  his  country, 
)U9  compound, 
eat  Britain  and 

and  character, 
smperance ;  but 
solution  enabled 

■wine,  he  never 

that  he  would 
'm,  when  fallen 
it  was  taken  by 
the  head  of  the 
not  to  allow  his 
^ed,  "JVo-  ^«*" 

Seers  in  the  IJ. 
U.  This  it  will 
Inie  such  speech- 
Irfare."    That  he 

3ted ;  that  either 

I  Gen.  Brock,  we 
Ithey  could  prac- 
'abvious,  from  h'^ 

een  more  skilled 
itrymen,  whether 

Inseh]  was  an  ex- 

II  point  out  the  lo- 
lassed."  "Hisfo- 
led,  was  thus  dis- 

Jen.Brocfc'*  cross- 
country he  should 

I  encroachments  1 
.  James,  ut  supra. 


have  to  pass  through,  in  case  of  his  proceeding  farther.  Tecutnseh,  taking 
a  roll  of  elm-bark,  and  extending  it  on  the  ground  by  means  of  four 
stones,  drew  forth  liis  scalping-knife,  and  with  the  point  presently  etched 
upon  the  bark  a  plan  of  the  country,  its  hills,  woods,  rivers,  morasses,  and 
roads ;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as  neat,  was,  for  the  purpose  required,  fully 
as  intelligible  as  it  Arroxvsmith  himself  had  prepared  it.  Pleased  with 
this  unexpected  talent  in  Tccumse/i,  also  with  his  having,  by  his  charac- 
teristic boldness,  induced  the  Indians,  not  of  his  immediate  party,  to  cross 
the  Detroit,  prior  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars  and  militia,  Gen. 
Brock,  as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  publicly  took  off  his  sash,  and 
placed  it  round  the  body  of  the  chief.  Tecumseh  received  the  honor  with 
evident  gratification  ;  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his  sash.  Gen. 
Brock,  fearing  .something  had  displeased  the  Indian,  sent  his  interf)reter 
for  an  explanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  account,  that  Te- 
cumseh, not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  of  distinction,  when  an  older,  and, 
as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  himself  was  present,  had  transferred  the 
sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief  Round-head."  \ 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth  was  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Scioto  River,  near  what  is  now  Chillicothe.  His  father's  name  was 
Pukeesheno,  which  means,  /  light  from  flying.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle 
of  Kanhawa,  in  1774.  His  mother's  name  was  Meetheetashe,  whicl;  sig- 
nifies, a  turtle  laying  her  eggs  in  the  sci;id.  She  died  among  the  Chero- 
kees.  She  had,  at  one  birth,  three  sons : — Ellskwatawa,  which  signifies, 
a  door  opened,  was  called  the  Prophet;  Tecumseh,  which  is,  a  tiger 
crouching  for  his  prey ;  and  Kumskaka,  a  tiger  that  flies  in  the  air.* 

Although  we  have  given  some  important  facts  in  the  life  of  Ellskwatataa, 
there  are  some  circumstances  which  claim  to  be  related.  After  the  ter- 
mination of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a  pension  from  the  government 
of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  1826  he  was  prevailed  upon 
to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  beyond  the  Missis- 
sippi.    At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  son  of  Tecumseh. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  Prophet ;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a 
well-written  article  in  a  foreign  periodical,!  it  is  said  that,  during  the  Hrst 
50  years  of  his  life,  he  was  remarkable  for  nothing  except  his  stupidity 
and  intoxication.  In  his  50th  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  his  pipe, 
he  fell  back  in  his  cabin,  upon  his  bed ;  and,  continuing  for  some  time  life- 
less, to  all  appearances,  preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  tribe  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and 
they  were  in  the  act  of  removing  him,  that  he  revived.  His  first  words 
were,  "  DonH  be  alarmed.  I  have  seen  heaven.  Call  the  nation  together,  that 
I  may  tell  them  what  has  appeared  to  me."  When  they  were  assembled, 
he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young  men  had  been  sent  from  heaven 
by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  him : — "  The  Great  Spirit  is  angry 
with  you,  and  will  destroy  all  the  red  men :  unless  you  refrain  from 
drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  him,  you  shall 
never  enter  the  beautiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you."  He  was 
then  conducted  to  the  gates  of  heaven,  from  whence  he  could  behold  all 
its  beauties,  but  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  After  undergoing  several 
hours'  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  paiticipating  in  its  indescriba- 
ble joys  and  pleasures;  he  was  dismissed.  His  conductors  told  him  to  tell 
all  the  Indians  what  he  had  seen ;  to  repent  qf  their  ways,  and  they  would 
visit  him  again.  My  authority  says,  that,  on  the  PropheVs  visiting  the 
neighboring  nations,  his  mission  had  a  good  effect  on  their  morals,  &c. 
But  this  part  of  his  story,  at  least,  is  at  variance  with  facts ;  for  none 


Schoolcraft. 


t  The  New  Monthly  Magazine. 


'■    » 


108 


ROUND-HEAD. 


[Book  T. 


Ai" 


would  hear  to  him,  except  the  most  ubaiuloned  younjf  warriors,  of  those 
tribes  he  visited,  and  their  niisoralile  ooiKiitiun  in  colonizing  thetnuelves 
upon  the  Wabash,  in  1811,  is  well  known.* 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Creek  coun- 
try, in  December,  181  l.f  The  Prophet  visited  the  Creeks  in  the  previous 
August,  and  "pronounced  in  the  public  s(|uare,  that  shortly  a  lamp  would 
appear  in  the  west,  to  aid  him  in  his  hostile  attack  upon  the  whites,  and, 
if  they  would  not  be  influenced  by  his  persuasion,  the  earth  would  ere 
long  tremble  to  its  centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a  powerful  effect 
on  the  minds  of  these  Indians,  and  would  certainly  have  led  them,  gener- 
ally, to  have  united  with  the  northern  coalition,  had  it  not  been  for  tho 
interposition  of  travellers."  This  statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  Francis 
JWHenru,  in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to  contradict  that  ever  any  such  earth- 
quake did  take  place,  and  by  which  we  learn  that  that  |>art  of  the  super- 
stitious world  really  believed  that  it  had,  and  that  places  had  been  actu- 
ally sunk.  The  same  communicant  says,  "I  have  only  to  state,  that  I 
have  comfortably  reposed  in  houses  where  newspapers  liave  announced 
every  disappearance  of  earth."  lie  states  also,  upon  the  authority  ol 
"a  Mr.  Chcidbury,  an  English  gentleman,  from  Quebec,"  that,  "at  the 
age  of  15,  this  Indian  disappeared  from  his  relatives,  and  was  considered 
as  finally  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Quebec,  and  from  thence  to  Montreal, 
where,  taken  as  a  pilot  to  Halifax,  he  remained  several  years ;  and  in  this 
Ruace  received  an  education  qualifying  him  to  act  the  part  already  known.'* 
The  comet  of  1811  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  country,  as  a 
harbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  seeming  advantage  that  the  Proph- 
et seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  schiimes.t 

Round-head  was  a  Wyandot,  and  fought  against  the  Americans  in  the 
last  war.  He  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  battle  at  Frenchtown,  upon 
the  River  Raisin.  The  Indian  force  in  this  affair  was  about  1000.§  Gen. 
1Vinchester''s  quarters  were  at  1  or  200  yards  from  the  main  army  when 
the  fight  commenced,  and,  in  an  endeavor  to  render  it  assistance,  war* 
fallen  upon  by  the  Wyandots,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Round-head  seized  upon  Gen.  Winchester  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  a 
severe  cold  morning,  22  Jan.  1813,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
snow. 

Our  chief,  in  a  manner  truly  characteristic,  obliged  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  coat,  and  all  his  uniform.  With  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  from  the  cold.  Round-head  conducted  him  to  a  fire,  but 
not  until  he  had  got  on  the  general's  cocked  hat,  uniform  coat,  vest,  &c 
It  was  in  this  condition,  that  Col.  Proctor  found  him ;  and  it  was  not 
without  much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relinquished  his  impor- 
tant captive ;  and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the 
uniform,  in  which  he  had  had  so  short  a  time  to  strut  about  and  show  him- 
self to  his  countrymen.il 

This  was  a  most  diastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans :  538  were  cap- 
tured, according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially 


*  This  famous  vision  of  liie  Prophet  will  compare  in  stranMiicss  with  that  of  Kepotkf 
bead  chief  of  the  Delaware  nation,  related  by  Loskiel,  (ii.  114.)  He  lay  to  all  appear* 
ance  dead  for  three  days.  In  his  swoon,  he  saw  a  man  in  white  robes,  who  exhibited  a 
catalogue  of  the  people's  sins,  and  warned  him  to  repent.  In  1749,  he  was  about  80yeaf> 
of  age,  and  was  baptized  by  the  name  of  Solomon.  We  have  related  in  Book  HI.  aa 
account  of  S(ptando's  vision ;  and  others  might  be  mentioned. 

t  "  The  earthquakes,  which,  in  1811,  almost  destroyed  the  towii  of  New  Madrid  ofth« 
Mississippi,  were  very  sensibly  felt  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  Missouri  country,  and 
occasioned  much  superstitious  dread  amongst  the  Indians."    Long's  Expedition,  1.272% 

t  Halcyon  Luminary,  i.  205,  &c.  New  Vork,  (June,)  1812. 

^  Perkins's  Late  War,  100.  ||  James,  Milit.  Occurrences,  i.  18&. 


Chap.  VII. ] 


ROUND- HEAD. 


100 


frotii  the  Anicrirnii  ;*  ami  UOO  killed  in  the  Imttle  mu\  niaasarrctl  by  th« 
Iniiiiins  iiniiieiliatt'iy  nOrr. 

In  Col.  Proctor's  otlicial  aecoinit  of  this  affair,  lie  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  chiefs  and  warriors.  His  words  are:  "The 
/eal  and  courage  of  the  Indian  departuieiit  were  nev  •  more  cons|)icuouH 
than  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Indian  warriors  tbirght  with  their  usual 
bravery." 

Col.  Proctor  has  been  much  censunul  for  his  conchu't  at  the  River  Rai- 
sin. It  was  said  that  he  agreed  to  the  terms  asked  for  by  Gen.  Wmc.keattr, 
and  then  paid  no  attention  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenanced 
the  Indians  in  their  barbarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  the  Americans 
with  dread,  that  they  might  be  (Uuerred  from  entering  the  service  in 
future,  ihit  the  British  historians  say  that  "  the  whole  of  the  left  divis- 
ion surrendered  at  discretion,"  and  not  "on  condition  of  their  being  pro- 
tected from  the  savages,  being  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property, 
and  having  their  side-arms  naurne<l  to  them,"  as  stated  by  Gen.  fVinchester  : 
for,  Mr.  James  adds,  "had  t.iis  been  the  understanding,  one  may  suppose 
that  some  wilting  would  have  becui  drawn  up  ;  but,  indeed.  Gen.  Winches- 
ter was  not  in  a  condition  to  dictate  terms.  Stripped  to  l.«s  shirt  and  trow- 
.sers,  and  suffering  exceedingly  from  the  cold,  the  American  general 
was  foimd  by  Col.  Proctor,  near  to  one  of  the  Indinn  fires,  in  possession 
of  the  Wyandot  c\\w.{  Round- hecuV 

So,  according  to  the  judgment  of  this  historian,  Col.  Proctor  was  tmder 
no  obligation  to  keep  his  word,  because  there  was  "no  writing"  with  his 
name  to  it.  The  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a  defence  for  treachery 
may  calcidate  with  certainty  upon  the  value  posterity  will  set  upon  his 
work.  We  want  no  other  than  Col.  Proctor's  own  account  from  which 
to  condemn  him  of,  at  least,  great  want  of  humanity.  We  do  not  pretend 
that  the  Americans  were  always  free  from  the  same  charges ;  but  wc  would 
as  soon  scorn  their  extenuation  as  that  of  their  enemies. 

Round-head  was  present  with  (Jen.  Brock  and  Tecumseh  when  they 
took  possession  of  Detroit,  on  the  15  August,  1812.  Whin  abotit  to  cross 
the  river  to  lay  siege  to  Detroit,  Gen.  Brock  presented  Tecumseh  with  his 
red  sash.  This  chief  had  too  much  good  sense  to  wcjir  it,  well  knowing 
it  would  create  jealousy  among  the  other  chiefs,  who  considered  them- 
selves equal  with  him ;  he  therefore  presented  it  to  Round-head,  as  has 
been  mentioned  in  the  life  of  Tecumseh. 

Whether  this  chief  were  more  wise  than  Tecumseh,  in  the  last  affair  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged,  we  are  in)'!ble  to  say ;  but  it  ap|)ears  high- 
ly {)robable  that  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Prodor  was  the  cause  of  his  bemg 
abandoned  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  previous  to  the  battle  of  the 
Thames.f  As  Round-head  was  their  chiefj  to  him  will  be  attributed  the 
cause  of  their  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  written  after  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (we 
conclude,)  is  worthy  of  a  jjlace  here. 

"  The  Hurons,  and  the  other  l7'ibcs  of  Indians,  assembled  at  the  Miami 
Rapids,  to  the  mhabitaiits  of  the  River  Raisin. —  Frientfs,  li.itcn  !  You  have 
alxvays  told  us  you  loould  give  us  any  assistance  in  your  power.  We,  there- 
fore, as  the  enemy  is  approachins;  vs,  within  25  miles,  call  upon  you  all  to 
lise  up  and  come  here  immedi(dch;  hrinp;ino;  your  arms  along  toith  you. 
Shoxdd  you  fail  at  this  time,  we  will  not  consider  you  in  future  as  friends, 
and  the  consequences  may  be  ven/  unpleasant.     We  are  toell  convinced  you 


*  Tliomson  has  .522.     Hist.  Skcfclii'.i,  104. 

t  (ieii.  Harrison's  oflicial  leiter,  among  Brannan's  OJicial  Doc.  p.  237. 


10 


110 


WAMv-IN-THF.-WATKIl. 


[Book  V. 


have  no  writing  forbidding  you  to  assist  its.     h'e  are  your  friends  at 
present. 

Round-head  ■^»»^<  li'iH  iimrk. 

kyalk-in-the-ioaler  @  IiIh  murk.* 

Walk-in-the-water  also  m^nuli/ed  iiiirriclt'  in  these  evonts.  Iliu  nativt^ 
name  is  Mi/renth.  lln  Ih  a  liiiron,  of  tiio  trilM!  of  tlu;  WyaiidolH,  and,  in 
JH17,  n!8i(l(!(l  on  a  n-'wrvation  in  Michigan,  at  u  viilajfo  called  Magua^'a, 
near  lJrown.st(»wn.  Mr.  lirown,  in  his  valuable  Wkmtkr.n  (jazk.ttkfr, 
justly  styles  this  liimoiis  chief  one  of  "nature's  nobles."  The  unfortunate 
(jren.  Hull  m(;ntions  him  as  one  of  the  principal  "among  the  vast  number 
of  chiefs  who  led  the  hostile  hands"  of  the  west  when  the  war  of  IHiy 
oonnnenccd.  The  Kaskaskias  VVyandots,  in  1814,  were  n(;arly  e(|ually 
divided  between  a  chief  called  Tarhe,  which  signifies  the  Crane,  and 
Myeerah.  The  former  was  called  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  re- 
wded  at  Sandusky,  lie  was  a  very  venerabl<!  and  intelligent  chief.  In 
1812,  Myeerah  told  some  American  ofiicers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians 
to  secure  their  liivor,  that  the  American  government  was  acting  very 
wrong  to  send  an  army  into  tiieir  coimtry,  whi(;h  woidd  cut  off  their 
commimication  witli  Canada.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were  their  own 
miusters,  and  would  trade  where  they  pleased ;  that  the  alliiir  of  the  Wa- 
bash was  the  fiuilt  of  (Jen.  Harrison  entirely.  He  commanded  the  In- 
dian army  with  Round-head  at  the  battle  of  the  River  Uaisin. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which  also  Walk-in-the-water  was  a 
conspicuous  coiiunander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to 
ask  it  of  Gen.  Harrison.  In  crossing  from  Sandwich  with  a  white  flag, 
many  were  attracted  to  the  shore,  to  see  him,  where  also  were  drawn  up 
the  Kentucky  vohmteers.  All  were  struck  with  admiration  at  his  noble 
aspect  and  fearless  ciu'riage,  as  he  ascended  the  bank  and  passed  through 
the  ranks  of  the  soldiers.  The  greatest  firmness  attended  his  st(|)s,  and 
the  most  dignified  nonchalance  was  upon  his  countenance;  notwitlistand- 
ing  his  condition  was  now  calculated  to  discover  humiliation  and  deep 
depression.  Only  a  few  days  before,  he  had  fought  hand  to  hand  with 
these  same  volunteers,  whose  ranks  he  now  j)assed  through. 

We  have  not  heard  of  the  death  of  the  heroic  and  truly  great  chief 
Myeerah;  but,  whether  alive  or  dead,  our  veneration  is  the  same.  It  was 
saul  of  his  cotemporary,  Tecinnseh,  that  in  the  field  he  was  an  Achilles, 
and  in  the  council  an  Agamemnon.  At  least,  we  think,  as  much  may  in 
truth  be  said  of  Myeerah.  The  sequel  of  the  life  of  Tarhe  will  be  found 
in  a  former  chajjter,  where  he  figures  under  the  name  of  King  Crane.  In 
1807,  a  treaty  was  made  at  Detroit  between  the  Chippeways,  Ottowas, 
Pottowattomics  and  Wyandots  and  the  U.  States.  Two  chiefs  besides 
Myeerah  signed  on  behalf  of  the  last-named  tribe.  His  name  to  that 
treaty  is  written  Miere.  The  next  year,  1808,  another  treaty  was  made 
at  Brownstown  with  the  satne  tribes,  with  the  addition  of  two  delegates 
from  the  Shawanees.  Three  besides  Myeerah  signed  at  this  time.  He 
was  also,  we  believe,  a  party  to  the  treaty  made  at  Fort  Industry  in  1805, 
on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake. 

Less  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall 
say  something,  than  of  many  othei"s  less  distinguished. 

Teyoninhokerawen  was  a  Mohawk  chief,  who  is  generally  known  imder 
the  appellation  o^  John  Karton.  "  This  interesting  Indian,  about  two  years 
ago,  [1804  or  5,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposition  and  a  vigorous  intellect  produced  the  most  pleasing  imi)res- 
sions  on  all  who  were  introduced  to  him.     A  proof  of  his  possessing,  in  a 


*  English  Barbarities,  132. 


[Book  V 

■  friends  ai 

imi'k. 
IN  mark.* 

His  nativn 
lots,  and,  in 
t  Mii^iia^'n, 

lAZKTTKFU, 

untbrtunatf! 
iiHt  niunlti-r 
■ai-  of  1H12 
iirly  ('(lually 

Crane,  and 
ion,  and  n;- 
t  ciiicf.  In 
tlio  Indians 
nctinff  very 
It  ort"  tlu'ir 

tiieir  own 
of  tlio  Wa- 
lled the  In- 

water  was  a 
ir  rather  to 
white  flag, 
p  drawn  up 
kt  I  lis  noble 
)ed  tliroufih 
s  stepH,  and 
)twitiistand- 
and  deep 
land  with 

^reat  chief 

ne.     It  was 

an  JlchilleSj 

cii  may  in 

be  found 

Crane.   In 

,  Ottowas, 

cfs  besides 

me  to  that 

was  made 

delegates 

time.     He 

ry  in  1805, 

:;h  we  shall 

own  under 
t  two  yeai'S 
in  amiable 
ig  impres- 
ssing,  in  a 


Chap.  VIl  ] 


TEYONINIIOKF.RAWEN. 


in 


hij,'h  degree,  the  qualitieM  of  a  good  temper  and  great  mental  quioknoss, 
neeurred  at  the  upper  rooms,  at  llatli,  whijre  he  appmred  in  tht;  dress  of 
hiri  eoinitry.  A  young  Mnglishman,  who  had  been  in  Aiuerioa,  ae- 
eosted  the  ehief  with  wtveml  abrupt  (piestionM  respecting  his  plaee  of 
aliode,  situation,  and  the  like.  To  these  jVmton  returned  answers  at  once 
pertinent  and  u><"'est.  'I'he  immirer,  however,  expressed  liiiiiself  dis- 
Hatistied  with  tliem,  and  hiiit(Ml,  in  almost  plain  terms,  tiiat  he  believed 
him  to  be  an  impostor.  Still  the  Ameriean  suppressed  his  resentment, 
and  endeavored  to  (Mdivinee  the  ire  nth- man  that  tliis  aecount  of  himself 
mi:fht  Ix;  depended  upon.  '  Well,  hut,'  returned  the  other,  'if  you  n-ally 
ure  what  you  pretend  to  be,  how  will  yoti  relish  returning  to  the  savages 
of  your  own  eountry  ?' '  .S'tV,'  replied  Norton,  with  a  glanee  of  intelligenee, 
'  /  shiill  not  expericnre  so  frreat  a  change  in  m\j  soriiti/,  us  yon  I'mrtgi/ir,  for 
I  find  flurt  (irr  snvos^es  in  tkis  countri/  also.^  Animated  with  th<!  spirit  of 
genuine  patriotism,  this  generous  ehit^tlain  was  un  weariediy  oeeupied,  dur- 
ing the  intervals  of  his  publie  business,  in  aivpiiring  every  species  of 
useful  knowledge,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  it  to  his  own  eountry, 
for  the  beuelit  of  his  peoplt! ;  and  what  the  Irieuds  to  the  liappiiu'ss  of 
men  will  hear  with  still  greater  •.dmiration  and  pleasure,  lie  was  also 
engaged,  mider  the  auspices  of  M.*.  H'Uhvrforcs  imd  iMr.  Thornton,  in  the 
laborious  employment  of  translating  the  (jios|)el  of  St.  John  into  his  native 
tiuigue."*  Whether  that  published  by  the  American  Bible  Society  bo 
the  same  translation,  I  am  not  positive,  but  believe  it  is.  The  following 
is  the  ;kl  of  Chap.  i.  Y^orii^fnmt<j,-wrgon  ne  rode  werjcnokden,  ok  tsi  nikon  ne 
kai^lison  }l<igh  oghnakfioten  h notion  ne  ne  iicii>;li  rnonhah  te  hayhdare. 

We  learn  also  from  Mr.  Jttnsen  that  when  Teyoninhokvrawcn  was  in  Eng- 
land, he  "appeared  to  Ih;  about  45  years  of  age ;"  tall,  nuiscular,  and  well 
pro|)ortioned,  possessing  a  line  and  intelligent  countenance.  His  mother 
was  a  Scotch  woman,  and  he  had  spent  two  years  in  Edinburgh,  in  his 
youth,  namely,  from  his  JlJth  to  his  15th  year,  read  and  spoke  English  and 
FriMii-h  well.  He  was  married  to  a  female  of  his  own  tribe,  by  whom  he 
had  two  children.  He  served  in  the  last  war  with  the  English,  as  will 
|)r(!S(!ntly  he  related. 

Because  this  chief  spen*:  a  few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some 
historiansf  have  asserted  that  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a  Scotchman  ; 
and  a  writer|  of  a  sketch  of  the  late  Canada  war,  says  he  was  related  to 
the  French.  Of  this  we  have  no  doubt,  as  it  is  iu)t  uncommon  for  many 
of  those  who  pass  for  Indians  to  have  wliite  liuhers.  We  should  think, 
tlierefor(>,  that,  instead  of  his  mother's  being  a  Scotch  woman,  his  father 
might  have  been  a  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Of  JVorton''s  or  Teyoninhokerawen^ s  exploits  in  tlie  last  war,  there  were 
not  many,  we  presume,  as  there  are  not  mimy  recorded.  When  Col. 
Murray  surprised  Fort  Niagara,  on  the  15)  Dec.  1813,  .Norton  entered  the 
lln-t  with  him,  at  the  head  of  a  force  of  about  400  men.§  Fort  Niagara 
was  garrisoned  by  about  !J00  Americans,  of  whom  but  20  escai)ed.  All 
who  resisted,  and  some  who  did  not,  were  run  through  with  the  bayonet. 
We  only  know  that  JVorlon  was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  (J  June,  1814,  Gen.  Vincent  and  JVorton,  with  a  considerable 
force,]]  attacked  an  American  camp  ten  miles  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a 
place  called  Fifty  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  was  made  before  day  on  a  Sun- 
day morning.  The  invaders  seized  upon  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  turned 
them  upon  their  enemies.     The  night  was  very  dark,  and  the  confusion 

*  Janson's  Stranger  in  America,  27U.  4lo,  Loiulon,  1807. 

t  Jiimns,  Military  Occurrences,  ii.  1().         {  Mr.  M.  Smith,  wlio  lived  then  in  Canada. 
^  Some  American  historians  say,  "  Briiisli  and  bidians  ;"  hut  Mr.  Janus  (ii.   IG.) 
fays  there  was  but  one  "  Inrlian,"  and  he  was  a  Scotchmaii  I 
il  The  number  of  rank  and  lile  wa;  lOl,  of  the  Americans  about  3000. 


113 


WAWNAHTON. 


[Book  V. 


waa  very  great.  Tlie  American  generals  Chandler  and  fVinder,  one  ma- 
jor, five  capluins,  one  lieutenant,  ind  I IG  men,  were  taken  prisonei-a.  Never- 
tlielesa  the  Americans  fought  with  such  resolution  that  the  attacking  parly 
were  obliged  to  abandon  their  advantage,  leaving  150  of  thcnr  number 
Itehind  them.  They,  however,  carried  off  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some 
honses. 

The  next  chief  we  introduce  chiefly  to  illustrate  a  most  extraojdinary 
mode  of  doing  penance,  among  the  nations  of  the  west. 


fVaicnahton,*  a  bold  and  fearless  chief,  of  the  tribe  of  Yankton,f  (whose 
name,  translated,  is  "  he  ivho  charges  the  enetny,'")  was  considerably  noted 
in  the  last  war  with  Canada.  "  lie  had,"  says  my  author,  "killed  seven 
enemies  in  battle  with  liisown  hand,  as  the  seven  war-eagle  plumes  in  his 
hair  testified,  and  received  nine  wounds,  as  was  shown  by  an  equal  number 
of  little  sticks  arranged  in  his  coal-black  hair,  and  painted  in  a  manner 
that  told  an  Indian  eye  whether  they  were  inflicted  by  a  bullet,  knife  or 
tomahawk,  and  by  whom.  Ac  the  attack  on  Fort  Sandusky,  in  the  late 
war,  he  received  a  bullet  and  three  buck  slifit  in  his  breast,  which  glanced  on 
the  bone,  and  passing  round  under  the  skin,  came  out  at  his  back."  Tfiis, 
and  other  extraordinary  (-scapes,  he  made  use  of,  like  tli(>  famous  Tuspa- 
(//n'n,  two  ages  before,  to  render  himself  of  gr(>atcr  imi>ortance  among  his 
nation.  At  this  tinie  he  was  siipiKtsed  to  bi;  about  .'30  years  of  age,  of  a 
noble  and  elegant  appearance,  and  is  still  believed  to  be  living.:^ 

Major  hong's  company  considered  Waumahtov.  a  very  inU'rcsiing  man, 
whose  ac(]uaintance  they  cultivated  with  success  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Jiake.  Traverse.     They  describe  him  as  upwards  of  six  feet  high,  and 


Wanotan,  in  Long's  Exped.  to  St.  Peters,  i.  448 
Yanktoan,  (  Long,  ib.  40't, 
+  Facts  publislied  by  W. ./, 


t  Yanktoan,  {Long,  ih.  -lOt,)  which  siiftiilies  descended  from  the  fern  leaves. 

"    '  "'  h  is  said  ny  ATeafiRj^,  in  Lorig'*  Expcd. 


Snelliiig,  I'jSii. 
i.  448,  that  he  was  about  23  years  of  ago.    This  was  iu  1823. 


[Book  V. 

er,  Olio  ma- 
era.  Never- 
icking  party 
i;ir  number 
n  and  somo 

:traoi(linary 


on,f  (whose 

ably  noted 

lied  seven 

ines  in  Hm 

al  number 

a  manner 

t,  knii'o  or 

in  the  late 

pljuieed  on 

<."     Tfiis, 

IS  Tuspa- 

uiiong  his 

age,  of  a 

stinjj  man, 
orhood  of 
higli,  and 


PH. 

ma's  Expcd. 


Chap.  VII] 


BLACK-THUNDER. 


113 


possessing  a  countenance  that  would  be  considered  handsome  in  anj 
country.  He  prepared  a  feast  for  the  party,  as  soon  as  he  knew  they 
were  coming  to  his  village.  "  When  speaking  of  the  Dacota.s,  we  pur- 
posely postponed  mentioning  the  fretiuent  vows  which  they  make,  and 
their  strict  adherence  to  them,  because  one  of  the  best  evidences  which 
we  have  collected  on  this  point  connects  itself  with  the  character  of  fVa- 
notan,  and  may  ^tve  a  favorable  idea  of  his  extreme  fortitude  in  enduring 
pain.  In  the  summer  of  1822  he  undertook  a  journey,  from  which,  ap- 
prehending much  danger  on  the  part  of  the  Cliippewas,  he  made  a  vow 
to  the  sun,  that,  if  he  retunied  safe,  he  would  abstain  from  all  food  or 
drink  for  the  space  of  four  successive  days  and  nights,  and  that  he  would 
distribute  among  his  people  all  the  pro|)erty  which  he  |)ossessed,  including 
all  his  lodges,  horses,  dogs,  &c.  On  his  return,  whicli  happened  without 
accident,  he  celebrated  the  dance  of  tlie  sun ;  this  consisted  in  making 
three  cuts  through  his  skin,  one  on  his  breast,  and  one  on  each  of  his 
arms.  The  skin  was  cut  in  the  manner  of  a  loop,  so  as  to  ptirinit  a  rope 
to  pass  between  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  vvjis  thus  divided 
from  the  body.  The  ropes  being  passed  through,  their  ends  were  secur- 
ed to  a  tall  vertical  pole,  planted  at  about  40  yards  from  his  lodge.  H« 
then  began  to  dance  round  this  pole,  at  the  conmiencement  of  this  fast, 
frequently  swinging  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  be  supported  merely  by 
the  cords  which  were  secured  to  the  strips  of  skin  separated  from  his 
arms  and  breast.  He  continued  this  exercise  with  few  intermissions 
during  the  whole  of  his  fast,  until  the  fourth  day  about  10  o'clock,  A.  M., 
when  the  strip  of  skin  from  his  breast  gave  way ;  notwithstanding  which 
he  interrupted  not  the  dance,  although  supported  merely  by  his  arms. 
At  noon  the  strp  nom  his  left  arm  snapped  off':  his  uncle  then  thought 
tliat  he  had  suffered  enough,"  and  with  his  knife  cut  the  last  loop  of  skin, 
and  Wanotan  fell  down  in  a  swoon,  where  he  lay  the  rest  of  the  day.  ex- 
posed to  the  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  After  this  he  gave  away  all  his 
property,  and  with  his  two  squaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To  such  mon- 
strous follies  does  superstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

Black-thunder,  or  Mackkatananamakee,  was  styled  the  celebrated  patriarch 
of  the  Fox  tribe.  He  made  himself  remembered  by  many  from  an  excellent 
speech  which  he  made  to  the  American  commissioners,  who  had  assem- 
bled many  chiefs  at  a  place  called  tlie  Portage,  July,  1815,  to  hold  a  talk 
with  them,  upon  the  state  of  their  afflilrs ;  particularly  as  it  was  believed 
by  the  Americans  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostilities.  An  Vmerican 
commissioner  opened  the  talk,  and  unbecomingly  accused  the  Indians  of 
breach  of  former  treaties.  The  first  chiuf  that  answered,  spoke  with  a 
tremulous  voice,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  or  ])erliaps  fear.  Not  so 
whh  the  u])r\f^\\t  chn^f  Black-tlnmder.  He  feltj^equally  iiidigiwiit  at  the 
charge  of  the  white  man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  the  chiei  ,yho  had 
just  spoken.     He  bejran ; — 

"  l\Iy  father,  restrain  your  feeliups,  and  hear  calmly  what  1  shall  say. 
I  shall  say  it  i»lainly.  I  shall  not  speak  with  ftiu*  and  trenibling.  I  havB 
never  injured  you,  and  innocence  can  feel  no  fear.  I  turn  to  you  all,  red- 
skins and  while-skins—  •vliere  is  the  man  who  will  appear  as  my  accuser? 
Father,  I  und'^-stand  not  clearly  how  things  arc  working.  I  have  just 
been  set  at  lib  rty.  Am  I  aj^ain  to  be  pluiiired  into  bondage?  Frowns 
are  all  aromid  me;  but  I  am  incapablt!  ol' change.  You,  jjerhaps,  may 
be  ignorant  of  what  1  tell  you  ;  but  it  is  a  truth,  which  1  call  heaven  and 
earth  to  witness.  It  is  a  liict  which  can  easily  be  proved,  that  I  hav« 
been  assailed  in  almost  every  possible  way  that  pride,  fear,  leeling,  or  in- 
terest, could  touch  me — that  I  have  been  pushed  to  the  last  to  raise  ihu 
tomahawk  against  you  ;  but  all  in  vain.  1  never  could  be  made  to  feet 
that  you  were  my  enemy.  If  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  cneviu,  I  shall  ncvtr 
10  » 


114 


ONGPATONGA. 


[Book  V. 


'.    I 


bt  your  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with  my  removal  above  Preirie  des 
Chiens.*  I  went,  and  formed  a  settlement,  and  called  my  warriors  around 
me.  We  took  counsel,  and  from  that  counsel  we  never  have  departed. 
We  smoked,  and  resolved  to  make  conunon  cause  with  the  U.  States.  I 
sent  you  the  pipe — it  resembled  this — and  1  sent  it  by  the  Missouri,  that 
the  Indians  of  the  Mississippi  might  not  know  what  we  were  doing.  You 
received  it.  I  then  told  you  that  your  friends  should  be  my  friends — that 
your  enemies  should  be  my  enemies — and  that  I  only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.  Jf  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  enemy,  I  shall  never  be  your 
friend. — Why  do  I  tell  you  this?  Because  it  is  a  truth,  and  a  melancholy 
truth,  that  the  good  things  which  men  do  are  often  buried  in  the  ground, 
wJiile  their  evil  deeds  are  stripped  naked,  and  exposed  to  the  world.f — 
When  I  came  here,  I  came  to  you  in  friendship.  I  little  thought  I  should 
have  had  to  defend  myself.  I  have  no  defence  to  make.  If  I  were 
guilty,  I  should  have  come  pr('f)ared ;  but  I  have  ever  held  you  by  the 


hand,  and  I  am  come  without  excuses.     If  I  had 


fought 


against  you,  I 


would  have  told  you  so :  but  I  have  nothing  now  to  say  here  in  your 
councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I  said  before  to  my  great  father,  the  pres- 
ident of  your  nation.  You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt  remember  it.  It  was 
simply  this.  My  lands  can  never  be  surrendered;  I  was  cheated,  and 
basely  cheated,  in  the  contract ;  I  will  not  surrender  my  country  but  with 
my  life.  Again  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness,  and  I  smoke  this  pipe 
in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.  If  you  are  sinc'3re,  you  will  receive  it  from 
me.  My  only  dt-aire  is,  that  we  should  smoke  it  together — that  I  should 
grasp  your  sacred  hand,  and  I  claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe  the  protec- 
tion of  your  country.  When  this  pipe  touches  your  lip,  may  it  operate 
as  a  blessing  upon  all  my  tribe. — May  the  smoke  rise  like  a  cloud,  aiul  car- 
ry away  with  it  all  the  animosities  ivhich  have  arisen  between  wff."| 

The  issue  of  this  council  was  amicable,  and  on  the  14  Sept.  following. 
Black-thunder  met  commissioners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

Ongpatojiga,^  or,  as  he  was  usually  called.  Big-elk,  was  chief  of  the 
Mahas  or  Omawhaws,  whose  residence,  in  1811,  was  upon  the  Missoin-i.|| 
Mr.  Brackenridge  visited  his  towi:  on  the  19  May  of  that  year,  in  his  voy- 
Age  up  that  river.  His  "village  is  situated  about  three  miles  from  the 
river,  and  contains  about  »iOOO  souls,  and  is  830  miles  from  its  mouth."^ 
We  shall  give  here,  as  an  introduction  to  liini,  the  oration  he  made  over 
the  grave  o^ Black-buffalo,  a  Sioux  chief  of  the  Teton  tribe,  who  died  on 
the  night  of  the  14  July,  1811,  at  "Portage  des  Sioux,"  and  of  whom  Mr. 
Brackenridge  remarks:**  "The  Black-buffalo  was  the  Sioux  chief  with 
w  liom  we  had  the  conference  at  the  great  bend ;  and,  from  his  apf)ear- 
ance  and  mild  deportment,  I  was  induced  to  form  a  high  opinion  of  him." 
After  being  interred  with  honors  of  war,  Ongputonga  s|)oke  to  those  as- 
honibled  as  follows: — " Do  not  grieve.  Misfortunes  will  haf)pen  to  the 
wisest  and  best  men.  Death  will  come,  and  always  comes  out  of  season. 
It  is  the  command  of  the  Great  S[)irit,  and  all  nations  and  people  must 
obey.     What  is  passed  and  ctnnot  be  prevented  should  not  be  grieved 


*  The  upper  military  post  upon  tlie  Mississippi,  in  1818. 

t  "  Tiiis  passag'c  forcibl}-  remiiui.s  us  ol'tliat  in  Slut'  speare :" 

'  The  evil  that  men  do  lives  after  them  ; 
The  good  is  often  interred  wltli  tlieir  bones.' 

X  Philadelphia  Lit.  Gazette. 

^  Ons^ip-pon-we,  in  lro(]nois,  was  •'men  surpassing  all  others."     Hist.  Five  Nation$ 

II  "  The  O'Malias,  in  number  2250,  not  long  ago,  abandoned  their  old  village  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Missouri,  and  now  dwell  on  ilio  Rlk-horn  Ilivcr,  due  wesi  irom  their 
old  village,  80  miles  west-north  west  from  Council  Bluffs."  Morse's  Ind.  llept.  231. 

T  Brackenridge,  ut  sup.  91.  **  Jour,  up  the  Missouri,  240. 


[Book  V. 

Preirie  des 
iors  around 
re  departed. 
.  States.  I 
issouri,  that 
oing.  You 
icnds — that 
your  signal 
ver  be  your 
melancholy 
ihe  ground, 
e  world.f — 
rht  I  should 

If  I  were 
you  by  the 
aiiist  you,  I 
!re  in  your 
3r,  the  pres- 

it.  It  was 
heated,  and 
try  but  with 
ke  this  pipe 
eive  it  from 
at  I  should 

the  protcc- 
ly  it  oi)erate 
id,  and  car- 

"t 

t.  following, 
a  treaty  of 

ihief  of  the 
lMissouri.ll 
in  his  voy- 
froin  the 
niouth."ir 
made  over 
ho  died  on 
whom  3Ir. 
chief  with 
lis  appear- 
on  of  him." 
o  those  as- 
)oi\  to  the 
of  season, 
'ople  must 
be  grieved 


Five  Nationt. 
nllanjo  on  the 
St  irom  tlieir 
.opt.  251. 
ssouri,  240. 


Chap.  VII] 


ONGPATONOA. 


115 


for.     Be  not  discouraged  or  displeased  then,  that  in  visiting  your  father* 
here,  [the  American  commissioner,]  you  have  lost  your  chief.    A  mis- 


fortune of  this  kind  may  never  again  befall  you,  but  this  would  have  at- 
tended you  perhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I  visited  this 
land,  and  never  returned  with  son  ovv  or  pain.  Misfortunes  do  not  flour- 
ish particularly  in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a  misfor- 
tune for  me,  that  I  could  not  have  died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that 
lies  before  us.  The  trifling  loss  my  nation  would  have  sustained  in  my 
death,  would  have  been  doubly  paid  for  by  the  honors  of  my  burial. 
They  would  have  wiped  off*  every  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being 
covered  with  a  cloud  of  sorrow,  my  warriors  would  have  felt  the  siiii- 
Bliine  of  joy  in  their  hearts.  To  me  it  woul(^have  been  a  most  glorious 
occurrence.  Hereafter,  when  I  die  at  home,  instead  of  a  noble  grave  and 
a  grand  procession,  the  rolling  music  and  the  thundering  cannon,  wiiii 
a  flag  waving  at  my  head,  I  shall  be  wrapped  in  a  robe,  (an  old  robe  jier- 
-Iiaps,)  and  hoisted  on  a  slender  scaffold  to  the  whistling  winds,t  soon  to 
be  blown  down  to  the  earth.J:  My  flesh  to  be  devoured  by  the  wolves, 
and  my  bones  rattled  on  the  plain  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  sol- 
diers, [addressing  Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  hav(!  not  been  in  vain.  Your 
attention  shall  not  be  forgotten.  IMy  nation  shall  know  the  respect  that  is 
paid  over  the  dead.  When  I  return  I  will  echo  the  sound  of  your  guns." 
Dr.  Morse  saw  Ongpatonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and 

•  Gov.  Edwards  or  Col.  Miller. 

t  It  is  a  custom  to  cxiiose  llic  dead  upon  a  scnfTbld  among;  some  of  the  tribes  of  lb* 
west.    See  ifracAcnn't/ifc,  Jour.,  !!!().;  y'iA:c'«  Expodition  ;  /,o/»^'.9  do. 
\  Tha  engravings  at  tlie  comincitcumcut  of  Book  II,  illustrates  this  passage. 


116 


PETALESHAROO. 


[Book  T. 


'.    I 


discoursed  with  hini  nnd  Ishkatappa,  chief  of  the  republican  Pauneea, 
"on  the  subject  of  tlieir  civilization,  and  sending  instrueters  among  them 
for  that  purpose."  The  doctor  has  printed  the  conversation,  and  we  are 
sorry  to  acknowledge  that,  on  reading  it,  Big-elk  suffers  in  our  estima- 
tion ;  but  his  age  must  be  his  excuse.  When  he  was  asked  who  made 
the  red  and  white  people,  he  answered,  "The  same  Being  who  made  the 
white  people,  made  the  red  people ;  but  the  white  are  better  than  the  red 
people."  This  acknowledgment  is  too  degrading,  and  does  not  comport 
with  the  general  character  of  the  American  Indians.  It  is  not,  however, 
very  surprising  that  such  an  expression  should  escape  an  individual  sur- 
rour'  J,  as  was  Qngpatonga,  by  magnificence,  luxu'-y,  and  attention  from 
the  great. 

Big-elk  was  a  party  to  several  treaties,  made  between  his  nation  and 
the  United  States,  previous  to  his  visit  to  Washington  in  "821. 


Petalesharoo  was  not  a  chief,  but  a  brave  of  the  tribe  of  the  Paunees. 
(A  brave  is  a  warrior  who  has  distinguished  himself  in  battle,  and  is  next  in 
importance  to  a  chief*)  He  was  the  son  of  Leteltsha,  a  famous  chief,  com- 
rnoidy  called  the  Knife-chief,  or  Old-knife.  When  Major  Long  and  his 
company  travelled  across  the  continent,  in  1819  and  20,  they  became  ac- 
quainted witii  retalesharoo.  From  several  persons  who  were  in  Long's 
company.  Dr.  Morse  collected  the  particular  of  him  which  he  gives  in  \i\» 
Indian  Report  as  an  anecdote. 

In  the  winter  of  1821,  Petalesharoo  visited  Washington,  being  one  of  a 
deputation  from  his  nation  to  the  American  government,  on  a  busiuew 
matter. 


Long's  Expedition,  i.  356 ;  and  Dr.  Morse's  Indian  Report,  247. 


[Book  T. 

1  Paunees, 
aong  thetn 
nd  we  are 
ur  estitna- 
ivho  made 
)  made  the 
an  the  red 
ot  comport 
:,  however, 
ridual  sur- 
ntion  from 

nntion  and 


Chap.  VH.] 


PETALESIIAROO. 


117 


PauncM. 
is  next  iu 
lief,  com- 

1^  and  his 
came  ac- 
in  Long's 

ives  in  hut 

Z  one  of  ft 
butjiueM 


This  brave  was  of  elegant  form  and  countenance,  and  was  attired,  in 
his  visit  to  Washington,  as  represented  in  the  above  engraving.  In  1821, 
he  was  about  25  years  of  age.  At  the  age  of  21,  he  was  so  distinguished  by 
his  abilities  and  prowess,  that  he  was  called  ihn  ^^  bravest  of  the  braves.''^ 
IJut  few  yeara  previous  to  1821,  it  was  a  custom,  not  only  with  his  nation, 
but  those  adjacent,  to  torture  and  burn  captivos  as  saoritices  to  the  great 
Star.  In  an  expedition  performed  by  some  of  his  couutrynieu  against  the 
Iteans,  a  female  was  taken,  who,  on  tlicir  return,  was  doomed  to  suffer 
according  to  their  usages.  She  was  fujJtened  to  the  stake,  and  a  vast 
crowd  assembled  upon  the  adjoining  plain  to  witness  the  scene.  This 
brave,  unobserved,  had  stationed  two  fleet  horses  at  a  small  distance,  and 
was  seated  among  the  crowd,  as  a  silent  spectator.  All  were  anxiously 
waiting  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of  the  first  contact  of  the  flames  with  their 
victim ;  when,  to  their  astonishment,  a  brave  was  seen  rending  asunder 
the  cords  which  bcimd  her,  and,  with  the  swiflncss  of  thought,  bearing  her 
in  his  arms  beyond  the  amazed  multitude ;  where  placing  her  upon  one 
horse,  and  mounting  himself  upon  the  other,  he  bore  her  off  safe  to  her 
friends  and  coimtry.  This  act  would  have  endangered  the  life  of  an  or- 
dinary .ief,  but  such  was  his  sway  in  the  tribe,  that  no  one  presumed 
to  censure  the  daring  act. 

This  transaction  was  the  mors  extraordinarj',  as  its  performer  was  as 
much  a  son  of  nature,  and  had  had  no  more  of  the  advantages  of  educa- 
tion, than  the  multitude  whom  he  astonished  by  the  humane  act  just 
recorded. 

This  account  being  circulated  at  Washington,  during  the  young  chief's 
stay  there,  the  young  ladies  of  Miss  White's  seminary  in  that  place,  re- 
solved to  give  him  a  demonstration  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they 
held  him  on  account  of  his  humane  conduct;  they  therefore  presented 
him  an  elegant  silver  medal,  appropriately  inscribed,  accompanied  by  the 
following  short  but  affectionate  address :  "  Brother,  accept  this  token  of 
our  esteem — always  wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  you  have 
the  power  to  save  a  poor  woman  from  death  and  torture — think  of  this, 
and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her  relief  and  her  rescue."  The  brave's  reply : — 
"  This  [taking  hold  of  the  medal  which  he  had  just  suspended  from  his 
neck]  ivill  give  me  ease  more  than  I  ever  had,  and  I  loill  listen  more  than  I 
ever  did  to  white  men.  I  am  glad  that  my  brothers  and  sisters  have  heard  of 
the  good  act  I  have  do  le.  My  brothers  and  sisters  think  that  I  did  it  in  ig- 
norance, but  I  now  kno  V  ichat  I  have  done.  I  did,  it  in  ignorance,  and  did 
not  know  that  I  did  gooi;  but  by  giving  me  this  medal  I  kuow  it." 

Some  time  afler  the  attempt  to  sacrifice  the  Itoan  woman,  one  of  the 
warriors  of  Letelcsha  brought  to  the  nation  a  Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
taken.  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
was  appointed.  Letclesha  hod  a  long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the 
custom,  an-J  now  consulted  Petalesharoo  ujion  the  course  to  be  puisued. 
The  young  trare  said,  "I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a  warrior  should,  by 
force."  liis  father  was  unwilling  tliat  he  should  expose  his  life  a  second 
time,  and  used  great  exertions  to  raise  a  sufiicient  quantity  of  merchan- 
dize for  the  [)in'chase  of  the  captive.  All  that  were  able  contributed, 
and  a  pile  was  made  of  it  at  the  lodge  of  the  Knife-chief,  who  then  sum- 
moned the  warrior  before  him.  When  he  had  arrived,  the  chief  com- 
manded him  to  take  the  merchnndize,  and  deliver  the  boy  to  him.  The 
warrior  refused.  Letelesha  then  waved  his  war-club  in  the  air,  bade  the 
warrior  obey  or  prepare  for  instant  death.  ^^  Strike,"  said  Petalesharoo, 
"  I  will  meet  the  vengeance  of  his  friends."  Rut  the  prudent  and  excellent 
Letelesha  resolved  to  use  one  more  endeavor  before  committing  such  an 
act.  He  therefore  increased  the  atnount  of  property,  which  had  the  de- 
sired effect.    The  boy  was  surrendered,  and  the  valuable  collection  of 


118 


MKTli;A. 


[DooK  v. 


goods  sacrificed  in  liis  stead.*  This,  it  is  tliouglit,  will  be  the  last  time 
the  inhuman  ciihiom  will  he  attempted  in  the  tribe.  "The  origin  of  this 
sangninary  sacrifice  is  nnknown ;  probably  it  existed  previously  to  their 
intercourse  with  the  white  traders,"!  They  believed  that  the  success  of 
their  enterprises,  and  all  undertakings,  depended  upon  their  faithfully 
adhering  to  the  due  performance  of  these  rites. 

In  his  way  to  Washington,  he  staid  some  days  in  Philadelphia,  where 
Mr.  JVeagle  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  taking  his  j)ortrait,  which  he  per- 
formed with  wonderful  success.  It  was  copied  lor  Dr.  Godinan^s  Natural 
History,  and  adorns  the  second  volume  of  that  valuable  work. 


Metea,  chief  of  the  Pottowattomies,  is  brought  to  our  notice  on  ac- 
r-ount  of  the  opposition  he  made  to  the  sale  of  a  large  tract  of  his  country. 
In  1821,  he  resided  upon  the  Wabash.  To  numerous  treaties,  from  1814 
to  1821,  we  find  his  name,  and  generally  at  the  head  of  those  of  his  tribe. 
At  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  in  the  year  last  mentioned,  he  delivered  the 
following  speech,  after  Gov.  Cass  had  informei'.  him  of  the  objects  of  his 
mission. 

"  My  father,— We  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said.  We  shall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  consult  upon  it.  You  will  hear  nothing  more 
from  us  at  present.  [This  is  a  uniform  custom  of  all  the  Indians.  When 
tlie  council  was  again  convened,  Metea  continued.]  We  meet  you  here 
to-day,  biicause  we  had  promised  it,  to  tell  you  our  minds,  and  what  we 
have  agreed  upon  among  ourselves.  You  will  listen  to  us  with  a  good 
mind,  and  believe  what  we  say.  You  know  that  we  first  came  to  this 
country,  a  long  time  ago,  and  when  we  sat  ourselves  down  upon  it,  we 
met  with  a  gr(;at  many  hardships  and  difHculties.  Our  country  was  then 
very  large,  but  it  has  dwindled  away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  pur- 


Long,  tU  supra,  357-8. 


t  Ibid, 


[Book  V. 

last  time 
[ill  of  this 
y  to  their 
iiccras  of 

Ihithfully 

I  in,  where 
ti  he  per- 
'»  Natural 


on  ac- 

country. 

rrorn  1814 

Ills  tribe. 

'cred  the 

Its  of  his 

hall  now 
ng  more 
When 
you  here 
what 

a 

to  this 
an  it,  we 
wus  then 
h  to  pur- 


we 
good 


Chap.  VII.] 


METEA. 


119 


chase  that !  This  has  caused  us  to  reflect  much  upon  what  you  have 
told  us ;  and  we  have,  therefore,  brought  all  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  and 
the  young  men  and  women  and  children  of  our  tribe,  that  one  part  may 
not  do  what  the  others  object  to,  and  that  all  may  be  witness  of  what  is 
going  forward.  You  know  your  children.  Since  you  first  came  among 
tliem,  they  have  listened  to  your  words  with  an  attentive  ear,  and  have 
always  hearkened  to  your  counsels.  Whenever  you  have  had  u  proposal 
to  make  to  us,  whenever  you  have  had  a  favor  to  ask  of  us,  we  have  al- 
ways lent  a  favorable  ear,  and  our  invariable  answer  has  been  'yes.' 
This  you  know!  A  long  time  has  passed  since  we  first  came  upon  our 
lands,  and  our  old  peo|)le  have  all  sunk  into  their  graves.  They  had 
sense.  We  are  all  young  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  thing 
that  they  would  not  approve,  were  they  living.  We  are  fearful  we  shall 
offend  their  spirits,  if  we  sell  our  lands ;  and  we  are  fea'  ful  we  shall  of- 
fend you,  if  we  do  not  sell  them.  This  has  caused  us  g.eat  perplexity  of 
thought,  because  we  have  counselled  among  ourselves,  and  do  not  know 
how  we  can  part  with  the  land.  Our  country  was  given  to  us  by  the 
Great  Spirit,  who  gave  it  to  us  to  hunt  upon,  to  make  our  cornfields  upon, 
to  five  upon,  and  to  make  down  our  beds  upon  when  we  die.  And  he 
would  never  forgive  us,  should  we  bargain  it  away.  When  you  first 
spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  St.  Mary's,  we  said  we  had  a  little,  and  agreed  to 
sell  you  a  piece  of  it ;  but  we  told  you  we  could  spare  no  more.  Now 
you  ask  us  again.  You  are  never  satisfied  !  We  have  sold  you  a  great 
tract  of  land,  already ;  but  it  is  not  enough !  We  sold  it  to  you  for  the 
benefit  of  your  children,  to  farm  and  to  live  upon.  We  have  now  but 
little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  for  ourselves.  We  know  not  how  long 
we  may  live,  and  we  wish  to  have  some  lands  for  our  children  to  hunt 
upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  our  hunting-grounds.  Your  chil- 
dren are  driving  us  before  them.  We  are  growing  uneasy.  What  lands 
you  have,  you  may  retain  for  ever ;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more.  You 
think,  perhaps,  that  I  speak  in  passion ;  but  my  heart  is  good  towards  you. 
I  speak  like  one  of  your  own  children.  I  am  an  Indian,  a  red-skin,  and 
live  by  hunting  and  fishing,  but  my  country  is  already  too  f^mall ;  and  I 
do  not  know  how  to  bring  up  my  children,  if  I  give  it  all  away.  We 
sold  you  a  fine  tract  of  land  at  St.  Mary's.  We  said  to  you  then  it  was 
enough  to  satisfy  your  children,  and  the  last  we  should  sell:  and  we 
thought  it  would  be  the  last  you  would  ask  for.  We  have  now  told  you 
what  we  had  to  say.  It  is  what  was  determined  on,  in  a  council  among 
ourselves  ;  and  what  I  have  spoken,  is  the  voice  of  my  nation.  On  this 
account,  all  our  people  have  come  here  to  listen  to  me ;  but  do  not  think 
we  have  a  bad  opinion  of  you.  Where  should  we  get  a  bad  opinion  of 
you  ?  We  speak  to  you  with  a  good  heart,  and  the  feelings  of  a  friend. 
You  are  acquainted  with  this  piece  of  land — the  country  we  live  in. 
Shall  we  give  it  up?  Take  notice,  it  is  a  small  piece  of  land,  and  if  we 
give  it  away,  what  will  become  of  us  ?  The  Great  Spirit,  who  has  pro- 
vided it  for  our  use,  allows  us  to  keep  it,  to  bring  up  our  young  men 
and  support  oiu*  families.  We  should  incur  his  anger,  if  we  bartered  it 
away.  If  we  had  more  land,  you  should  get  more,  but  our  land  has  been 
wasting  away  ever  since  the  white  people  became  our  neighbors,  and  we 
have  now  hardly  enough  left  to  cover  the  bones  of  our  tribe.  You  are 
in  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in  money,  we  wish, 
and  will  receive  at  this  place ;  and  we  want  nothing  more.  We  all  shake 
hands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  children.  Take 
pity  on  us  and  on  our  words." 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  by  Metea  in  this  speech, 
against  selling  land,  yet  his  name  is  to  the  treaty  of  sale.    And  in  another 


130 


KEEWAGOUSIIKUM. 


[Book  V. 


speech  of  about  equal  length,  delivered  shortly  alter,  upon  the  same  sub- 
ject, the  same  determination  is  nianitcst  througliout. 

At  this  time  he  appeared  to  be  about  forty  years  of  age,  and  of  a  noble 
and  dignified  appearance.  He  is  allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief 
of  his  nation.  In  the  Jast  war,  ho  fought  against  the  Americans,  and,  in 
the  attack  on  Fort  Wayne,  was  severely  wounded  ;  on  which  account  he 
draws  a  pension  from  the  British  government.* 

At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
several  other  chiefs,  besides  Metea,  or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
Meeteya,  were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a  remembrance.  Among 
them  may  be  particularly  named 

Keewagoushkum,  a  chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  nation. 
We  shall  give  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
very  valuable,  as  well  on  account  of  the  history  it  contains,  as  for  its 
merits  in  other  respects.  Indian  History  by  an  Indian,  must  be  the 
most  valuable  |)art  of  any  work  about  them.     Keeivagoushkum  began : — 

"My  father,  listen  to  me!  The  first  white  people  seen  by  us  were 
the  French.  When  they  first  ventured  into  these  lakes  they  hailed  us  as 
children  ;  they  came  with  presents  and  promises  of  peace,  and  we  took 
them  by  the  hand.  We  gave  them  what  they  wanted,  and  initiated  them 
into  our  mode  of  life,  which  they  readily  fell  into.  After  some  time, 
during  which  we  had  become  well  acquainted,  we  embraced  their  father, 
(the  king  of  France,)  as  our  father.  Shortly  afler,  these  people  that  wear 
red  coats,  (the  English,)  came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  French ; 
and  they  extended  their  hand  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  the  French 
were  overthrown,  the  British  told  us, '  We  will  clothe  you  in  the  same 
manner  the  French  did.  We  will  supply  you  with  all  you  want,  and 
will  purchase  all  your  peltries,  as  they  did.'  Sure  enough !  after  the 
British  took  possession  of  the  country,  they  fulfilled  all  their  promises. 
When  they  told  us  we  should  have  any  thing  we  were  sure  to  get  it ;  and 
we  got  from  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  after  the  British  had  been 
in  possession  of  the  country,  it  was  reported  that  another  people,  who 
wore  white  clothes,  had  arisen  and  driven  the  British  out  of  the  land. 
These  people  we  first  met  at  Greenville,  [in  171)5,  to  treat  with  Gen. 
fVayne,]  and  took  them  by  the  hand. — When  the  Indians  first  met  the 
American  chief,  [Wayne,]  in  council,  there  were  but  few  Ottowas  pres- 
ent ;  but  he  said  to  them, '  When  I  sit  myself  down  at  Detroit,  you  will 
all  see  me.'  Shortly  after,  he  arrived  at  Detroit.  Proclamation  was  then 
made  for  all  the  Indians  to  come  in. — We  were  told,  [by  the  general,] 
'  The  reason  I  do  not  push  those  British  farther  is,  that  we  may  not  forget 
their  example  in  giving  you  presents  of  cloth,  arms,  ammunition,  and 
whatever  else  you  may  require.'  Sure  enough !  The  first  time,  we  were 
clothed  with  great  liberality.  You  gave  us  strouds,  guns,  anmiunition, 
and  many  other  things  we  stood  in  need  of,  and  said,  '  This  is  the  way 
you  may  always  expect  to  be  used.'  It  was  also  said,  that  whenever  we 
were  in  great  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — When  the  Indians  on  the 
Maiuiiee  were  first  about  to  sell  their  lands,  we  heard  it  with  both  ears, 
but  we  never  received  a  dollar. — The  Chippewas,  the  Poltowattomies, 
and  the  Ottowas  tvere,  orip^inally,  but  one  nation.  We  sej)arated  from 
each  other  near  Micliilimackinac.  We  were  related  by  the  ties  of  blood, 
language  and  interest;  but  in  the  couree  of  a  longtime,  these  things  have 
been  forgotten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  their  lands,  without  consulting 
us." — "  Our  brothers,  the  Chippew^is,  have  also  sold  you  a  large  tract  of 
land  at  Saganaw.  Pople  are  constantly  passing  Jlirough  the  country, 
but  we  received  neither  i  ivitation  nor  money.     It  is  surprising  that  the 


*  Schoolcraft's  Travels. 


[Book  V. 

G  same  sub- 

[1  of  a  noble 
[juent  chief 
;anB,  and,  in 
1  account  he 

ide  mention, 
nes  written, 
ce.    Among 

owa  nation. 

i  considered 

IS,  as  for  its 

must  be  the 

n  began : — 

by  us  were 

hailed  us  as 

nd  we  took 

litiated  them 

some  time, 

their  father, 

lie  that  wear 

the  French ; 

5  the  French 

m  the  same 

u  want,  and 

h !  after  the 

ir  promises. 

)  get  it ;  and 

sh  had  been 

[)eople,  who 

)f  the  lund. 

with  Gen. 

rst  met  the 

towas  pres- 

)it,  you  will 

)n  was  then 

le  general,] 

y  not  forget 

nition,  and 

e,  we  wei'e 

iiiuiunition, 

is  the  way 

lenevrr  we 

ans  on  the 

both  ears, 

\\  attorn  ies, 

rated   from 

es  of  blood, 

lungs  have 

consulting 

[fe  tract  of 

e  country, 

g  that  the 


Chap.  VII.] 


TOPINABEE. 


121 


Pottowattomies,  Ottowas,  and  Cliii)i)(!vvas,  who  arc  all  one  nation,  should 
sell  their  lauds  without  giving  each  other  notice.  Have  we  then  degen- 
erated so  much  that  w*;  can  no  longer  trust  one  another? — l*erha|)s  the 
Pottowattomies  may  think  I  have  come  here  on  a  begging  journey,  that 
I  wish  to  claim  a  share  of  lands  to  which  my  people  are  not  entitled.  I 
tell  them  it  is  not  so.  We  have  never  begged,  and  shall  not  now  com- 
mence. When  I  went  to  Detroit  last  fall,  Gov.  Cass  told  me  to  come  to 
this  place,  at  this  time,  and  listen  to  Avliat  he  had  to  say  in  council.  As 
we  live  a  great  way  in  the  woods,  and  never  see  white  people  except  in 
the  fall,  when  the  tra(l(>rs  comt;  among  us,  we  have  not  so  many  oppor- 
tunities to  j)rofit  l)y  this  intercourse  as  our  neighbors,  and  to  get  what 
necessaries  we  re<niire;  but  we  make  out  to  live  independently,  and  trade* 
upon  our  own  lauds.  We  have,  heretofore,  received  nothing  less  than 
justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  we  expect,  in  the  present  treaty,  is  a 
full  proportion  of  tlie  money  ami  goods." 

"  A  series  of  misl'ortunes,"  says  l\lr.  Schoolrrafl,  "  has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensil)le  chief  On  returning  from  the  treaty  of 
Chicago,  while  off'tlie  mouth  of  Grand  River,  in  Lake  Michigan,  his  canoe 
was  struck  by  !i  Haw  of  wind  and  upset.  After  making  every  exertion, 
he  saw  his  wife  and  all  his  children,  except  one  son,  perislj.  With  his 
son  he  reached  the  shore  ;  but,  as  if  to  crown  his  misfortunes,  this  only 
surviving  child  has  since  been  poisoned  for  the  part  he  took  in  the 
treaty." 

The  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  relinquishment,  by  the  Ottowas,  Chif)- 
pewas,  and  Pottowattomies,  of  a  tract  of  country  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  peninsula  of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5,000,000  acres,  and 
for  which  they  received  of  the  United  States,  in  goods,  35,000  dollars ; 
and  several  other  sums  were  awarded  to  the  separate  tribes,  to  some 
yearly  forever,  and  to  others  for  a  limited  term  of  yeare.  Some  of  the 
chiefs  who  attended  to  the  tre-ity  were  opposed  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the 
reason  that  Keei^agooshkum's  son  was  poisoned. 

Koange,  in  the  following  speech,  opposed  it  in  a  manly  style.  lie  was 
a  chief  of  mature  age,  and  of  a  venerable  aspect. 

"  IMy  father,  since  you  heard  from  our  brothers,  the  Chippewas  and 
Ottawas,  we  have  counselled  together.  It  is  now  your  wish  to  hear  the 
sentiments  of  the  three  Nations.  I  shall  deliver  them.  Sometimes  the 
Indians  have  acted  like  children.  When  requested  they  have  signed 
nway  their  lands  without  c«nsideration.  This  has  always  made  trouble 
in  the  nation,  and  blood  has  been  spilt  in  consequence.  We  wish  to 
avoid  such  foolish  and  bad  conduct.  The  last  time  we  sat  down  in  coun- 
cil together,  we  had  not  fully  consulted  each  other;  and  perhaps  you 
drew  a  wrong  conclusion  from  what  we  said.  We  did  not  consent  to 
your  request.  In  times  past,  when  you  have  asked  us  for  lands,  we  have 
tVeely  sold  them.  At  present  there  are  a  number  of  our  people  opjmsed 
to  selling,  and  we  have  found  it  very  difficult  to  agree  in  mind.  One 
point,  in  particular,  we  difter  much  upon  ;  it  is  the  extent  of  the  grant  you 
request.  We  give  you  one  more  i)roof  of  our  friendship,  by  meeting  you 
in  this  council.  You  know  our  minds — we  now  take  you  by  the  hand. 
Look  down  upon  us  with  com[)assion  and  wish  us  well." 

This  speech,  Mr.  Schoolcraft  says,  was  rather  more  favorably  rendered 
by  the  interpreter,  than  it  should  have  been,  in  regard  to  the  disjjosal  ol' 
the  land.  We  think,  however,  that  he  s[)eaks  in  very  decided  terms 
against  it. 

There  was  another  chief  present  at  this  treaty,  a  Pottowattomie,  whom 
we  will  mention,  particularly  to  show  the  "ruling  passion"  cf  the  Indians 
for  ardent  spirits.     This  was 

Topinabee,  or  Thipeneba.    He  was  a  chief  much  respected,  and  was 


'.    I 


132 


BI.ACK-IIAWK. 


[nooK  V. 


vencrnlilo  now  fiorii  his  ngo  ;  linviiig  hficn  llic  first  cliiff  of  his  tribe,  from 
heforc  tii(!  tiiii<!  of  irat/nr\i  war.  His  iini;i'  .  ••mds  (irst  to  n  muiilior  of 
Ircatirs,  from  lliat  of  (j'n'ciiviilc,  in  17i».'),  to  ut  of  Ciiicugo,  in  18!2i. 
'riicro  was  u  good  deal  of  reluctance  with  i  .  ny  present,  at  the  latter 
treaty,  to  comply  with  its  requisitions,  hnt  when  it  was  finally  determined 
lliat  it  should  he  executed,  all  seemed  eager  to  have  it  go  into  effect  with- 
out delay,  from  the  circimistance,  that  a  certain  (juantity  of  whiskey  was 
stipidated  to  he  deliv(Ted  to  them  as  soon  as  it  was  executed.  Tliiijnncha 
said  to  Gov.  Cass,  ^^  Father,  ive  are  veri/  Ihirsty  for  some  of  that  milk  you 
have  broiif^ht  for  us.  We  wish  it  to  be  given  to  ^is.  We  can  no  loiif^er'  re- 
strain our  thirst.''^  And  wlum  he  was  told  that  the  goods  were  not  ready 
to  be  delivered,  lie  said,  "  Give  us  the  whiskey.     We  care  not  for  the  rest.'''' 

We  need  not  ask,  here,  whether  the  tempter  or  the  tempted  deserve 
most  our  censure  in  such  coses. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 


Of  the  late  war  in  the  west,  and  the  chiefs  engaged  in  it — Black-hawk — 
JVeopope — The  Prophet — Keokuk,  and  others. 

It  will  be  necessary,  in  this  chapter,  before  detailing  events  in  the  lives 
of  chiefs,  to  give  some  account  of  such  tribes  of  Indians  as  will  often  be 
mentioned  as  we  proceed.  We  shall,  however,  confine  ourselves  to  such 
tribes  as  took  part  in  the  late  war  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  liakes  Mich- 
igan and  Superior,  more  especially ;  and  linstly  of  the  Winnebagoes  or 
\Viiiebaygos.  This  tribe  inhabit  the  country  n()on  the  Ouisconsin,  a 
river  that  rises  between  the  Lakes  Superior  Jid  Michigan,  and  which 
disembogues  itself  into  the  Mississippi,  near  the  S.  W.  angle  of  the  N.  W. 


[Book  V. 

i  tribe,  from 
niiiiilior  of 
;o,  ill  Igyi. 
t  tlio  latter 
(leteriniiied 
effect  wiili- 
'iiiskey  wiis 
Tlinjnncha 
tt  vidk  yoH 
»  longer  re- 
i  not  ready 
r  the  rest." 
:ed  deserve 


ick-hawk — 


n  the  lives 
11  often  be 
es  to  such 
kes  Mich- 
jbagoes  or 
sconsin,  n 
lid  wliich 
thcN.W. 


Chap.  VIII] 


l!I,A('K-HA\VK. 


193 


territory.  They  were  found  seated  here  when  the  coiintiy  wns  first 
visitt;d  by  wliiti;s,  altout  ir>0  yearn  a<ro,  and  iiere  they  still  remain.  In 
1820,  tlujy  were  supposcul  lo  number  1;'>5U  souls,  of  whom  500  were  men, 
JMO  women,  and  700  chil<lren,  and  lived  in  ti'ii  towns  or  villages.*  A 
body  ot'  Winnebago  warriors  was  in  the  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  under  the 
impostor  FJhkuxUawa.  Sanainahliotisra,  called  Stone-eater,  and  ff'apnin- 
nnscwn,  or  IVhite-loon,  were  leaders  of  the  Winnebago  warriors.  The 
latter  was  one  tha  opjiosed  (ieii.  H'ayne  in  17!)4,  but  was  reconciled  to 
the  Americans  in  17it.'),  by  the  trciaty  of  (ireenville.  He  also  treated  with 
(Jen.  Hanison,  in  180!>,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  again  at  Greenville  in  1814; 
but  he  was  active  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  on  the  British  side.  Winneba- 
go Lake,  which  discharges  its  watere  into  (Jreen  Bay,  was  probably 
named  from  this  tribe  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  quite  as  probable,  they  re- 
ceived their  name  from  the  lake. 

Secondly,  the  Menominies.  This  tribe  inhabits  a  river  bearing  their 
name,  and  is  situauid  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Winnebagoes,  from 
whom  they  are  sejiarated  by  a  range  of  mountains.  They  numbered  in 
1820,  according  to  some,  about  B.'iS  peraons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100 
were  fighters ;  but  this  estimate  could  aj)ply  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the 
most  populous  tribe. 

Thirdly,  the  Pottowattomies,  or  Pouteouatamis.  This  nation  was  early 
known  to  the  French.  In  the  year  1G()8,  ?i00  of  them  visited  Father 
JUlouez,  at  a  place  wliich  the  French  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an 
island  in  Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  this  time  an  old 
man  100  years  old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wonderful  things; 
among  others,  that  he  could  go  without  food  20  days,  and  that  he  often 
saw  the  Great  Spirit.  lie  wjis  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a  few  days 
after.f 

The  country  of  the  Pottowattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  1820  their  numbers  were  set 
down  at  3400.  At  this  time  the  United  States  paid  them  yearlv  .5700 
dollars.  Of  this,  350  dollars  remained  a  permanent  annuity  until  the  late 
war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together, 
and  are  now  really  but  one  nation.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them 
about  lf)t)8,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies, 
generally  between  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  in  th^state  of  Illinois. 
The  chief  of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  for  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokuk. 
Of  him  we  shall  particularly  speak  elsewhere.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes 
were  supposed  to  amount,  in  1820,  to  about  3000  persons  in  all ;  one  fifth 
of  whom  may  be  accounted  wamors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a  view  of  the  most  important  points  in  the  history 
of  the  tribes  which  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Black- 
hawk,  and  are,  therefore,  prepared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events 
of  that  war.  It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as 
early  as  1823;  at  which  period  a  chief  of  the  Winnebagoes  called  Red- 
hird  wiis  the  most  conspicuous.  This  year,  the  United  States'  agents 
held  a  treaty  at  Prairie  cm  Cliien,  with  the  Sacs  or  Saques,  Foxes,  Win- 
nebagoes, Chippeways,  Sioux,  &c.,  for  the  pui-pose,  among  other  things,  of 
bringing  about  a  peace  between  the  first-named  tribe  and  the  others,  who 
were  carrying  on  bloody  wars  among  themselves.  To  effect  the  object 
in  view,  bounds  were  set  to  each  tribe.  About  this  time,  the  Galena  lead 
mines  attracted  great  attention  ;  and  the  avarice  of  those  concerned  drove 
several  thousand  miners  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  into  tlie 

*  Dr.  Morse,  rated  them  at  .5000.    Ind.  Report,  Ap.  3G2. 
t  Charlevoix,  Hist,  de  la  Nouv.  France,  i.  395. 


'     I 


124 


ItKD-HlHI). 


[nooK  V. 


adjiu-ont  IuikIh  of  tlio  VViiiiiclmfroi's.  VVIiethor  tliiH  great  cncronclimont 
was  tins  caiiHt!  of  the  iininlcr  ul'Al.  JMclhnttf,  Iiih  witi;  and  livn  cliildn'ii,  wo 
art)  not  certain.  It  i.s  eerrain  tliat  this  family  lived  near  Prairit;  dn  (Jliien, 
and  that  they  were  niunhu'ed  hy  a  party  of  VVinnebafroes ;  two  of  wiioin 
wen;  alhjrwards  taken  and  imprisoned  in  the  jail  of  Crawford  county. 
An  arti(;l(;  in  the  treaty  just  mentioned,  provided  that  any  or  eacli  ofthoso 
Indian  nations  visitinj,'  a  jrarrison  of  the  United  States,  such  party  or 
parties  should  ho  prottu-ted  from  insult  from  others  hy  said  f,'arrison. 

Notwithstandin;;' this,  in  thesiinnner  of  1827,  a  [mrty  of  24  Chippeways, 
on  a  visit  to  Fort  Snellinij:,  wi-re  fallen   upon   l»y  n  i)and  of  Sioux,  who 
killed  and  wounded  eight  of  them.  The  commandant  of  Fort  Snelling  cap- 
tured l()ur  of  them,  wlioin  ht;  deliverinl  into  the  liaiidsof  theCliippevvajs,  , 
who  immediately  shot  tiiem,  according  to  their  cu-tom. 

licd-hird  resented  the  proceedings  of  the  commandant  of  Fort  Sneliing, 
and  (Miually  the  conduct  of  the  Ciiippewavr',  and  resolved  on  retaliation. 
Accordingly  Ik;  led  a  war  party  against  the  latter,  hut  was  defeated;  and 
upon  his  return  he  was  derided  hy  his  mighhors. 

It  is  said  that  Red-bird  had  hecn  deceived  l)y  the  Indians,  who  told 
him,  that  those  put  to  death  l)y  the  Chippeways  were  those  who  had 
btu'u  imj)risoned  for  the  murder  of  Metltode  and  family.  If  this  were  the 
case,  let  it  go  as  iar  as  it  will  to  brighten  the  characKT  of  Red-bird. 

Enraged  at  his  ill  success  against  the  Chippeways,  Red-bird,  with  only 
three  desperate  com[)anions  like  himself,  repaired  to  Prairie  du  Chien, 
where,  about  the  lirst  Jidy,  they  killed  two  persons  and  wounded  a  third. 
We  hear  of  no  plunder  taken  by  them,  except  a  keg  of  whiskey,  with 
which  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  Bad-axe  River.  Immediately  after, 
with  his  company  augmented,  Red-bird  waylaid  two  keel-boats  that  had 
been  ccjiiveying  conunissary  stores  to  Fort  Snelling.  One  came  into  the 
ambush  in  the  day-time,  and,  after  a  fight  of  four  hours,  escaped,  with  the 
loss  of  two  killed  and  fom*  wounded.  It  Avas  midnight  before  the  other 
fell  into  tlie  snan ,  and,  owing  to  the  darkness,  escaped  without  much 
injury. 

Not  long  after.  Gen.  Alkinson  marched  into  the  Winnebago  country, 
with  a  brigade  of  troops,  regulars  and  militia,  Avhere  he  succeeded  in 
making  prisoners  of  Red-bird  and  some  others  of  the  hostile  Winm^bagoes. 
7i«/-/nV^  soon  after  died  in  prison.  "Some  of  the  other  culprits  were 
tried  and  ibiini^  g"'lty,  and  sentenced  to  death,  but  were  pardoned  hy 
President  Mams,  it  is  said,  on  the  implied  condition  of  a  cession  of  the 
mining  district."* 

In  the  cose  of  the  United  States  against  Wou-koo-hdh  and  Man-na-at- 
ap-e-kah,  for  the  murder  of  Methode  and  family,  a  nolle  prosequi  was  en- 
tered, and  the  jirisoners  discharged.  Kanonekah,  or  the  youngest  of 
the  Thunders,  and  Karazhonsept-hah,  or  Black-hawk,  had  been  imprisoned 
for  the  attack  on  the  boat  above  mentioned,  and  also  a  son  of  Red-bird ; 
but  they  were  discharged.  Two  others,  at  the  same  court,  were  found 
guilty  of  murders,  and  sentenced  to  be  executed  26  December  foUowing- 
This  was  in  August,  1S28. 

Hence,  where  daily  troubles,  in  kind  like  what  we  have  related,  oc- 
curred, no  one  could  expect  tranquillity  while  the  parties  in  them  were 
within  hail  of  each  other ;  and  it  has  often  happened  that  much  greater 
bloodshed  has  followed  far  less  causes,  than  existed  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  war.  Nevertheless,  it  did  not  commence,  as  border 
wars  often  do,  by  a  great  irruption  on  the  part  of  the  Indians ;  and  it 
seems  as  though  they  were  only  following  uj)  a  retaliation,  to  which,  by 
numerous  grievances,  they  had  been  actually  driven.     The  complaints  on 

*  From  a  collection  of  facts  published  by  W.  J.  Snellijig,  Esq. 


[lioOK    V. 

•ronclitiient 
liildrcii,  wo 
>  (III  ('Ii'kmi, 
()  of  wliom 
)r(l  coiiiity. 

icli  (iftllOSO 

•li  party  oi- 
riisoii. 

lli|)IH!VVU}H, 

Sioux,  wli(i 
lu'lliiigcuii- 
hippewnjH,  , 

irt  Siicllin^S 
I  n'ttiliatioii. 
I'cuted;  unci 

9,  who  told 
o  who  iiad 
lis  wore  tlio 
-bird. 

I,  with  only 
B  du  Ciiien, 
idcd  a  third. 
Iiiskcy,  with 
liately  after. 
Its  that  liucl 
ime  into  the 
|ed,  with  the 
e  the  other 
hout  mucli 

go  country, 
cecded  in 

nnchafjoes. 

})rits  wen; 

nlont.'d  hy 
isioa  of  the 

Mnn-na-at- 
jui  was  en- 
foungtst  of 
imprisoned 
f  Red-bird ; 
kvere  found 
r  following. 

related,  oc- 
theni  were 
ich  greater 
lommence- 
,  as  horder 
ns;  and  it 
which,  by 
nplaints  on 


Chap.  VFII] 


HI.ACK-II  AWK. 


135 


the  part  of  the  whites  nni  the  same  as  have  always  been  made — that  the 
Indians  paid  no  regard  to  their  engagements.  Wv.  do  not  pretend  to  ex- 
oiiiTaK!  th<!ni  of  blame,  but  we  do  ehaige  their  enemies  with  much 
greater.  In  our  present  hiisiness,  it  is  enough  that  the  whites  wen;  the 
aggressors,  which,  ♦or  onee  out  of  hundreds  of  times,  when;  the  facts  are 
well  estaltlislied,  we  shall  not  be  thought  very  presumptuous,  perhaps,  ill 
setting  down  as  granted. 

The  fact,  we  upprcihend,  will  not  be  deiiunl,  that  many  frontier  estab- 
lishments have  very  littlt;  to  lose  hy  an  Indian  war,  but  much  to  gain  if 
siiccissful.  The  .settlers  are  sun;  that  hy  a  war  the  Indians  will  be  drivea 
farther  from  them,  and  be  obliged  to  give  u|)  tiieir  approximate  lands;  in 
which  event  they  're  no  longer  a  frontier,  but  a  thoroughfare  to  one. 
And  luMice  the  florking  in  of  new  settlers  raises  the  value  of  produce,  as 
well  as  lands,  by  creating  a  demand  for  them.  Thus  it  is  not  diflicult  to 
s(!e,  that  the  avaricious  and  wicked  have  every  inducement  to  bring  ahout 
an  Indian  war. 

lildi'k-hnwk,  we  have  just  seen,  was,  in  18127,  suspected,  and  even  im- 
prisoned for  an  act  of  alleged  hostility  ;  and  it  is  jn-ohahle  that  he  may  havo 
been  remotely  conc(!rned  in  tin;  alfair  charged  against  him.  IJe  that  as 
it  may,  /?(v/-/>i/7/ had  died  in  prison,  and  /?tv/-/>/n/ was  his  friend.  Indiana 
could  be  seized,  tried  and  executed,  for  killiiig  those  who  aggravated  them 
to  do  3o,  but  it  often  hajipens  that  when  Indians  are  murdenul  by  whites, 
the  murderers  cannot  be  brought  to  justice.  Sometimes  they  make  an 
esca|)e,  and  sometimes  are  shiiilded  by  their  friends;  therefore  the  equal 
administration  (»f  justice  has  never  been  had.  The  Indians  know  and 
feel  till!  force  of  these  reflections;  atid  it  is  not  strange  that,  in  1831,  the 
whites  of  the  frontier  of  Illinois  tliLUjrht  that  "the  Indians,  with  some  ex- 
ceptions, from  Canada  to  Mexico,  along  the  northern  frontiers  of  the 
Uniterl  States,  were  more  hostile  to  them  than  at  any  other  period  since 
the  last  war."*  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  the  conjecture  was  true, 
to  the  extent  imagined. 

A  number  of  flie  Sac  Indians,  who,  in  the  war  between  the  U.  States 
and  Great  Britain,  served  the  latter,  which  gave  theuj  the  name  of  the 
*'  Hritish  band,"  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  opposing  the  whites.  This 
band  of  Sacs  had  rendezvoused  at  their  chief  village,  on  the  Mississi])pi, 
where  they  had  collect»3d  such  of  their  neighbors  as  wished  to  (Jiigage  iu 
the  war.  (ien.  Gaines,  joined  by  Gov.  Reynolds,  and  (jjen.  Duncan'a 
brigade  of  1400  mounted  men,  possea'^ed  themselves  of  tho  Sac  village 
on  the  2(J  June.  They  did  this  withoMt  oj)position  ;  for  wluMi  the  Iiiiiiaiis 
discovered  the  whites  on  their  march,  they  fled  acrosa  the  river,  and  after 
a  short  time  displayed  a  white  flag  for  a  parley.  Meantime  their  as- 
sociates had  abandoned  them,  and  the  Sac  band  wasj  left  alone  to  manage 
aft'airs  in  the  best  manner  they  could.  They  therefore  made  peace  with 
the  whites,  with  all  due  sui)mission  ;  and  ti'c  latter  thought  then;  would 
be  no  further  cause  of  alarm.  Indeed,  such  was  their  deportment,  that 
Gen.  Gaines  was  of  opinion  that  tiicy  were  as  completely  humbled,  as  if 
they  had  been  chastised  in  battle,  and  were  less  disposed  to  disturb  the 
frontiers  than  if  the  other  event  had  taken  place ;  and  only  a  few  days 
before  tliis.  Gen.  Gainei  said  he  was  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  that,  what- 
ever migiil  be  their  hostile  feelings,  tiiey  wen;  resolved  to  abstain  from 
the  use  of  their  tomahawks  and  fir(!-arms,  except  in  self-defence. 

31eanwhile  a  diflieulty  seems  to  have  arisen  l)etween  some  of  the  Sacs 
and  tiie  Meiiomiiiies,  and  28  of  the  latter  had  been  murdered.  Agreeably 
to  the  14th  article  of  the  treaty  of  I'rairie  des  Chiens,  concluded  1!)  Aug. 
1825,  the  United  States  obliged  themselves  to  interpose  between  these  and 


*  Gov.  Rninold's  letter  to  the  secretary  of  war,  7  July,  1831. 
11  * 


126 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


other  western  tribes  iu  cases  of  troubles.  The  Sacs  had  not  only  com- 
mitted the  murders  just  mentioned,  but  they  had  recrossed  the  Mississippi 
to  its  east  bank,  and  occupied  the  country  in  the  sprinj?  of  1832,  that  they 
had  fled  from  the  last  year,  and  by  treaty  given  up.  Black-.'iawk.  was  the 
alleged  leader  in  both  cases.  Therefore  Gen.  Atkinson  set  out  on  an  ex- 
pedition, in  which  it  was  hoped  he  would  seize  Black-hawk,  who,  it  was 
said,  was  "the  sole  fonienter  of  all  these  disturbances ;"  and  it  was  said 
also  that  he  had  little  respect  for  treaties,  and  that  he  had,  "in  former  ne- 
gotiations, so  far  overreached  our  conimissioners,  as  to  make  peace  on  his 
own  terms."  Here  we  have  an  early  acknowledgment  of  the  abilities 
of  our  chief  in  mattei-s  of  diplomacy.    But  to  return  to  the  expedition. 

Gen.  Atkinson  was  at  Rock  River,  at  a  place  called  Dixon's  Ferry,  on 
15  iMay,  when  he  received  news  from  a  force  which  had  marched  to 
Sycamore  Creek,  about  30  miles  from  Dixon's,  that  a  part  of  that  force  had 
m'3t  with  a  total  defeat.  There  had  been  various  murders  committed  at 
Sycamore  Creek,  which  occasioned  the  march  of  this  force  thither. 
Among  the  sufferers  aboi:t  that  place  was  the  family  of  a  Mr.  jF/o/i,  which, 
from  the  circumstance  of  his  two  daughters  having  been  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, created  much  sympathy  ;  they  being  one  but  16  and  tlie  other  18 
years  of  age.  Before  they  were  led  away,  they  saw  their  mother  toma- 
hawked and  scalped,  and  about  20  others  (at  Indian  Creek,  wliich  empties 
into  Fox  River)  treated  in  like  manner.  These  young  women,  a  X'^r  they 
were  conveyed  out  of  the  reach  of  the  whites,  by  their  captoi's,  Nexe  hu- 
manely treated,  and  have  since  been  restored  to  their  friends. 

Those  who  marched  to  Sycamore  Creek  were  in  number  \  out  275, 
under  the  command  of  Maj.  Stillman.  They  wei  e  encamped  at  Ogee,  or 
Dixon's  Ferry,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  cr:  Indian  Creek  airived, 
at  which  intelligence  Maj.  Stillman  got  permissii  of  Gen.  iVhitcsides  to 
march  in  that  direction.  On  Blonday,  14  May,  they  came  upon  a  few 
India)is,  whether  enemies  or  not  is  not  mentioned,  nor  do  we  presume 
the  wliites  stopped  to  inciuire,  for  "theirs  was  the  march  of  death,"  and 
therefore  two  of  them  were  shot  do\vn,  and  two  others  captin-ed.  The 
.same  dfiy,  at  evening,  when  the  army  had  arrived  at  a  convenient  place 
to  encamp  upon,  and  after  they  had  made  some  preparations  for  encamp- 
ing, a  small  band  of  Indians  were  discovered  bearing  a  white  flag.  One 
company  of  men  went  out  to  meet  them,  but  soon  discovered  they  were 
o:ily  a  decoy.  How  they  knew  this  to  be  the  fact,  we  are  not  inlbrmed. 
Tliis  detachment,  therefore,  fell  back  ujjon  the  main  body,  which,  Ijy  this 
time,  had  remounted  ;  and,  as  strange  as  it  is  true,  this  misguided  band 
rushed  forward,  regardless  of  ail  ordc,  foi-  several  miles,  until  they  had 
crossed  Sycamore  Creek,  and  wore  completely  in  the  Indians'  ]iower. 
The  reader  can  now  expect  nothing  but  a  detail  almost  exactly  similar  to 
the  Pawtuckct  fight.  The  whites  liad  crossed  the  creek  man  by  man,  as 
they  came  to  it,  and  all  the  Indians  had  to  do,  was  to  wait  until  a  goodly 
number  ha<l  got  within  their  grasp.  It  was  moonlight  when  the  fight 
began,  and  after  a  few  struggles  tlu;  wliites  fled  in  greater  disorder,  if  pos- 
Si'  le,  than  they  came.  The  Indians,  after  making  the  onset  by  a  dis- 
charge of  their  guns,  fell  on  with  their  knives  and  tomahawks,  and  had 
not  the  night  and  situation  of  tite  country  favored  their  flight,  nearly  all 
the  army  must  have  been  cut  off.  The  Indians  were  rej)urted  to  have 
been  about  1500  or  9000  strong,  and  it  was  said  19  of  them  were  killed  in 
th?  fiiiht.  Of  the  whites  13  only  arc  reported  as  having  been  killed. 
Their  flight  was  quite  equal  to  that  of  tli(»  army  under  Gen.  St.  Clair. 
Immediately  after,  1 100  men  marched  to  the  scene  of  action,  to  bury  the 
dead;  and  tlirir  accoun.  of  l)arl)arities  committed  on  the  bodies  of  the 
slain  adds  nothing  to  those  already  ndated  in  f^imilar  events.  One  sol- 
dier only  escaped  disfigiu'ation,  which  is  not  easily  accounted  for,  unless 


[Book  V. 

t  only  corn- 
Mississippi 
12,  that  they 
xvk  was  the 
t  on  an  ex- 
kvho,  it  was 
it  wad  said 
former  ne- 
leacc  on  liis 
the  abilities 
pedition. 
s  Ferry,  on 
marched  to 
at  force  had 
immitted  at 
rco  thither. 
Hall,  which, 
ed  into  cap- 
le  other  18 
other  toma- 
ich  empties 
1,  o^br  they 
•s,  rt'ere  Ira- 
s' out  275, 
ui  Ogee,  or 
!ek  aiTived, 
HiUcsides  to 
-ipon  a  few 
/e  presume 
death,"  and 
urcd.     The 
nient  place 
or  CHcatnp- 
flag.     One 
they  were 
intbrmed. 
ich,  l)y  this 
lidcnl  band 
I  they  had 
ms'  ])ower. 
f  similar  to 
by  man,  as 
a  goodly 
11  tlie  figlit 
der,  ifpos- 
by  a  (.11  s- 
s,  and  bad 
,  nearly  all 
d  to  have 
re  killed  in 
con  killed. 
St.   Clmr. 
n  bury  the 
lies  of  the 
One  sol- 
Ibr,  imless 


CH.iP.  VIII.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


var 


ii 


it  were  the  case  that  he  had  secreted  himself  until  all  the  Indians  but  one 
had  left  ilie  scene  of  action ;  for  he  was  found  side  by  side  with  an  Indian, 
each  grasping  the  other,  and  both  in  the  arms  of  death.  The  soldier's 
liead  was  nearly  cut  off,  and  the  Indian  was  shot  through  the  body. 
Hence  it  was  su|)posed  that  these  two  had  exchanged  their  deadly  shafts 
at  the  same  moment;  and  from  the  situation  of  the  Indian  it  was  evident 
he  had  died  wliile  in  the  very  act  of  dealing  *ln  fotal  blow  upon  his  ad- 
versary. 

An  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indians  convey  intelligence  of 
important  events  may  be  had  from  the  fact,  that  a  runner  from  Black- 
hawk  and  his  allies,  bearing  to  the  IMissouri  Indians  the  news  of  their 
victory,  arrived  at  the  Des  Monies  Rapids  24  hours  before  the  express 
sent  by  Gov.  Rei/nolds. 

In  July  following  the  cholera  ravaged  severely  among  the  troops  op- 
j)oscd  to  the  Indians,  insomuch  that  several  companies  were  entirely 
broken  up,  and  many  belonghig  to  them  perished  in  a  manner  too  revolt- 
ing to  bo  described.  Of  a  corps  under  Col.  Twiggs,  of  208  men,  but  7u'ne 
were  left  alive ! 

Gen.  Dodge  surprised  a  party  of  12  Indians  near  Galena,  and  cut  them 
off  to  a  man.  The  whites,  that  they  might  not  bo  outdone  in  cruelty  by 
their  enemies,  scalped  the  slain.  Near  this  same  place  Caj)t.  Stevenson 
had  what  was  termed  a  hard  fight  with  another  small  party,  killing  six  of 
them,  and  losing  three  of  his  own  men.  This  fight  wiis  severe;  knives, 
bayonets  and  tomahawks  being  the  weajions  employed.  What  time 
tliis  afiair  took  place  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  Avas  probably  in  July. 

Black-hawk  assembled  his  forces  at  a  point  between  Rock  and  Ouis- 
consin  Rivera,  wI.ok,  it  was  expected  he  wf)uld  meet  the  whites  in  a  gen- 
eral l)attle.  His  warriors  were  supposed  to  amount  to  at  least  1000.  Gen. 
•  Uklnson  had  nearly  double  that  number  of  men,  and  resolved  to  meet 
him  as  soon  as  possible ;  and  great  hopes  were  entertained  that,  in  such 
event,  a  finishing  blow  would  bo  put  to  the  war.  But  the  old  chief  bad 
.seen  too  much  experience  to  fall  a  prey  in  this  case  ;  he  thereof  ore  escaped 
into  an  interminable  wilderness.  Gen.  Atkinson,  afler  almost  insur- 
mountable difficulties,  arrived  at  Cashkonong  ;  in  this  move  he  was  also 
disappointed  in  finding  any  Indians.  This  was  al)out  the  middle  of  July, 
1832,  and  peopk  begun  to  despair  of  effecting  any  thing  against  the  old 
wary  chief,  but  by  .stratagem. 

About  the  same  time.  Gen.  Dodge  was  in  pursuit  of  a  trail  of  Indians 
near  40  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago.  It  appears  they  were  a  flying,  half- 
.starved  baud,  who  made  little  or  no  resistance,  on  being  attacked  by  the 
white.s.  It  is  stated  that  they  were  "brought  to  battle"  in  the  evening; 
which  will  account  for  their  not  being  all  tut  off.  Th'-y  left  Ki  d"ad  on 
the  ground  where  the  fight  or  attack  b(>gan  ;  and  tli(^  whites  had  but  one 
man  killed,  and  four  wounded.  The  condition  of  the  Indians  at  Uiis 
period  can  b(!  well  conceived  of,  when  it  is  iniderstood  that  the  army 
found  many  of  them  dead,  as  ihey  marched  along,  emafciatcd  and  starved 
to  death !  Gen.  I>o(/^e  had  pursued  this  trail  of  Indians  near  100  miles; 
and  the  ))lac(;  wluu-e  he  came  up  with  them  was  uiion  the  Ouisconsin, 
over  against  the  old  Sac  village.  In  the  generid's  official  letter,  he  says, 
"From  the  scalps  taken  by  th'j  WinnebagoiiS,  [a  jiart  of  which  tribe  wero 
befriending  the  w.'utijs,]  as  well  ms  ihosc  taken  by  the  wbiti's  and  the 
IiKlians  carried  from  the  field  of  battle,  we  must  have  killed  40  of 
them." 

It  was  now  unc(!italn  where  the  Indians  were  next  to  be  found,  but  it 
was  supposed  they  might  descend  the  Ouisconsin,  and  so  escape  across 
the  !Missi.ssippi  in  that  direction  ;  therefore  Gen.  Dodge  recommcndeil  tho 
placuig  a  cannon  on  the  river  to  cut  them  otii  and  Gen.  Atkinson  marched 


128 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Bjok  V. 


for  the  Blue  Mounds  with  his  regular  troops,  and  a  brigade  of  mounted 
men,  in  all  about  1600  strong. 

Meanwhile  Black-hatvk,  finding  it  impracticable  to  escape  with  his 
whole  company  by  way  of  the  Ouisconsin,  crossed  the  coimtry,  it  ap- 
pear, and  struck  the  Mississippi  a  considerable  distance  above  the  mouth 
of  tiie  former,  and,  the  better  to  ensure  the  escape  of  his  warriors,  sufl%r- 
ed  their  women  and  children  to  descend  the  river  in  boats,  by  wi,ich 
means  a  great  number  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites.  In  their 
j)assage,  some  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  wretches  were  overset, 
(by  what  means  we  are  not  informed,)  and  many  of  those  in  them  were 
drowned.  Their  condition,  on  arriving  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  was  doleful 
in  the  extreme.  Many  of  tiie  children  were  in  such  a  famished  state  that 
it  was  thought  impossible  to  revive  thein.  It  is  humiliating  to  add,  that 
in  speaking  of  their  treatment,  it  was  said,  they  were  ^^ generally  received 
and  treated  with  humanity ;"  if,  indeed,  generally  is  to  oe  understood  in 
its  common  import. 

Innncdiately  after  these  transactions,  the  steamboat  Warrior,  with  a 
small  force  on  board,  was  sent  up  the  Mississippi ;  and  on  its  return  the 
captain  of  it  gave  the  following  account  of  his  expedition : — 

"  Prairie  du  Chien,  3  Aug.  18.32.  I  arrived  at  this  place  on  Monday 
last,  [30  July,]  and  was  despatched,  with  the  Warrior  alone,  to  Wapashaw's 
village,  120  miles  above,  to  inform  them  of  the  approach  of  the  Sacs,  and 
to  order  down  all  the  A'iendly  Ijulians  to  this  place.  On  our  way  down, 
we  met  one  of  the  Sioux  band,  w!io  informed  us  that  the  Indians  (our 
enemies)  were  on  Bad-axe  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  stopped 
and  cut  some  wood  and  prepared  for  action.  About  4  o'clock  on  Wednes- 
day afternoon,  [1  Aug.]  we  tbund  the  gentlemen  [Indians]  where  he 
stated  he  had  left  them.  As  we  ncared  them,  they  raised  a  white  flag, 
and  endeavored  to  decoy  us  ;  but  we  were  a  little  too  old  for  them  ;  for, 
instead  of  landing,  we  ordered  tliem  to  send  a  boat  on  board,  which  they 
declined.  After  about  15  minutes' delay,  giving  them  time  to  remove  a 
few  of  their  women  and  children,  we  i(>t  slip  a  six-pounder  loaded  with 
canister,  followed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketry ;  and  ii  ever  you  saw 
straight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  I  fought  them  at 
anchor  most  of  the  time,  and  we  were  all  very  much  exposed.  I  have  a 
baU  which  came  in  close  by  where  I  was  standing,  and  passed  through 
the  builciiead  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  them  for  about  an  hour  or 
more,  until  our  wood  began  to  fail,  and  night  coming  on,  we  left  and  went 
on  to  the  Prairie.  This  little  fight  cost  tliem  23  killed,  and,  of  course,  a 
great  many  wounded.  Av'e  never  lost  a  man,  and  had  but  one  man 
wounded,  (shot  through  the  leg.)  The  next  nioniing,  before  we  could 
get  back  again,  on  account  of  a  heavy  fog,  they  had  tlie  whole  [of  Gen. 
jltkinson''s]  army  upon  them.  We  found  them  at  it,  walked  in  and  took 
a  hand  ourselves.  The  first  shot  froi<i  the  Warrior  laid  out  three.  I  can 
hardly  tell  you  any  thing  about  it,  for  T  am  in  great  haste,  as  I  am  now 
on  my  way  to  the  fiehl  again.  The  army  lost  eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seven- 
teen wounded,  whom  we  brought  down.  One  died  on  deck  last  night.  Wo 
brought  down  36  ])risonei-s,  women  and  cldldren.  I  tell  you  wiiat,  Sam, 
there  is  no  f\m  in  fighting  Indians,  ])articularly  at  this  season,  \\hen  the 
giuss  is  so  vcp'  bright.  Every  man,  and  even  my  cabin-boy,  fought 
well.  We  had  jo  regulars,  5  riflemen,  and  20  of  oiu'selves.  Mr.  Haw,  of 
Platte,  Mr.  Hempstead  Soiiilard,  and  one  of  the  lialettes,  Avere  with  us, 
and  fought  well." 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place  was  about  40  miles  above  Prairie 
du  Chien,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Mississippi,  nearly  opjiosite  the  iiioiith 
of  the  loway  ;  and  the  whites  were  very  fortunate  in  being  able,  ;it  the 
same  time,  to  cooperate  by  land  and  water.     Gen,  Atkinson  having 


[Bjok  V. 

f  mounted 

;  with  his 
itry,  it  ap- 
the  mouth 
ors,  suffer- 
,  by  wLich 
,  In  their 
re  overset, 
hem  were 
vas  doleful 
1  state  that 
>  add,  that 
y  received 
erstood  in 

or,  with  a 
return  the 

n  Monday 

'^apashaw's 

!  Sacs,  and 

ivay  down, 

idians  (our 

'^e  stopped 

n  Wednes- 

where  Le 

white  flag, 

them ;  for, 

?hich  they 

remove  a 

)aded  with 

you  saw 

t  them  at 

I  have  a 

through 

m  liour  or 

and  went 

course,  a 

one  man 

we  could 

e  [of  Ccn. 

and  took 

.     I  can 

am  now 

uid  sevcn- 

;^lit.    Wo 

iiat,  Sam, 

when  tlio 

)y,  fiiujilit 

How,  of 

witli   us, 

vo  Pniiric 
he  mouth 
lie,  at  the 
n  liaving 


CHAr.  VIII.] 


XAOPOFE. 


12*J 


formed  a  junction  with  Gen.  Dodi>;e,  tlic  army,  consisting  of  1300  men, 
crossed  th(!  Ouiscoiit«in  on  the  y?  and  '-i8  July,  and  soon  after  fell  uj)on 
the  trail  of  the  Indians,  who  were  flying  from  the  late  scene  of  action  on 
tliat  riv(.'r,  as  we  have  observed  above.  The  country  through  which  the 
army  had  to  march  was  a  continued  series  of  mountains,  covered  to  their 
very  tops  with  a  thick  wood  of  li(!uvy  timlier,  and  much  underwood. 
The  valleys  were  very  deep  and  dillicult  to  be  passed  ;  but  norbiiig  could 
tiauip  the  ardor  of  llit^  whitt>s,  and  they  pressed  ou  to  overtake  Bliuk- 
hawk  before  he  should  be  able  to  escape  across  the  Mississippi.  This 
they  accom})lishe(l,  as  we  have  already  seen.  The  place  where  they  were 
ovc'takon  was  very  favorable  for  the  Indians,  as  may  be  jugded  by  their 
being  ;il)le  to  maintain  a  light  of  about  three  lionrs,  in  their  wretched,  half- 
starved  condition,  with  not  more  than  .'WO  warriors.  They  W(;re  discov- 
ered in  a  deep  ravine,  at  the  foot  of  a  ])n  cipire,  over  which  the  army  had 
to  pass;  and  tlx^y  were  routed  only  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Old  logs, 
high  grass  and  large  trees  covered  them  imiil  the  charge  was  made,  when, 
Hi  tli(!y  were  driven  from  one  covert,  they  readily  found  another,  and 
thus  was  the  light  protractiid.  At  length  the  whites  were  able  so  to  dis- 
pose of  their  force,  as  to  come  u|)on  them  above  and  below,  and  also  in 
the  centre.  No  chance  remained  now  to  the  Indians,  but  to  swim  the 
Mississippi,  or  elude  the  vigilance  of  their  encsmies  by  land,  who  had 
nearly  encomiiassed  them.  Alany,  therefore,  undertook  the  former  means 
of  flight,  but  few  escaped  by  it,  as  the  greatest  slaughter  was  in  the  river; 
but  a  considerable  nund)er  foimd  means  to  escape  by  land.  One  hun- 
dred and  flfty  of  them  were  supposed  to  have  been  killeu  in  this  battle. 

Black-hawk  was  among  those  who  escaped,  but  his  |)recipitation  was 
such,  that  he  leli:  even  his  papers  behind  him;  one  of  which  was  a  cer- 
tificate from  British  ofhcers,  that  he  had  served  faithfully  and  fought  val- 
iantly for  them  in  their  late  war  against  the  United  States.  Tlie  prison- 
ers taken  at  this  time  stated  that  at  the  battle  on  the  Ouisconsin,  with  the 
force  under  Gen.  Dodge,  G8  of  their  nund)ers  were  killed  and  many 
wounded. 

It  was  now  thought  that  the  Sacs  would  be  glad  to  make  |)eace  on  any 
terms.  Accordingly  Gen.  Mkinson  determincil  to  order  Keokuk  to  de- 
mand a  surrender  of  the  remaining  principal  men  of  the  hostile  party. 
From  the  battle  ground  the  Gen(>rals  .M'i'hwh,  Dodge  and  Posey  went 
down  the  river  to  Fort  Crawibrd,  (I*ralri(!  du  Clfaui,)  in  the  VV^arrior,  and 
the  army  followed  by  land.  On  the  4  August,  Capt.  Pncc,  with  a  small 
company,  killed  and  took  12  Sacs  between  Cassville  and  the  Ouisconsin. 

The  fortune  of  the  hostile  ludiiuis  having  now  become  desperate, 
enough  of  their  country nicn  were  ready  to  volunteer  to  hunt  them  in 
every  place.  On  the  3  August,  100  .Sioux  had  ])erinission  to  go  out  after 
them,  and  soon  after  another  smaller  band  set  oil'.  News  was  soon  after 
brought,  that  these  had  overtaken  the  hostile  Sacs  and  Foxes  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  in  a  light  had  killed  about  120  of  them. 

Keokuk  was  chief  of  the  friendly  Sacs,  and,  al)out  the  same  time,  caused 
a  nephew  of  his  to  be  given  up  to  the  whites,  as  being  the  murderer  of 
one  Martin,  in  Warren  county,  Illinois. 

uVaopope  was  second  in  conunand  to  Black-hawk,  and  in  all  the  ex])o- 
ditions  against  the  whites;  he  was  taken  prisoner  ir'.  the  fight  with  the 
Sioux,  and  at  his  examination  afterwards  I ly  Gen.  Siotl,  about  tin;  murders 


w 


liich  had  been  committed  ou  tli(>  whites,  !ie  g;ive 


this  account  of  himself: — 
"  I  always  belonged  to  Black-hawk's  band.  Last  summer  I  wint  to  Mai- 
den ;  tvhen  I  came  bark,  I  found  that  by  the  treaty  with  (Sen.  (iaines,  the 
Sacs  had  moved  across  the  Mississippi.  I  rcniainvd  iluring  the  tvinter  loith 
the  prophet,  on  Rock  River,  35  /»(7(.s'  above  the  mouth.  During  the  tvinter, 
the  prophet  sent  me  across  the  Mississippi,  to  I5hick-hawk,  ivith  a  message, 


130 


DECORIE. 


[Book  V. 


to  tell  him  and  his  band  to  ci-oss  back  to  his  village  and  make  corn  :  that  if 
the  Jlmericans  came  and  told  them  to  move  as;ain,  they  would  shake  hands 
with  them.  If  the  Americans  had  come  and  told  us  to  move,  we  shoidd  have 
shaken  hands,  and  immediately  have  moved  peaceably.  We  encamped  on 
Syracuse  Creek.  We  met  some  Potlowattomies,  and  I  made  a  feast  for  them. 
Jit  that  time  I  heard  there  were  some  Jlmericans  [under  Major  Stillman] 
near  us.  I  prepared  a  white  fag  to  go  and  see  them,  and  sent  two  or  three 
young  men  on  a  hill  to  see  ivhat  they  were  doing.  Before  the  feast  tvas 
finished,  I  heard  my  young  men  were  killed.  This  tvas  at  sunset.  Some  of 
my  young  men  ran  oid ;  two  killed,  and  the  Americans  were  seen  rushing  on 
to  oar  camp.  My  young  men  fred  a  few  guns,  and  the  Americans  ran  off, 
and  my  young  men  chased  them  about  six  miles." 

J^Taopope  further  saitl,  tliat  the;  Pottowattomies  of  the  Village  immediate- 
ly irft  thei)),  and  that  no  Kickapoos  joined  them,  but  thoge  who  wore 
orifrinally  with  Black-hawk;  but  the  Winnebagoes  did,  and  brought  in 
scalps  fre()uently  ;  that,  at  last,  when  they  found  tlie  Sacs  would  be 
beaten,  they  turned  againsst  theui.  It  was  also  given  in  by  some  of  those 
examined  at  this  time,  that  Black-hawk  said,  when  the  stetimboat  War- 
rior ap[)rouclied  them,  that  he  {)itied  the  woiuen  and  children,  and  liegan 
to  make  pre|mrations  to  surrender  to  the  whites,  and  for  tliat  purpose 
sent  out  a  white  flag  to  meet  the  boat,  which  immediately  fired  upon 
them.  Then  said  he,  "  I  fred  too."  The  truth  of  this  will  not  be  ques- 
tioned,  inasmuch  as  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain  of  the  Warrior's  own 
account.  Hence  the  inference  is  clear,  that  mu(;li  blood  might  have  been 
saved,  but  for  the  precipitancy  of  those  who  only  sought  revenge. 

The  bloody  scene  on  the  morning  of  the  2  August  may  be  considered 
as  the  last  act  of  hostility  of  importance  between  the  whites  and  Indians. 
Parties  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  continually  on  the  alert,  that  it 
seeiued  very  probable  the  [)rincipal  chiefs  would  soon  fall  into  their 
hands.  These  expectations  were  soon  realized;  for  at  11  o'clock,  27 
August,  Black-hawk  and  his  prophet  were  delivered  to  Gen.  Street  at 
Prairie  du  Chien.  They  were  brought  l)y  two  Winnebagocs,  Decorie  and 
Chactar,  and,  when  delivered,  were  dressed  in  a  fii'.i  dress  of  white  tanned 
deerskins.  Soon  after  they  were  seated  in  the  presence  of  the  oificer, 
Decorie,  called  the  One-eyed,  rose  and  spoke  thus  to  him : — 

"  My  father,  I  now  stand  before  you.  When  we  parted,  I  told  you  I 
would  return  soon;  but  I  could  not  come  any  sooner.  We  have  had  to 
go  a  great  distance,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  above  the  Portage.] 
You  see  we  have  done  wliat  you  ssnt  us  to  do.  These  [pointing  to  the 
prisoners]  ar^  the  two  you  told  us  to  get. — We  have  done  what  you  told 
us  to  do.  We  always  do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  our 
good.  Fatlier,  you  told  us  to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  cause 
of  nuich  good  to  the  Wimiebagoes.  We  have  brought  them,  but  it  has 
been  very  hard  for  us  to  do  so.  That  one,  Mucatamishkakaekq,  [meaning 
Black-hawk,]  was  a  great  way  off.  You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  you 
alive:  we  have  done  so.  If  you  had  told  us  to  bring  their  heads  alone, 
we  would  have  done  so,  and  it  would  have  been  less  difficult  than  what 
we  have  done. — Fathei  we  deliver  these  men  into  your  liands.  We 
would  not  deliver  them  e  en  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the  warriors,  but 
to  you  ;  because  we  know  j'(hi,  a^d  we  believe  you  are  our  friend.  We 
want  you  to  keep  them  safe .  i*"  they  are  to  be  hurt,  we  do  not  wish  to 
see  it.  Wait  until  we  are  gone  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many  little 
birds  have  l)een  flying  about  our  ears  of  late,  an<l  we  thought  they  vtliis- 
pered  to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us;  but  now  we  hopt;  th(  »o 
evil  birds  will  l»!t  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  arc  oiu*  friend,  bcauso 
you  take  our  part,  and  that  is  the  reason  wo  do  what  you  tell  us  to  do. 
You  say  you  love  your  red  children :  we  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


CIIAETON. 


131 


•71 :  that  if 
hake  hands 
thould  have 
icamped  on 
istfor  them. 
'  Sttlhnan] 
wo  or  three 
'.  feast  tvas 
.  Some  of 
rvshinf^  on 
ans  ran  off, 

immediate- 
wlio  Avcre 
broiiplit  in 
;  would  be 
ne  of  those 
iboat  War- 
nil  d  began 
lat  j)urpose 
fired  upon 
ot  be  (|ues- 
\rrior's  own 
t  have  been 
ige. 

:  considered 
iiid  Indians, 
lert,  tiiat  it 
1  into  their 
o'clock,  27 
n.  Street  at 
Decorie  and 
ite  tanned 
the  oificer, 

told  you  I 
ave  liad  to 

Portage.] 

ting  i">  the 

at  you  told 

it  is  for  our 

the  cause 

but  it  has 

,  [meaning 

em  to  you 

■ads  alone, 

than  what 

aids.     We 

aniors,  but 

ieiid.     W> 

ot  wish  to 

many  liule 

th(>y  wiiis- 

lop(!  tlu'ae 

id,  because 

us  to  do. 
luich  if  not 


more  than  you  love  us.  We  have  confidence  in  you,  and  you  may  rely- 
on  us. — We  have  been  prouiised  a  great  deal  if  wo  would  take  these  meu, 
— that  it  would  do  much  good  to  our  people.  We  now  hope  to  see  what 
will  l)e  done  for  us. — We  liave  come  in  haste ;  we  are  tired  and  hungry. 
We  now  put  these  men  into  your  hands.  We  have  done  all  that  you 
told  us  to  do." 

Gen.  Street  said  in  answer  : — 

"  My  children,  you  have  done  well.  I  told  you  to  bring  these  men  to 
me,  and  you  have  done  so.  I  am  pleased  at  w  "lat  you  have  done.  It  is 
for  your  good,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  pleased.  I  assured  the  great 
chief  of  the  warriors,  [Gen.  Atkinson,]  that  if  these  men  were  in  your 
country,  you  would  find  them,  and  bring  them  to  me,  and  now  I  can  say 
much  for  your  good.  I  will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  jirisouers, 
and  I  wish  you  who  have  brought  these  men,  especially,  to  go  with  me, 
with  such  other  chiefs  and  warriors  as  you  may  select.  My  children,  the 
great  chief  of  the  warriors,  when  he  left  this  place,  directed  me  to  deliver 
these,  and  all  other  prisoners,  to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  at  this  place, 
Col.  Taylor,  who  is  here  by  me.—  Some  of  the  Winnebagoes  south  of  the 
Ouisconsin  have  befriended  the  Saukies,  [Sacs,]  and  some  of  the  Indians 
of  my  agency  have  also  given  them  aid.  This  displeaseth  tl  "3  great  chief 
of  the  warrioi-s  and  your  great  father  the  president,  and  was  calculated  to 
do  much  harm. — Your  great  father,  the  president  at  Washington,  has  sent 
a  great  war  chief  from  the  far  east,  Gen.  Scott,  with  a  fresh  army  of  sol- 
diers. He  is  now  at  Rock  Island.  Your  great  father,  the  president,  hns 
sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to  hold  a  council  with  the 
Indians.  He  has  sent  a  speech  to  you,  and  wishes  the  chiefs  and  warriors 
of  the  Wiiinabagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  the  council  on  the  tenth  of 
next  month.  I  wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days,  when  I  will  go  with 
you. — I  am  well  i^.eased  that  you  have  taken  ♦he  lilack-haivk,  the  prophet, 
and  others  prisoners.  This  will  enable  mt  to  say  much  for  you  to 
the  great  chief  of  the  warriora,  and  to  the  president,  your  great  father. 
xMy  children,  I  shall  now  deliver  the  two  men.  Black-hawk  and  the  i>rophet, 
to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  here ;  he  will  take  care  of  them  till  we  start 
to  Rock  Island." 

Col.  Tai/lor,  having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custody,  addressed  the 
.hiefs  as  fisUows: — 

"The  great  chief  of  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisoners  when 
you  shall  bi'ing  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I  will  take 
tliein  and  keep  them  safe,  but  I  will  use  them  well,  and  send  them  with 
you  and  (ien.  Street,  when  you  go  down  to  the  coimcil,  which  will  be  in 
a  few  days.  Your  friend.  Gen.  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go 
down  soon,  and  so  do  I.  I  tell  you  again  I  will  take  the  prisoners ;  I 
will  keep  them  safe,  but  1  will  do  them  no  harm.  I  will  deliver  them  to 
the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  he  will  do  with  them  and  use  them 
in  such  manner  as  shall  be  ordered  by  your  gi-eat  father,  the  president." 

Chaeton,  the  other  Winnebago,  next  spoke,  and  said,  "  My  father,  I  am 
young,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
I  ever  spoke  to  you  before  people. — I  am  no  chief;  I  am  no  orator ;  but 
I  have  been  allowed  to  speak  to  you.  If  I  should  not  speak  as  well  as 
others,  still  you  must  listen  to  me. — Father,  when  you  made  the  speech 
to  the  chiefs  Wav3;h-kon-decorie-€arramani,  the  One-eyed  Decorie  and 
others  'lother  day,  I  was  there.  1  heard  you.  I  thought  what  you  said 
to  them,  you  also  said  to  me.  You  said,  if  these  two  [pointing  to  Black- 
hawk  and  the  prophet]  were  taken  by  us  and  brought  to  you,  there  would 
never  more  a  black  cloud  hang  over  your  Winnebagoes. — Your  words 
entered  into  my  ear,  into  my  brains,  and  into  my  lieart.  I  left  here  that 
same  night,  and  you  know  you  have  not  seen  me  since  until  now.  —I 


332 


rROPIIKT. 


[TlooK  V. 


have  been  a  preat  way ;  I  had  much  irouble ;  but  when  I  remembered 
what  you  said,  I  knew  wliat  you  snid  was  right.  This  made  me  continue 
and  do  what  you  told  me  to  do. — Near  tiie  Dallo,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  I 
took  Black-hatvk.  No  on(^  did  it  but  me.  I  say  this  in  the  cars  of  all 
jiresenf,  and  they  know  it — and  I  now  appeal  to  the  Great  Hi>irit,  our 
grandfather,  and  the  enrtii,  our  frraiidmotjior,  lor  the  truth  of  what  I 
say. — Father,  I  am  no  ciiicf,  but  what  I  have  done  is  for  the  benefit  of 
my  nation,  and  I  hope  to  s(>e  tiie  good  that  has  l)een  promised  to  us. — 
Tliat  one,  Wa-ho-kie-shick,  [the  prophet,]  is  my  relation — if  he  is  to  be 
hurt,  I  do  not  wish  to  see  it. — Fatlicr,  soldiers  sometimes  stick  the  ends 
of  their  gims  into  the  backs  of  Iiidian  prisonei-s  when  they  are  going 
about  in  tlie  hands  of  the  guard.  I  hoj)e  this  will  not  be  done  to  these 
men." 

On  the  7  September,  the  Indian  ])risoners  and  their  guards  went  on 
board  the  steamboat  Winnebago,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to 
Jefferson  BaiTacks,  ten  miles  below  St.  Louis.  There  were,  besides 
Black-hawk  and  the  prophet,  (eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  together  with  about  tiHy  h'ss  distinguished  warriors.  These  were 
landed  just  above  the  lowerrapids,  on  their  pledge  of  remaining  peaceable. 
Two  days  before,  a  boat  had  con\(;yed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  war- 
riors, among  whom  was  JVaopope.  On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of 
them  were  put  in  irons. 

Black-hawk  is  not  so  old  a  man  as  was  generally  supposed.  Some 
who  knew  him  well  said  he  was  not  above  48,  although  the  toils  of  wars 
hud  made  him  appear  like  one  of  70.  He  was  by  birth  a  Potto^vattoinie, 
but  brought  up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  about  six  feet.  As  to  his  phys- 
iognomy, it  is  unnecessary  for  us  to  add  concerning  it  here,  as  that  may 
be  better  had  from  an  inspection  of  the  engraving  at  the  head  of  this 
chapter.  Our  likeness  is  said,  by  many  who  have  seen  him,  to  be  excel- 
lent. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  many  ways  as  times  used  by 
different  writers.  At  a  treaty  which  he  made  with  the  United  States  in 
1829,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  it  is  written  Hay-ray-ishoan-sharp.  In  a 
description  of  him  about  the  time  he  was  taken,  we  find  him  spelt  Miis- 
cata-mish-ka-kaek ;  and  several  otliei-s  might  be  added. 

The  prophet,  or  fVahokieshiek,  (white-cloud,)  is  about  40  years  old,  and 
nearly  six  feet  high,  stout  and  athletic.  Ke  was  by  one  side  a  Winnebago, 
and  the  other,  a  Sac  or  Saukie,  and  is  thus  described : — He  "  has  a  large 
liroad  face,  short  blunt  nose,  large  fuil  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  witli 
a  full  suit  of  hair.  He  wore  a  white  cloth  head-dress  which  rose  several 
inches  above  the  toj)  of  his  head.  The  whole  man  exhibiting  a  deliberate 
.savageness ;  not  that  he  would  seem  to  delight  in  honorable  war,  or  fight ; 
but  marking  him  as  the  priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder.  He  had 
in  one  liantl  a  white  flag,  while  the  other  hung  carelessly  by  his  side. 
They  were  both  clothed  in  very  white  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the 
seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same."  This  description,  though  written 
long  before  any  painting  was  made  of  him,  will  be  found,  we  think,  to  cor- 
respond very  well  with  the  engraving  of  him  on  the  following  page. 

It  is  said  by  many,  that  Wahokieshiek  was  the  prime  mover  of  this  war, 
and  had  powwowed  up  a  belief  among  his  peoj)le,  that  he  was  able  to 
conjure  such  kind  of  events  as  he  desired  ;  aiid  that  he  had  made  Black- 
hawk  believe  the  whites  were  but  few,  and  could  not  fight,  and  therefore 
might  easily  be  driven  from  the  dis|)uted  lands.  It  seems,  however,  rather 
incredible  that  Black-haivk  should  have  believed  that  the  Americans  tvere 
few  and  coiUd  notfischt,  when  it  is  known  that  he  was  opposed  to  them  in 
the  last  war,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  convinced  of  the  falsity  of 
Buch  a  report  long  before  this  war. 


[Book  V. 

membcred 
e  continue 
igoonsin,  I 
pars  of  all 
r«|>int,  our 
of  what  I 
benefit  of 
d  to  us. — 
e  is  to  be 
c  the  ends 
are  going 
le  to  these 

s  went  on 
le  river  to 
re,  besides 
e  Sacs  and 
riiese  were 
f  peaceable, 
seven  war- 
racks,  all  of 

ed.  Some 
>ils  of  wars 
towattoinie, 
to  his  phys- 
us  that  may 
cad  of  this 
o  be  excel- 

les  used  by 
1  States  in 
rp.  In  a 
spelt  Mus- 

•s  old,  and 
IVinnebago, 
|ias  a  large 
lips,  with 
(se  several 
deliberate 
ir,  or  fight ; 
He  had 
his  side, 
iged  at  the 
igh  written 
link,  to  cor- 
page. 

If  this  war, 

las  al)le  to 

ide  Black- 

tliereibre 

|vcr,  rather 

•icaiis  tcert 

:o  them  in 

falsity  of 


Chap  VIII.] 


PROPHET. 


133 


In  September,  a  treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Win- 
uebagoes,  and  another  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  The  former  ceded  all 
their  lands  south  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  east  of  the  Mississippi,  amounting 
to  4,000,000  acres  of  valuable  lands.  The  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes  was  on  the  21  of  that  month,  and  0,000,000  acres  were  acquired  at 
that  time,  "  of  a  quality  not  inferior  to  any  between  the  same  parallels  of 
latitude."     It  abounds  in  lead  ore,  and  the  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  the  United  States  agreed  to  make  the  following  con- 
siderations : — "  to  pay  an  annuity  of  20,000  dollars  for  30  years ;  to  support 
a  blacksmith  and  gunsmith  in  addition  to  those  then  employed ;  to  pay  the 
debts  of  the  tribes;  to  supply  provisions;  and,  as  a  reward  for  the  fidelity 
of  Keokuk  and  the  friendly  band,  to  allow  a  reservation  to  be  made  for 
them  of  400  miles  square*  on  the  loway  River,  to  include  KeokuKs  prin- 
cipal village." 

By  the  same  treaty,  Black-hmvk,  his  two  sons,  the  prophet  Naopope, 
and  five  others,  princij)al  warrioi-s  of  the  hostile  bands,  were  to  remain  in 
the  hands  of  tiie  whites,  as  hostages,  during  the  pleasure  of  the  president 
of  the  United  States.  The  other  prisoners  were  given  up  to  the  friendly 
Indians. 

A  gentleman  who  visited  the  captive  Indians  at  Jeffei-son  Barracks, 
Missouri,  speaks  thus  concerning  them : — "  We  were  immediately  struck 
with  admiration  at  the  gigantic  and  symmetrical  figures  of  most  of  the 
warriors,  who  seemed,  as  they  reclined  in  native  ease  and  gracefuhicss, 
with  their  half-naked  bodies  exposed  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  some 
master-hand,  than  like  beings  of  a  race  whom  we  had  heard  ciiaractcrized 
as  degenerate  and  debased.  We  extended  our  liands,  which  they  rose  to 
grasp,  and  to  our  question, '  How  d'ye  do .''  they  responded  in  the  same 

*  So  says  our  aulliority,  (AV'm's  Rcg;istcr.)  hut  wo  very  mucli  doubt  tliis  onoruions 
spare.    U)  inilos  siiuaro  tjivcs  IfiOO  square  miles,  wliicli  porliai)s  niiglit  have  been  llie 
truth,    But  when  1(30,000  suuare  miles  arc  considered,  all  probability  is  outraged. 
12 


134 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


words,  a'  conipunying  them  vvitli  a  hearty  shake."  "  They  were  clad  in 
leggins  iiid  iiicccaHins  of  buckskin,  and  wore  blankets,  which  were 
thrown  around  them  in  the  manner  of  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave 
their  right  arms  bare."  "  Tiio  youngest  among  them  were  painted  on 
their  nocks,  with  a  bright  vermilion  color,  and  had  their  faces  transversely 
streaked  with  alternate  red  and  black  stripes.  From  their  bodies,  and 
from  tlieir  faces  and  eyebrows,  they  pluck  out  the  hair  with  the  most 
assiduous  care.  They  also  shave,  or  pull  it  out  from  their  lieads,  with 
the  exception  of  a  tuft  of  about  three  fingers'  width,  extending  from  be- 
tween the  forehead  and  crown  to  the  back  of  the  head :  this  they  some- 
h  nes  jjlait  into  a  queue  on  the  crown,  and  cut  the  edges  of  it  down  to 
an  incli  in  length,  uui.  j.laster  it  with  the  vermilion  which  keeps  it  erect, 
and  gives  it  t'     •\{>])earance  of  a  cock's  comb." 

The  same  i  f  .  i,  the  oldest  son  of  Black-hawk,  J^asineunskuk, 

called  Jack,  but  ■  '  wa.  t  'f  "  that  peculiar  expres,iion  which  emanates  from 
a  cultivated  inte.  v  I,"  co"' "'  have  been  looked  u')on  by  him  "  as  the  living 
})ei-sonification  of  his  beau  .al  of  manly  beauty."  He  calls  Black-hawk 
^/ac/c-atoma-stc-ac-ac,  and  states  his  height  ate  bout  5  feet  8  inches,  and 
that  he  should  judge  his  age  to  be  50.  Those  who  have  known  him  for 
years,  say  his  disposition  is  very  amiable ;  that  he  is  endowed  with  great 
kindness  of  heart,  and  the  strictest  integrity;  that,  like  Mishikinakwu,  he 
was  not  u  chief  by  birth,  but  acquired  the  title  by  bravery  and  wis(^om. 

JVaseuskuck,  or  the  Thundercloud,  is  the  second  son  of  Black-hawk,  and 
accompanied  him  in  his  captivity.    He  is  said  not  to  be  very  handsome. 

Opeekeeshieck,  or  Wahokieshiek,  the  prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already 
given  some  particulars,  carries  with  him  a  huge  pipe,  a  yard  in  length, 
with  the  stem  ornamented  with  the  neck  feathers  of  a  duck,  and  beads 
and  ribbons  of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attached  a  fan  of  feathers. 
He  wears  his  hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

Miopope,  JVaapope,  &c.  or  Broth,  of  whom  we  have  also  several  times 
spoken,  was  brother  to  the  prophet,  and  "some  years  his  junior;"  and  our 
informant  adds,  "  he  resembles  him  in  height  and  figure,  though  he  is  not 
so  robust,  and  his  face  is  more  sharp:  in  wickedness  of  expression  they 
are  par  nobile  fralrum.''''  "  When  Mr.  Catlin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking 
the  portrait  of  JVaapope,  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  were  fastened 
to  his  leg,  and  raising  them  on  high,  exclaimed,  Avith  a  look  of  scorn, 
^Make  me  so  ami  shotu  me  to  the  great  father.''  On  Mr.  Catlin's  refusing  to 
jjaint  him  as  he  wished,  he  kept  varying  bis  countenance  with  grimaces, 
to  prevent  him  from  catching  a  likeness. 

'■'■  Poweeshieck,  or  Strawberry,  is  the  only  Fox  among  them,  the  rest 
being  all  Sacs.  He  is  the  son  of  the  chief  Epanoss :  his  parents  dying 
while  he  was  an  infant,  he  was  adopted  by  JVaapope.  He  is  19  years 
of  age."       ^  .       . 

"  Pomahoe,  or  Fast-sioimming-Jish,  is  a  short,  thick  set,  good-natured  old 
brave,  who  bears  his  misfortunes  with  a  philosophy  worthy  of  the  an- 
cients." 

The  following  act  of  congress  we  extract,  as  it  throws  light  upon  sub- 
sequent details : — "  For  the  expenses  of  12  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Sac 
and  Fox  tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  be  held  as  hostages,  under 
the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of 


provisions  and  clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of 
removing  them  to  a  place  of  safety,  where  they  may  be  kept  without 
being  closely  confined,  the  sum  of  2500." 

On  the  22  April,  (1833,)  the  captive  Indians  arrived  at  Washington,  and 
the  next  day  Black-hau'k  had  a  long  interview  with  President  Jackson. 
The  first  words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president,  were,  "I 
AM  A  MAN,  AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHER."    Before  this  it  was  iu- 


[Book  V. 

ere  clad  in 
liicli  were 
IS  to  leave 
painted  on 
ransversely 
jodies,  and 
1  the  most 
leads,  with 
?  from  be- 
ihey  some- 
it  down  to 
ps  it  erect, 

isineioiskuk, 
anatcH  from 
s  the  living 
Black-hawk 
inches,  and 
vn  him  for 
[  with  great 
linakwu,  he 
nd  wis(^om. 
'c-hawk,  and 

handsome, 
ave  already 
I  in  length, 
.  and  beads 

of  feathers. 

jveral  times 
;"  and  our 
1  he  is  not 
ession  they 
30ut  taking 
re  fastened 
of  scorn, 
efiising  to 
grimaces, 

Ti,  the  rest 
ents  dying 
s  19  years 

natured  old 
of  the  an- 

upon  siib- 
of  the  Sac 


ges, 


under 


le  cost  of 
id  cost  of 
pt  without 

ington,  and 
It  Jackson. 
were,  "  I 
it  was  iu- 


Chap.  VIII] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


185 


tended  to  confine  the  Indians  at  Fortress  Monroe,  at  Old  Point  Comfirt, 
Va.  but  after  this  interview  the  president  altered  his  determination,  and  con- 
cluded to  send  them  home  on  j)arol»',  atler  enforcing  upon  their  minds 
the  folly  of  contending  witii  the  whites  in  war.  To  eflect  this  object,  it 
was  ordered  that  they  shouhl  visit  some  of  the  most  populous  cities  in  the 
United  States.  Accordingly,  they  visited  Baltimore,  Philadelphia  and 
New  York.  From  the  latter  j)lacc  they  took  their  departure  for  the  west, 
2G  June,  by  way  of  Albany  and  the  lakes.  After  visiting  the  Senecas, 
they  proceeded  to  Detroit,  thence  to  Chicago,  near  the  scenes  of  the  lato 
war. 

VVlien  Mr.  Diirnnt  was  about  to  ascend  in  his  balloon  from  the  battery 
in  New  York,  the  steamboat  in  which  the  Indians  came  to  that  city  had 
just  arrived  in  view.  They  observed  with  great  attention  the  aeronaut 
and  his  machine  ;  and  when  one  asked  Black-hawk  what  ho  thought  of 
tiieni,  he  said,  "  That  man  is  a  great  brave — donH  think  he  will  ever  get 
back."  Shortly  after,  when  the  balloon  had  attained  a  vast  height,  the 
old  chief  exclaimed, "  /  think  he  can  go  to  the  heavens — to  f     Great  Spirit." 


